Newspapers / Henderson Gold Leaf (Henderson, … / Dec. 9, 1897, edition 1 / Page 1
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Advertising Brings Success.. That it pays to advertise in the (Jour I.kaf, is shown by its well As an Advertising Medium The Goi.n Leak stand at the head of ft Q newspapers in tuts section filled nd vert isinjj; columns SENSIBLE BUSINESS MEN ot the famous BRIGHT TOBACCO DISTRICT' A Do not continue to Hjr;it'l trol money where no .ippn-ciable returns are seen. The most wide-awake and turte&sful business men use its columns with the highest Satisfaction and Profit to Themsclfes. That is Proof that it Pays Them. THAD R. HANKING, Publisher. J cc Oajroien-, Carot j-nsr a, HjE-A."VE3sr's Blesshtgs j-tteistid IEIezr.. 77 i SDBSCR1PTI05 $1.50 Cash. VOL. XVI. HENDERSON, N. C, THURSDAY, DECEMBER 9, 1897. NO. 52. e c L M fe if J ' !, - . -y-iJ J far- - ... ' AJ-J I'L"ty Yc.-rr, Ao. ." l i t Ivii. i.i tl.r White House elm '.'i.:..- ,i; :...v.;: , ;. . J. ctor Aver; : '.: B( : Li: ,y j ., ln;m;iii ui-.il to ; over ti ::v., cue to :r:. ' : : ';' power of will ' s !' on a livcr-pill, : ; '" A ;- : '.-. I'llls I ttow 1 -,i ti 1 .J : crs ego. Cciiharlic Pills ") to B up ply a ...j-.tivo to pcoplo who i.:r ii.ji; -i-d l'iwmsave3 an,; nwdieines. lieinjj prt-p.-ir- l and their iu ; '-.i ' lotsd to the exact :: y.i ot Van bowels and ' Ppu:.--.rity w.'ik in-r--t this popu-- boon j -.-lint-lined is ed in tho modal thef,n pii:3 at the "I f.f-.O y ii I. srn c? Cv, - . eeieto- ; Perfect 5 Health- j Is Man's Greatest Blessing. f I 1 1 . i v pet feet health it is neces- 9 -my that tlic Illood be pure, the t sv-tem fire t mm poisonou-. t;ei 'ins in li)M)'ilit;ii y taints. As ;i i)ci l)-ct BLOOD PURIFIHR Mrs. Jos Person's Remefly tills i-vr'iy repiireineiit. It is the A L'ri'ati'st cl-a!iM'r of tlif system aihl I'm ii'n-r )f tlu- l)liioil extant Scrofula, S Old Sores, ? Rheumatism, Eczema, I I Tetter, W all iliseases f the lllixnl ami " Skin ti ailily i)-lil tx its treiituient. A N.-viT )li-aiVM)ints. It has enrol A ntliets it will pin yon. A trial will cuiivinci'. Write fur teMiunt- J fc Mills. I'dtiillici' ami Lalmi atury K 1 1 i -1(1:1.1.. N . ( '. 6 S)Iit in lleiiilt'isnti hy the O Dorsey Oruff Co., IMiil H. Tliomas, nj V. W. Parker. FRANCIS A. MACON, Surneon Dentist, lll NDHRSOX, NORTH CAROLINA All work in op-rative ami mechanical 'l-i-iiy. N Chart-'i' for exainiiiiitiott. till, re: Dr. I'.oytl's old rooms, over I.. r A Mitchi'U's store. t ii. s !;i'i:s. A I I OKNKY AT IjAW, rs;. M.'e: In Harris' Jaw tiuiMind neai f ' U I llolt-". y:. i s. ii uiris, DENTIST, iiiNHI'KSON, N. C. .-" itice over K. (1. Davis' store. Ma " , r lan. 1-a. nre a fo;ircc of comfort. Tlicv :-.re : source of care, al.-o. If vo-.i care for your chnd s lu-.ilth. setul for illnstratcil l ook on tlie disorders to which I'lil'.rcii are subject, and which Frcv's Verm i fut'e- li..s cured for 51) vcars. cue l. r.:il t -r .'." - ti'f. 11. A , 1-5I;V, Uulthnurr, Hi ENNVI2SYAL FILLS 9 j-Zty !.-lm.l tin ! :::v 4ipfl1lnt ..-.t f.T"("Y cur a f-'.'O.'iJi'i 'ia- O.iii.I 1;, Mr A 3I.il K?llllO' - - x.oi 1; n l-nit' rit.t. :l. tTukO ... t... A.--.... .....i. Tnia MthititU- .i.... .'.j,- !..... ae erai.-cis:. or send 4 clli-f lor m Inter. h ret.ro i!. 1'.H: rtiir.OT-als. S.imr l'aer. Mfrl fcc!uiculto.,Mudin llne"i oii. fbllada.. i" PARKER'S UIMD R At RAM Clnse Hid bi-atifie the ht5j. Piumxici a lnxui:m pro, Never Fail, to Keator. Oray Hair IO lis uuia "i r if Cure oip d. !.' hir illaii. and $ 1 ,W atrvruirt I-NT FREE to housekeepers Liebig COMPANY'S Extract of Beef COOK BOOK-- ti'llm how to prepare many deli cate ami delicious dishes. A ii,'--;, Ufbif: Co.. r. O. Box 2718, New Votk. .7; r hi. i.i pniinjngmpij PRESIDENTS MESSAGE. To the Sc-nate and House of Repre sentatives: It gives me pleasure to extend greet ing to the Fifty-Jifth congress assem bled In regular session at the seat of Kovernment, with many of whose sena tors and representatives I have been associated in the legislative service. Their meeting occurs under felicitous circumstances, justifying sincere con gratulation and calling for our grateful acknowledgment to beneficent Provi dence which haa so signally blessed and prospered us as a nation. Peace and goodwill with all the nations of the ( earth continue unbroken. I A matter of genuine satisfaction is the growing feeling of fraternal regard and unification of all sections of our country, the- incompleteness of which has too long delayed realization of the highest blessings of the Union. The spirit of patriotism is universal, and is ever Increasing in fervor. The public questions which now most engross us . are lifted far above either partisan- j fihip, prejudice or former sectional dif ferences. They affect every part of our common c ountry alike and permit of no j division on anci' nt lines. Questions of 1 foreign policy, of revenue, the sound- ness of the currency, the inviolability 1 of national obligations, the improve ment of the public service, appeal to the individual conscience of every earn est citizen to whatever party he be longs or In whatever section of the country he may reside. The extra session of this congress, which closed during July last, enacted Important legislation, and while its full effect has not yet been realized, what it has already accomplished as sures us of ils timeliness and w'sdom. To test its iiermanent value further time will he required, and the people, satisfied with its operation and results thus far, are in no mind to withhold from it a fair trial. Tariff legislation having been setttled by the extra sevsion of congress, the iiiostioii next pressing for consideration is that of the currency. TH 10 FINANCIAL. PUOHI-KM. Tin- work of putting our finances upon a sound basis, difficult as it may seem, will appear easier when we recall the financial operations of the government since lsUG. With the great resources of the government and with the hon orable example of the past before us we ought not to hesitate to enter upon a currency revision which will make our demand obligations less onerous to the Government and relieve our financial laws from ambiguity and doubt. The brief review of what was accom plished from the close of the war to lSiC makes unreasonable and ground less any distrust either of our financial ability or soundness, while the situa tion from .s!k: to 1S97 must admonish congress of the immediate necessity of so legislating as to make the return of the conditions then prevailing impossi ble. There are many plans proposed as a remedy for the evil. Before we can find the true remedy we must appre ciate the real evil. It is not that our currency of every kind is not good, for every dollar of it is good; good because the government's pledge is out to keep it so. and that pledge will not be brok en. However, the guaranty of our pur pose to keep the pledge will be best slupv by advancing toward its ful fillment. Tin- evil of the present system is found in the great cost to the govern ment of maintaining the parity of our different forms of money that Is. keep ing all of them at par with gold. "We surely cannot be longer heedless of the burden this imposes upon the people, even under fairly prosperous condi tions, while the past four years have demonstrate)! that it is not only expen sive charge upon the government, but a dangerous menace to the national credit. It is manifest that we must devise pome plan to protect the government against bond issues for repeated re demptions. We must either curtail the opportunity for speculation, made easy by the multiplied redemptions of our demand obligations, or increase the gold reserve for their redemption. "We have $900,000,000 of currency which the government by so'enm enactment has undertaken to keep at par with gold. Nobody is obliged to redeem in gold but the government. The government Is obliged to keep equal vith gold all its outstanding currency and coin obli gations, while its receipts are not re quired to be paid in gold, and the only means by which the government can with certainty get gold is by borrowing. The government without any fixed gold revenue is pledged to maintain gold re demption, which it has steadily and faithfully done, and which under the authority now given it will continue to do. HKPIjKNISH IXG GOLD RESERVE. The law which requires the govern ment, after having redeemed its United States notes, to pay them out again as currency funds demands a constant re plenishment of the gold reserve. This is especially so in times of business panic and when the revenues are insuf ficient to meet the expenses of the gov ernment. At such times the govern ment has no other way to supply its deficit and maintain redemption but through the Increase of its bonded debt, as during the administration of my predecessor, when $262,315,400 of V? per cent bonds were issued and sold, and the proceeds used to pay the expenses of the government in excess of the revenues and sustain the gold reserve. While it is true that the greater part of the proceeds of these bonds were used to supply deficient revenues, a considerable portion was required to Haintain the gold reserve. I earnestly recommend that as soon as the receipts of the government are quite sufficient to pay all the expen ses of the government, that when any of the United States notes are presented for redemption in gold, and are redeem ed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart and only raid out in ex change for gold. This is an obvious duty. If the holder of the United States notes prefers the gold and gets It from the government he should not receive back from the government a United States note without paying gold in exchange for it. The reason for this is made all the more apparent when the government issues an interest bearing debt to provide gold for the redemp tion of United States notes a non Interest bearing debt. Surely it should not pay them out again except on de mand, and for gold. If they are put put in any other way they may return to be followed by another bond issue to redeem them another interest bear ing debt to redeem a non-interest bear ing debt. In my view it is of the utmost im portance that the government should; b relieved from the burden of providing all the gold required for exchanges and export. This responsibility is alone borne by the governmen without any of the usual and necessary banking powers to help itself. The banks do not feel the strain of gold redemption. The whole strain rests upon the government and the size of the gold reserve in the treasury has come to be, with or with out reason, the signal of danger or of security. This ought to be stopped. If we are to have an era of prosperity in the country, with sufficient receipts for the exports of the government, we may feel no immediate embarrassment from our present currency, but the dan ger still exists, and will be ever present, menacing us so long as the existing system continues. ENDORSES GAGE'S PLAN. j The secretary of the treasury has out lined a plan in great detail for the pur pose of amoving the threatened re currence of a depleted gold reserve and . save us from future embarrassment on that account. To this plan I invite your careful consideration. i I concur with the secretary of the treasury in his recommendation that national banks be allowed to issue notes to the face value of the bonds which they have deposited for circulation, and that the tax on circulating- notes se- , cured by deposit of such bonds be re duced to one-half of 1 per cent per annum I also join him in recommend ing that authority be given for the es tablishment of national banks, with a minimum capital of $25,000. This will enable the smaller villages and agri cultural regions of the country to be supplied with currency to meet their needs. I recommend that the issue of na tional bank notes be restricted to the denomination of $10 and upwards. If the suggestions I have herein made shall have the approval of congress then I would recommend that national banks be required to redeem their notes in gold. THE CUBAN INSURRECTION. The most important problem with which this government is now called upon to deal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns its duty toward Spain and the Cuban insurrection. Problems and conditions more or less in common with those now existing have confronted this government at various times in the past. The story of Cuba for many years has been one of unrest; growing discontent; an ef fort toward a "arger- enjoyment of lib erty and self control; of organized re sistance to the mother country; of de pression after distress and warfare, and of ineffectual settlement, to be fol lowed by renewed revolt. For no en during period since the enfranchisement of the continental possessions of Spain in the western continent has the con dition of Cuba or the policy of Spain toward Cuba not caused concern to the United States. The prospect from time to time that the weakness of Spain's hold upon the island and the political vicissitudes and embarrassments of the home govern ment might lead to the transfer of Cuba to a continental power called forth, between 1823 and 1860, various emphatic declarations of the policy of the United States to permit no dis turbance of Cuba's connection with Spain under the direction., of independ ence or acquisition by us through pur chase; nor has there been any change of this declared policy since upon the part of the government. The revolution which began in 186S lasted for ten years, despite the stren uous efforts of the successive penin sular governments to suppress it. Then, as now, the government of the United States testified its grave concern and offered its aid to iut an end to blood shed in Cuba. The overtures made by General Grant were refused, and the war dragged on, entailing great loss of life and treasure and increased in jury to American interests, besides throwing enough announced burdens of neutrality upon this government. In 1S78 peace was brought about by the truce of Zanjon, obtained by negotia tions between the Spanish commander, Martinez DeCampos, and the insurgent leaders. The present insurrection broHe out In February, 1S95. It is not my purpose at this time to recall its remarkable Increase or to characterize its tenacious resistance against the enormous forces massed against it by Spain. The re volt and the efforts to subdue it car ried destruction to every quarter of the island, developing wide proportions and defying the efforts of Spain for its suppression. The civilized code of war has been disregarded no less so by the Spaniards than by the Cubans. GRAVEST APPREHENSION. The existing conditions cannot but fill this government and the American people with the gravest apprehension. There is no desire on the part of the people to profit by the misfortunes of Spain. We have only the desire to see the Cubans prosperous and contented, enjoying that measure of self control which is the inalienable right of man, protected in their right to reap the benefit of the exhaustless treasures of their country. The offer made by my predecessor in April, 1SI6, tendering the friendly offices of this government, failed. Any media tion on our part was not accepted. In brief the answer read: "There is no effectual way to pacify Cuba unless it begins with the actual submission of the rebels to the mother country." Then only could Spain act in the promised direction, of her own motion and after her own plans. The cruel policy of concentration was initiated Feb. 16. 1 S96. The pro ductive districts controlled by the Span ish armies were depopulated. The agri cultural inhabitants were herded in and about the garrison towns, their lands laid waste and their dwellings destroy ed. The policy of the late cabinet of Spain justified this as a necessary measure of war and as a means of cut ting off supplies from the insurgents. It has utterly failed as a war measure. It was not civilized warfare. It was extermination. Against this abuse of the rights of war I felt constrained on repeated oc casions to enter the firm and earnest protest of this government. There was much of public condemnation of the treatment of American citizens by al lege Illegal arrests and long imprison ment awaiting trial or pending pro tractej judicial proceedings. I felt It my first duty to make instant demand for the release or speedy trial of all American citizens under arrest. Before the change of the Spanish cabinet in October last 22 prisoners, citizens of , the United States, had been given their 1 freedom. 1 For the relief of our citizens suffering because of the conflict the aid of con gress was sought in a special message, ; and under the appropriation of April 4, 137, effective aid has been given to : American citizens in Cuba, many of j them at their own request having been returned to tne Limea states. OUR PROFFERED AID. The iastructions given to our new minister to Spain before his departure for his post directed him to impress upon that government the sincere wish of the United States to lend its aid to ward the ending of the war in Cuba by reaching a peaceful and lasting re sult, just and honorable alike to Spain and to the Cuban people. It was stated that at this juncture our government was constrained to seriously inquire if the time was not ripe when Spain, of her own volition, moved by her own in terest and every sentiment of human ity, should put a stop to this destruc tive war and make proposals of set tlement honorable to herself and just to her Cuban colony. It was urged that as a neighboring nation, with large in terests in Cuba, we could be required to wait only a reasonable time for the mother country to establish its authori ty and restore peace and order within the borders of the island; that we could not contemplate an indefinite perioQ for the accomplishment of this result. No solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to Spain could attach, and indeed the pre cise proposals were withheld to avoid embarrassment to that government. All that was asked or expected was that some safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peace restored. It so chanced that the consideration of this offer addressed to the Spanish ad ministration, which had declined the tenders of my predecessor and which for more than two years had poured men and treasure into Cuba in the fruitless effort to suppress the revolt, fell to others. The reply to our note was received On the 23d day of October. It is in the di rection of a better understanding. It appreciates the friendly purposes of this government. It admits that our country is deeply affected by the war in Cuba, and that its desires for peace are just. It declares that the present Spanish government is bound by every consideration to a change of policy that should satisfy the United States and pacify Cuba within a reasonable time. To this end Spain has decided to put into effect the political reforms hereto fore advocated by the present premier, without halting for any consideration in the path which in its Judgment leads to peace. The military operations, it Is said, will continue, but will be hu mane, and will be conducted with all regard for private rights, being accom panied by political action leading to the autonomy of Cuba, while guaran teeing Spanish sovereignty. WE MUST REMAIN NEUTRAL. In the absence of a declaration of the measures that this government pro poses to take In carrying out its proffer of good offices, it suggests that Spain be left free to conduct military opera tions and grant ptjiitical reforms while the United States for its part shall en force its neutral obligations and cut off the assistance which it is asserted the insurgents receive from this coun try. The supposition of an Indefinite prolongation of the war is denied. It Is asserted that the western provinces are already well nigh reclaimed, that the planting of cane and tobacco therein has been resumed, and that oy force of arms and new and ample re forms very early and complete pacif ication is hoped for. Discussion of the question of interna tional duties and responsibilities of the United States, as Spain understands them, is made with an apparent dispo sition to charge us with failure in this regard. This charge is without any basis in fact. It could not have been made If Spain had been cognizant of the constant efforts this government has made, at the cost of millions, to perform its full duty according to the law of nations. That it has success fully prevented the departure of a sin gle expedition or armed vessel from our shores In violation of our laws would seem to be sufficient answer. Of the untried measures there re main only: Recognition of the insur gents as belligerents; recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral inter vention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the con testants, and intervention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That, by our code of mor ality, would be criminal aggression. I am not unmindful that the two houses of congress in the spring of 1896 expressed the opinion by resolution that a condition of public war existed, re quiring or justifying the recognition of a state of belligerency in Cuba, and during the extra session the senate voted a joint resolution of like import. which, however, was not brought to a vote in the house of representatives. In the presence of these significant ex pressions of the sentiment of the legis lative branch, it behooves the execu tive to soberly consider the conditions under which so important a measure must needs rest for justification. It ;is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood. Which alone can demand the recogni tion of belligerency in its favor. QUOTES PRESIDENT GRANT. . The wise utterances of President Grant in his memorable message of Dec. 7, 1875, are signally relevant to the present situation in Cuba, and it may be wholesome now to recall them. At that juncture General Grant uttered these words, which now, as then, sum up the elements of the problem: "A recognition of the independence of Cuba being, in my opinion, impracti cable and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the contest. In a former message to congress I had occasion to consider this question, and reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and devastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of war. Now, as in its past history, the United States should care fully avoid the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubt ful law and of unquestionable proprie ty, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule which has been its guide, of doing only that which is right and hon est and of good report. The question of according or of withholding rights of belligerency must be judged in every case, in view of the particular attend ing facts. Unless Justified by necessi ty, it is always, an5 Justly, regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratui tous demonstration of moral support to the rebellion. "I fail to find in the insurrection the existence of such a substantial poli tical organization, real, palpable and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government toward its own people and to other states, with courts for the . .! t.v. inMl habitatVor Treses ing uch organT- S o forceP 4ch material. s7ch oc- cupatton ot teVritory as to take the con- test out of the category of a mere re- bellious insurrection or occasional skirmishes and place tt oa the terrible footing of war, "to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. "The contest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possess ed itself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it any means of communication with foreign powers except through the military lir s of its adversaries. Considered as a question of expediency, I regard the ac - rdanee of belligerent rights still to be as unwise and premature as I re gard it to be, at present, indefensible as a measure of right. DANGERS OF RECOGNITION. "Such recognition entails upon the country according the rights which flow frc . it difficult and complicated duties and .-"quires the exaction from the con tending parties of the strict observance of their rights and obligations. It con fers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels of both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of war which now may be transported freely and without in terruption, in vessels of the United States, to detention and to possible seizure; it would give rise to countless vexatious questions, would release the parent government from responsibility for acts done by the insurgents, and would invest Spain with the right to exercise the supervision recognized by our treaty of 1795 over our commerce on the high seas. There can be little doubt as to what such supervision would before long draw this nation." The president discusses at length the necessity for a policy of international neutrality which must accompany the recognition of beligerency, with the dangers which would necessarily threaten our shipping interests, and proceeds: For these reasons I regard the recog nition of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents as now unwise, and there fore inadmissible. Should that step hereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty the executive will take it. Intervention upon humanitarian grounds has been frequently suggested, and has not failed to receive my most anxious and earnest consideration. But should such a step be now taken when it is apparent that a hopeful change has supervened in the policy of Spain toward Cuba? A new government has taken office in the mother country. It is pledged in advance to the declaration that all the" effort in the world cannot suffice to maintain peace in Cuba by the bayonet; that vague promises of reform after subjugation affected no solution of the insular problem; that with a substitution of commanders must come a change of the past system of warfare for one in harmony with a new policy which shall no longer aim to drive the Cubans to the "horrible alternative of taking to the thicket or succumbing in misery." The first acts of the new government lie in these honorable paths. The policy of cruel rapine and extermination that so long shocked the universal sentiment of humanity has been reversed. Under ; new military commander a broad clemency is proffered. Measures have already been set on foot to relieve the horrors of starvation. The Dower of the Spanish armies, it is asserted, is to be urged not to spread ruin and deso lation, but to protect the resumption of peaceful agricultural pursuits and productive industries. That past meth ods are futile to force a peace by sub jugation is freely admitted, and that ruin without conciliation must in evitably fail to win for Spain the fidel ity of a contented dependency. The president then details the scheme of autonomy for Cuba proposed by the Sagasta cabinet, declares that "the government of Sagasta has entered upon a course from which recession with honor is impossible," and de clares further: GIVE SPAIN A CHANCE. I shall not impugn its sincerity nor should impatience be suffered to em barrass it in the task it has undertaken. It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with Spain that she should be gien a reasonable chance to realize her executions and to prove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things, to which she stands irrevo cably committed. She has recalled the commander whose brutal orders in flamed the American mind and shocked the civilized world She has modified the horrible order of concentration and has undertaken to care for the helpless and permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so and assures them the protection of the Spanish government in their lawful occupations. She has just released the "Competitor" prisoners heretofore sen tenced to death and who have been the subject of repeated diplomatic corre spondence during both this and the preceding administration. Not a single American citizen is now In arrest or confinement in Cuba of whom this government has any knowl edge. The near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the Cubans and to Spain, as well as equita ble to all our interests, so intimately in volved in the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and other action by the United States will remain to be taken. When that times comes that action will be de termined in line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy. Sure of the right, keeping free from f.ll offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, lioved neither by passion nor selfish ness, the government will continue Its watchful care over the rights and DroDerty of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a Deace which shall be honorable and endurine. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity to inter vene with force, it shall be without fault on our part, and only because the . naal) frtf ClirH O T' t ii Tl Will 1 If SO clear as to command the support and I approval of the civilized world. I , . , HAWAIIAN AisjAiiu.x. By a special message dated the 16th day of June last I laid before the sen- . . r j 4n rr t ra plenipotentiaries of the United States and of the republic of Hawaii, having for its purpose the incorporation of the Hawaiian Island as an integral part of the United States and under Its sovereignty. The senate having re moved the injunction of secrecy, al though the treaty is still pending before that body, the subject may be properly referred to in this message, because , the necessary action of the congress is j required to determine by legislat on ' many details of the eventual union chnulH tlie fart of annexation be ac- , compiled, as i believe it should be. I While consistently disavowing from I a very early period any aggressive policy of absorbtion in regard to the Hawaiian group, a large series of dec- laratlons through three-quarters of a century has proclaimed the vital In terest of the United States in the in dependent life of the islands and their intimate commercial dependence upon this country. At the same time it has been repeatedly asserted that in no event could the entity of Hawaiian statehood cease by the passage of the islands under the domination or in fluence of another power than the United States. Under these circum stances the logic of events required that annexation, heretofore offered but declined, should in the ripeness of time come about as the natural result of the strengthening ties that bind us to those islands and be realized by the free will of the Hawaiian state. That treaty was unanimously rati fied without amendment by the senate and president of the republic of Ha waii in the 10th of September last, and only awaits the favorable action of the American senate to effect the complete absorption of the islands into the do main of the United States. What the conditions of such a union shall be, the political relation thereof to the United States, the character of the local ad ministration, the quality and degree of the elective franchise of the inhabi tants, the extension of the federal laws to the territory, or the enactment of special laws to fit the peculiar condi tion thereof, the regulation if need be of the labor system therein, are all matters which the trea'y has wisely relegated to the congress. SHOULD BE CONFIRMED. If the treaty Is confirmed, as every consideration of dignity and honor re quires, the wisdom of congress will see to it that, avoiding abrupt assimila tion of elements perhaps hardly yet fitted to share in the highest fran chises of citizenship, and having due regard to the geographical conditions, the most just provisions for self rule in local matters, with the largest po litical liberties as an integral part of our nation will be accorded to the Ha waiians. No less is due to a people who after nearly five years of demon strated capability to fulfill the obliga tions of self governing statehood, come of their free will to merge their des tinies in our body politic. The questions which have arisen be tween Japan and Hawaii, by reason of the treatment of Japanese laborers em igrating to the islands under the Hawaiian-Japanese convention of 1888, are in a satisfactory stage of settlement by negotiation. This government has not been invited to mediate, and on the other hand has sought no intervention in that matter.further than to evince its kindliest disposition toward a speedy and direct adjustment by the two sov ereign states in interest as shall com port with equity and honor. It is grat ifying to learn that the apprehensions at first displayed on the part of Japan lest the cessation of Hawaii's national life through annexation might impair priviliges to which Japan honorably laid claim, have given place to confi dence in the uprightness of this gov ernment, and in the sincerity of its purpose, to deal with all possible ul terior questions in the broadest spirit of friendliness. The president declares that he has concluded that Mr. William L. Merry shall proceed to San Jose, Costa Rica, as minister to Nicaragua, Salvador and Costa Rica, and Mr. Godfrey Hunter as minister to uuatemala and Hon duras. The message deals but lightly with the Nicaragua canal project, declaring that in the future he will transmit to congress the report of the special com mission now employed in making plans for its construction. Regarding the appointment of Messrs. Wolcott, Stevenson and Paine as bi metallic commisioners the message says: THE BIMETALLIC COMMISSION. The gratifying action ofour sister re public of France in joining this coun try in the attempt to bring about an agreement among the principal com mercial nations of Europe, whereby a fixed and relative value between gold and silver shall be secured, furnishes assurance that we are not alone among the larger nations of the world in re alizing the international character of the problem and in the desire of reaching some wise and practical so lution of it. Our special envoys have not made their final report, as further negotiations between the representa tives of this government and the gov ernments of other countries are pending and in contemplation. They believe that doubts that have been raised in certain quarters respecting tne position or maintaining the stability of the parity between the metals and kindred ques tions may yet be solved by "further ne gotiations. Meanwhile it gives me satisfaction to state that the special envoys have al ready demonstrated their ability and fitness to deal with the subject, and it : Is to be earnestly hoped that their la- I bors may result in an international I agreement which will bring about rec- ! ognition of both gold and silver as j money upon such terms and with such 1 safeguards as will secure the use of both metals upon a basis which shall work no Injustice to any class of our Citizens. Referring to the appointment of Hon. John A. Kasson as a special commls- Klnnnr tr nf-t?otia.te for the execution i of the reciprocity provisions of the tariff law the president believes that by a careful exercise of the powers of that act our commercial exchanges may be enlarged with advantage to both contracting parties. icting parties. dent urges that special ef - , . , .. de to extend our merchant The presk fort be mat j marine, and then discusses the recent i Bering sea seai negot.auonS. ierring 10 tne conierence vm adian commissioners says: The result of this conference was an agreement of important facts connected with the condition of seal herd here tofore in dispute, which should place beyond controversy the duty of the governments concerned to adopt meaa- j "res without delay for the preservation I and restoration of the herd. ego- ! tiations to this end are now in progress, the result of which i hope to be able to report to congress at an early day. j VATTOXAL ARBITRATION. ' - - international arbitration . cannot . be ing our consideration. Events have only served to strengthen the general views on this Question expressed In my inaugural address. The best sentiment of the civilized world is moving toward ,..n,.M tun Hie SCUKIIICIII .Ji ...iv..... . nations without resorting to the horrors of war. Treaties embodying these hu mane principles on broad lines without in any way imperiling our interests or our honor shall have my constant en couragement. Referring to the acceptance by this government of the invitation to par- ticipate in the Frer.ch exposition of 1900, the message declares that our merchants will make a gratifying hlbit. Urging the need for additional ap propriation for the armor of three of the five battleships now In course of construction, the president says: The present naval force, especially in view of its increase by the ships now under construction, while not as large as that of a few other Dowers, is a formidable force; its vessels are the very best of each type, and with the increase that should be made to It from time to time in the future, and careful attention to keeping it In a high state of efficiency and repair. It is well adapted to the necessities of the coun try. The great increase of the navy which has taken place in recent years was justified by the requirements for national defense and has received public approbation. He then ures the construction of three or four large docks for the use of the navy on the Atlantic coast, at least one on the Pacific coast and a floating dock in the gulf, and earnestly recom mends an increase in the number of enlisted men for the navy. He also concurs with the recommendation of the secretary of the navy that a bat tleship be constructed for the Pacific coast. The need for the material changes in the laws governing Alaska, in view of the great influx of population to that territory, is strongly urged. The presi dent also calls the attention of congress to "the startling though possibly ex aggerated reports of the probable short age of food in the Yukon country." and declares that should the reports prove true every effort should be made to afford relief. Discussing the Indian question the president says: THE CIVILIZED TRIBES. For a number of years past It ha been apparent that the conditions under which the five civilized tribes were established in the Indian Terri tory under treaty provisions with the United States, with the right ot self government and the exclusion of all white persons from within their bor ders, have undergone so complete a change as to render the continuance of the system thus inaugurated practi cally impossible. The total number of the five civilized tribes, as shown by the last census, is 45.494, and this num ber has not materialy increased; while the white population is estimated at from 200.000 to 250.000. The United States citizens residing: in the Terri tory, most of whom have gone there by invitation or with the consent of the tribal authorities, have made perma nent homes for themselves. Numerous towns have been built in which from 500 to 5,000 white people now reside. Valuable residences and business houses have been erected in many of them. Large business enterprises are carried on in which vast sms of money are employed, and yet these people, who have invested their capital In the development of the productive resources of the country, are without title to the land they occupy and have no voice whatever in the government either of the nations or tribes. Thou sands of their children who were born in the Territory are of school age, but the doors of the schools of the nations are shut against them, and what edu cation they get is by private contri bution. No provision for the protection of the life or property of these white citizens is made by the tribal govern ments and courts. The secretary of the interior reports that leading Indians have absorbed great tracts of land to the exclusion of the common people, and government by an Indian aristocracy has been practi cally established, to the detriment of the people. Friends of the Indians have long believed that the best interests of the Indians of the five, civilized tribes would be found in American citizenship, with all the rights and privileges which belong to that condition. Should the agreement between the Choctaws and Chickasaws be ratified by congress, and should the other tribes fail to make an agreement with the commission, then it will be necessary that some legislation shall be had by congress which, while Just and hon orable to the Indians, shall be equitable to the white people who have settled Cpon these lands by invitation of the tribal nations. The president recommends a sys tematic bacteriological investigation to discover the exact cause of yellow f li ve r, and thus prevent the spread of the disease. 1U calls attention to the j fact that but j2.500.000 is offered for the Kansas Pacific road, although the gov ernment's claim against the road is $13,000,000, and asks whether the gov ernment shall purchase or redeem the I road. Congress Is congratulated on the j establishment of the Congressional 11 j brary, and its development is urged. The message closes with a chapter on I the civil service system. REST. JAMES WHITCOMB BILEY. let us rest ourselves a bit. Worry? Wave your hand at it. Kiss your finjrer tips and smile It farewell a little while. Weary of the weary way We have come since vesterdav. j Let it fret us not, in dread , tne weary way aneaa. j Whe we yrt look down-nt up- , To sp(.k ((Ut the buttercup ! And the daisy, where they wave . O'er the green home of the grave. t T , ! 1 lis launch us smoothly on Listless billows of the dawn, . And drift ont BCr(M the man : of our cijjidiMh dreams again Voyajre off leiieath the tree. O'er the fieldeiichaiited seas. Where the lilies are our sail-, And our sea-gulls nightingales. Where no wilder storm shall beat Than the wind that waves the wheat And no tempest burst atxve The old laugh we used to love. u troublesKain release. ingw,r amJ exceeedmc peace. 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Henderson Gold Leaf (Henderson, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 9, 1897, edition 1
1
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