fHiDR. BANNING, Pabllsnef.
O Atoi-iisrwA., OFtoiLiaNr, ZEiEA."VrEir's Blessings -A.txe3stid Her."
SUBSCRIPTS! $1.60 C&Sb.
VOL. XIX.
HENDERSON, N. C, THURSDAY, AUGUST 16, 1900.
NO. m.
Afier Marriage
r... ;'oii:g to be together just as
, ;.. , !. :or-; going to nle the wheel,
; asi're jaunts, etc., enjoying
together. Isn't that what
. .-i.-ivr couple promise each
yet. how very soon the
,. - . to :
. '.i- to Dr. Pierce for the medicine
. ,: v. s ii.cm back the wife's compan-
;, .is i. gives her back her health.
;,r -it-- i.- lur to you for your wonderful
r-:i rri-r.-r;t:oii."' writes Mr. John W.
,:: Iv'.i-lur. Casey Co.. Ky. "My wife
', v. uii i niaii- irregularity; was confined
-iy l hi re weeks. After using two bot
' I.i. I i.rce's Favorite Prescription she
: has not suffered any derange--!
vour 'Favorite l'rescriptioa ' is
I-. itt. Ik .itc women."
:o is i.o alcohol in "Favorite Prc
lu.i," and it is entirely free from
,;, cocaine anil all other narcotics.
H. H. BASS,
Physician and Surgeon,
IIKNDKKSOX, N. C.
'.,;' Mice over Dorsey's Drug Store.
.1
II. IWeiDUKItS,
ATTOItNKY AT IjAW,
IIKNOKKSON. - - '.'
lice: In Harris law nuilding nea
rut douse.
)
it. r. s. haiuci.s.
DENTIST,
I1KNDERS0N, - - N. C.
Jyoitice. over K. O. Davis' store, Main
street . tan.l-a.
FRANCIS A. MACON,
Dental Surgeon,
Office, Young&Tneker Building1,
Under Telephone Exchange.
tilitv hours ! A. M. to 1 1. M. :t to ti T. M.
C Mdence Phone 8-S; ollic: Phone 25.
Km ifiiiites furnished when deired. No
ttiiiM,'"' for examination.
"DAVE'S PLACE,"
( )nisile S. A. 1.. St. -it ion.)
European Hotel, Restaurant
and Lunch Counter.
M.:il, Served at all Ho ns Day cr Night
Furnished Rooms. Comfortable Beds.
Kei ythiiii: strictly first-class. An orderly,
well kept place.
SALOON
K u;il to any in the Mate, stocked with
untliing hut the very Host and Purest
goods money can buy.
'I In heiii'4 the grip season we have all
Kinds ot ingredients for relieving same.
I INI: CICJARS AND TOBACCOS.
Pool. llDOMS IN (ONNKCTION.
a at m asm mm wm f j a
,nHI IMrHKrYS
VETERINARY SPECIFICS
A. . ) FEVERS. C'linseMlonn, liiflamino.
ei nu 5 iltum. l.uiix Fever. Milk Fever.
II. II. M'llAISM. Lameness. Injurlm.
ci-KKS) Khruiiialiaiii.
e. '. (MUtK TIIHOAT. tuinv. KlUoollc,
cl kti lit. temper.
"u,i)W'K'!. ruba.
F i:. ( TOI JHi. -,.l,U. Influenza. Inflamed
i itu i l.iniu. lleuri-lnruniiiiia.
F. F. I tU.H. Ilrllyarhe. VVIuil-Illown.
fui Diarrhea. I M.nler y.
ti.ti. Prevent. M IM Alt UI.Yi; K.
'J iKinKY A 11L AISUKH lMSOlt lKll.
I. I. I-KIV l)lK VSFS. Manee. Eruptions.
HKijil I leera, lireawe. Farev.
J. K. 1 I rnMin i(l. (Marina (.
ritKsl luillewtlou. ltmaeli fMaicicerM.
tim-. en.'h; hlahUH'a. Trn SjwIfVa. ltook. Ac, $7.
Ac JruitK!-.! r sent preealil on receipt of prior.
Humphrey:' Me-IL-Int iV, 0r. William John
Ms.. New York. Vetkuinaky Mavi il Skvt Fkec
XEKVOUS DE1JILITY,
VITAI WEAKNESS
and Prostration from Over
work or other catises.
Humphreys' Homeopnthie Spocifio
No. -JS, in useoverW years, tljo only
n"cevfiil r-rie.iy.
$ 1 per v ial.or ipecial package -with powder.for $5
- .1 1 Llr cr Kul iat4 tn r 11 of pttr.
Ill HI-IIUEVa'BCU. iU.,Cir.WUuui Jkiu.,lmtHt
4 Si.ou Serb iJE SC-?wla3i SllfylrZ-lj'S'SSciSS
If LUSE ALL YOUR PAIRS WITH I
Pain-Killer.
A Medicine Chest in Itself.
5
SiMl'LE. SAFE AND QUICK CURE FOR S
fs Cramps, Diarrhoea, Colds,
Coughs, Neuralgia,
Rheumatism.
25 and 50 cent Bottles.
itAAR CT IMITATIONS g
I? BUY ONLY THE GENUiNf, S
I PERRY DAVIS'
CMirMFSTFR'S rNr.llttl
pennyroyal pills
Original and Only Ceantne.
fcr (HIlrjrTKKS ENGLISH
l la Ufein ftn-1 told ttirt&liic boxu pv:ad
ih iMniihbun. Take ao othar. KrM
I uaaevroa KabaUtauoaa aad lailta
tlo. Hat of yur lrBXKlt. or wild 4e. ia
umpo i-r rarunlin, 1 Mtlatanlau
M4 "Krllrf for l.xlloo." laiur. by ra.
tara Mall. 10.000 lunoKilj. Sold bv
all Pruc.it. I blckntw I kraliiol
ViLiuailuijiat!. Ma4Uoa t'ark, fillip, 1 A.
PARKER'S
HAIR BALSAM
Cleajuo aul braotifle the hair.
Fromore a luxuriant KTowth.
Kfver Taila to Eestoro Gray
uair xo 11a loumiui v.oior.
Curca caip diseases At hair laliinj,
T.nJl Wat Pnigt'B
1 t
CAMPAIGH'S KEYNOTE
Sounded by the Democratic Lead
er in His Speech at
Indianapolis.
PARAMOUNT ISSUE IS IMPERIALISM
Policy in the Philippines Exhaustive
ly Discussed by Bryan.
PEOPLE GOVERNED MUST CONSENT
Or the Govcrmnei.t Is Not 011 Lines
AutliorixeU by the l'rinciiile
of the American ltepuh
He Apial to the
Fathers.
Following in the speech delivered
hy Mr. P.ryan at Indianapolis to the
eoiiimittee whicli notitied liiiu tf his
iioiuiiiatoin fur the presidency hy the
I -iiiocrutie to:tvt utioti ut Kansas
rity:
Mi: 'hairman and Memherj of the
Notitieation Conimittee
I shall, at an early day, and in a
more formal manner, accept the nom
ination which you tender, and I shall
at that time discuss the various ques
tions covered hy the democratic plat
form. It may not !e out of place, iiow
1 vi-r, to sulmiit a few ohservat ions at
this time upon the general character
of the contest before us. and upon the
question "which is declared to he of
paramount imiortaiice in this cam
paign. When I say that the contest of l'.l.M
is a contest between 1 iiinoi-racy on
tin- one hand and ;ili;t racy on the
other I do not nie.-'ii to say that all our
opponents have deliberately ch i.sen to
give to organized wealth a predominat
ing miluciicc in tli.- altairs I t lie ov-
criniient. but 1 do assert that on the
important issues of the day the Ke
puhlicnn party is dominated by those
intliiciu-cs v. hich eonstanilv tend to ele
vate pecuniary considerations and ig
nore human rights. In ls.i'. Lincoln
t-;aid that the 11- publican party be
lieved in the 111:11: and the dollar, but
that in case of conflict it believed in
e man before ;hc d dlar. This is the
proper relation which should exist be
tween the two. Man, the handiwork of
lod. comes first, money, the handi
work of man, is of inferior importance.
Man is the master, money the servant,
but upon all important quest iuiis today
Kcpublican legislation tends to make
money the master and man the serv
11 ti t.
The maxim of Jefferson, "equal
rights to all and special privileges to
none,'' and the doctrine of Lincoln
that this should be a government "of
the people, by the people and for the
people," are bein disregarded, and
the instrumentalities of government
tire being used to advance the inter
ests of those who are in a position to
secure favors from the government.
The Democratic party is not making
war upon tlie Honest acquisition or
wealth; it has no desire to discourage
industry, economy and thrift. On the
contrary, it gives to every citizen the
greatest possible stimulus to honest
toil when it promises him protection
in the enjoyment ot the proceeds of
his labor. Property rights are most
secure when human rights are respect
ed. Democracy strives for a civiliza
tion in which every member of society
will share according to his merits.
No one has a right to expect from
society more than a fair compensation
for the service which he renders to
society. If he secures more it is at the
expense of some one else. It is no in
justice to him to prevent his doing in
justice to another. To him who would.
cither through class legislation or in
the absence of necessary legislation,
trespass upon the rights of another the
Democratic party says, "Thou shalt
not."
Against us are arrayed a compara
tively small, but politically and finan
cially powerful, number who really
profit by Republican policies, but with
them are associated a large number
who. because of their attachment to
their party name, are giving their sup
port to doctrines antagonistic to the
former teachings of their own party.
Republicans who used to advocate bi
metallism, now try to convince them
silves that the gold standard is good;
Republicans who were formerly at
tached to the greenback are now seek
ing an excuse for givmgnatioiial banks
control of the nation's paper money;
Republicans who used to boast that
the Republican party was paying off
the national debt, are now looking for
r asoiis to support a perpetual ami in
creasing debt; Republicans who for-
inerely abhorred a trust, now beguile
themselves with the delusion that there
are good trusts and bail trusts, while
In their minds the line between the
two is becoming more and more ob
scure; Republicans who In times past
congratulated the country upon the
small expense of our standing army
lire now making light of the objections
which are tirged against a large increase
In the permanent military establish
ment; Republicans who gloried in our
Independence when the nation was less
powerful now look with favor upon a
foreign alliance: Republicans who three
Years ago who condemned "forcible au
nexation" ns immoral and even crim
inal, are now sure that it is both im-
tioral and criminal to oppose forcible
tiunexatlon.
i'olicy in mi: fhilipfim:'-.
RepuMleaii Cliargeil with Not Meeting
the Great lsu- Squarely.
For a time Republican leaders were
Inclined to deny to opponents the right
to criticise the I'hilippiue policy of the
administration, but upon investigation
they found that In.ih Lincoln and Clay
asserted and exercised the right to
criticise a president during the progress
ef the Mexican war. Instead of meet
lug the Issue boldly, and submitting a
clear and positive plan for dealiugwtih
the I'hilippiue question, the Republic
tin convention adopted a platform, the
larger part of which was devoted to
boasting and self-eougraulation
Rut they shall not be permit
ted to evade the stuiendoiis and far
reaching issj? which they have delib
erately brought into the arena of poll-
archv differs from a democracy. The
Democratic nartv does not oppose ex
pansion, when expansion enlarges the
area of the republic and incorporates
land which can be settled by American
i citizens, or adds to our population peo-
; nle who are willing to become eiti
i zens and are capable of discharging
i their duties as such. The acquisition
of the Louisiana JeiTitory, . .Florida,
Texas, and offier tracts which have
been secured from time to time, en
larged the republic, and the constitu
tion followed the flag Into the new ter
ritory. It is now proposed to sieze up
on distant territory already more
densely jiopulated than our own coun
try and to force upon the people a gov
ernment for which there is no war
rant in our constitution or our laws.
If we have an imperial policy we
must hay.; a large standing arruy as
Its natural and necessary complement.
That a large permanent in
crease in our regular army is intended
by the Republican leaders is not a
mere matter of conjecture, but a mat
ter of fact. In ISO' 5 the army
contained about ITi.OOO men. "Within
two years the president asked for four
times that many, anil a Republican
house of representatives complied with
the request after the Spanish treaty
had been signed and no country was at
war with the United States.
A large standing army is not only a
pecuniary burden to the people and.
If accompanied by compulsory service,
a constant source of Irritation, but it
Is ever a menace to a Republican
form of government. The army is the
personification of force, and militarism
will inevitably change the ideals of the
people and turn the thoughts of our
young men from the arts of peace to
the science of war. The government
which relies for its defense upon its
citizens, is more likely to be just than
one whicli has at call a large body of
professional soldiers. A small stand
ing army and a well equipped and
well disciplined state militia are sulh
cient in ordinary times, and in an
emergency the nation should in the
future as in the past place its depend
ence upon the volunteers who come
from all occupations at their country's
call and return to productive labcr
when their services are no longer re
quired men who light when the coun
try needs fighters and work when the
country needs workers.
Ft'TCItE ST ATI'S OF TIIK FIL'I'ISO.
What Arc V.'e to lo with Him Now That
We llave Hi in ?
The Republican platform assumes
that the I'hilippiue islands will be re
tained under American sovereignty,
and we have a right to demand of the
Republican leaders a discussion of the
future status of the Filipino. Is he to
be a citizen or a subject? Are we to
bring into the body politic eight or ten
million Asiatics, so different from us in
riice autl history that amalgamation is
impossible? Are they to share with us
in making the laws ami shaping the
destiny of this nation? No Republican
of prominence has been bold enough to
ldvocate such a proposition. The Aic-
Knery resolution, adopted by the sen
ate immediately after the r.-tilication
of the treaty, expressly negatives this
idea, lhe Democratic platform de
scribes the situation when it says that
the Filipinos cannot be citizens with
out endangering our civilization. Who
will dispute it? And what is the alter
native? If the Filipino is not to be a
citizen, shall we make him a subject?
On that question the Democratic plat
form speaks with emphasis. It de
clares that the Filipino cannot be a
subject without endangering our form
of government. A republic can have
no subjects.
The Republican platform says that
'the largest measure of self-govern
ment consistent with their welfare and
our duties shall be secured to them
(the Filipinos) by law." This is a
strange doctrine for a government
which owes its very existence to the
men who offered their lives as a pro
test against government without con
sent and taxation without representa
tion. In what respect does the position
of the Republican party differ from the
position taken by the Fnglish govern
ment in lii'i.' Did not the English
government promise a good govern
ment to the colonists.' Did
not the English government promise
that the colonists should have the larg
est measure of self-government con
testant with their welfare and English
duties? The Republican par
ry has accepted the European idea and
planted itself upon ground taken by
(Jeorge III. and by every ruler who
distrusts the capacity of the people for
self-government or denies them a voice
In thir own affairs.
The Republican platform promises
that some measure of self-government
is to be given to the Filipinos by law;
but. even this pledge is not fulfilled.
Why does the Republican
party hesitate to legislate upon the
Philippine question? Hecause a law
would disclose the radical departure
from history and precedent contem
plated by those who control the Re
publican party. The storm of protest
whicli greeted the Porto Rican bill was
an Indication of what may be expected
when the American people are brought
face to face with legislation upon this
subject:
If the Porto Ricans. who welcome
annexation, are to be denied the guar
antee of our constitution, what is to
be the lot of the Filipinos, who resisted
our authority? If secret influences
could compel a disregard of our plain
duty toward friendly people. living
near our shores, what treatment will
those same influences provide for un
friendly people 7,'MH) miles away? If,
ia this country where the jteople have
the right to vote. Republican leaders
dare not t:ike the side f the people
against the great monoj.Klies which
have grown up within the last few
years, how can they be trusted to pro
tect the Filipinos from the corpora
tions which are waiting to exploit the
Islands?
Is the sunlight of full citizenship to
be enjoyed by the people of the United
States, and the twilight of semi-citizenship
endured by the people of Porto
Rico, while the thick darkness of per
petual vassalage covers the Philip
pines? The Porto Rico tariff law as
serts the doctrine that the op
eration of the constitution is confined
to the forty-five states. The Democratic
party disputes this doctrine and de
nounces, it as repugnant to both the
letter and spirit of our organic law.
There Is no place in our system of gov
ernment for the deposit of arbitrary
and irresponsible power.
The territorial form of government la
tics. When the president, supported
by a practically unanimous vote of the"
house and senate, entered upon a war
with Spain for the purpose of aiding
the struggling patriots of Cuba, the
country, without regard to party, ap
plauded. Although the Democrats rec
ognized that the administration would
necessarily gain a political advantage
from the conduct of a war which, in
th every nature of the case, must soon
end lu a complete victory, they vied
with the Republicans in the support
which they gave to the president.
When the war wns over and the Re
publican leaders began to suggest the
propriety of a colonial policy opposi
tion at once manifested itself. When
the president finally laid before the
senate a treaty which recognized the
indeiH'tidence of Cuba but Drovided for
the "cession "of the Philippine islands
to the United States, the menace of im
perialism became so apparent that
many preferred to reject the treaty
and risk the ills that might follow rath
er than take the chance of correcting
the errors of the treaty by the inde
pendent action of this country.
I was among the u umber of those
who believed it betfer to ratify the
treaty and end the war, release the vol
unteers, remove the excuse for war ex
penditures, and then give to the Phil
ippines the independence which might
be forced from Spain by a new treaty.
In view of the criticism which my ac
tion aroused in some quarters I take
this occasion to restate the reasons
given at that time. I thought it safer
to trust the American people to give
independence to the Filipiuos than to
trust the accomplishment of that pur
pose to diplomacy wth an unfriendly
nation. Lincoln embodied an argument
in the question when he asked: "Can
aliens make treaties easier than friends
can make laws?" I believe that we are
now in a better position to wage a suc
cessful contest against imperialism
than we would have been had the
treaty been rejected. With the treaty
ratified, a clean cut issue is presented
between a government by consent and
a government by force, and imperial
ists must liear the responsibility for all
that happens until the question is set
tled. If the treaty had been rejected
the opponents of imperialism would
have been held responsible for any in
ternational complications which might
have arisen before the ratification of
another treaty.
But whatever difference of opinion
may have existed as to the best meth
od of opposing the colonial policy there
never was any difference as to the
great importance of the question, and
there is no difference now as to the
course to be pursued. The title of
Spain being extinguished we were at
liberty to deal with the Filipinos ac
cording to American principles. The
Bacon resolution, introduced a month
before hostilities broke out at Manila,
promised independence to the Filipinos
on the same terms that it wnspromised
to the' Cubans. I supported this reso
lution and believe that its adoption
prior to the breaking out of hostilities
would have prevented bloodshed, and
that its adoption at any subsequent
time would have ended hostilities.
MIST EXPECT FILIPINO REVOLT.
Our Whole History Encouragement for
Their Reoistancp.
If it is right for the United States
to hold the Philippine islands perma
nently and imitate European empires
in the government of colonies the Re
publican party ought to state its po
sition and defend it, but it must expect
the subject races to protest against
such a policy and to resist to the ex
tent of their ability. The Filipinos do
not need any encouragement from
Americans now living. Our whole his
tory has been an encouragement, not
only to the Filipinos but to all who
are denied a voice in their own gov
ernment. If the Republicans are pre
pared to censure all who have used
language calculated to make the Fili
pinos hate foreign domination let them
condemn the speech of Patrick Henry.
When he uttered that passionate ap
peal, "Give me liberty or give me
death," he expressed a sentiment which
still achoes in the hearts of men. Let
them censure Jefferson,
Washington, Lincoln.
Some one has said that a truth once
spoken can never be recalled.
But if it were possible to obliterate
every word written or spoken in de
fense of the principles set forth in tiie
Declaration of Independence a war of
conquest would still leave its legacy of
perpetual hatred, for it was God him
self who placed in every human heart
the love of liberty. He never made a
race of people so low in the scale of
civilization or intelligence that it would
welc6me a foreign master. Lincoln said
that tho safety of this nation was not
In its fleets, its armies or its forts, but
in the spirit which prizes liberty the
heritage of all men, in all lands, ev
erywhere; and he warned his country
men that they could not destroy this
spirit without planting the seeds of
despotism at their own doors.
Those who would have this nation
enter upon a career of empire must
consider not only the effect of imperial
ism on the Filipinos, but they must
also calculate its effect upon our own
nation. We cannot repudiate the prin
ciple of self-government in the Philip
pines without weakening that prin
ciple here. Even now wo are beginning
to see the paralyzing influence of im
perialism. Heretofore, this nation has
been prompt to express its sympathy
with those who were lighting for civil
liberty. Rut now when a wai
ls in progress in South Africa which
must result in the extension of the
monarchial idea or in the triumph of a
republic, the advocate of imperialism
in this country dare not say a word in
behalf of the Boers.
EXPANSION IS NOT IMPERIALISM.
tleflerson Quoted to lio-.v That Conquest
Is I'n-Aiiierioan.
Our opponents, conscious of the
weakness of their cause, seek to con
fuse imperialism with expansion, and
have even dared to claim Jefferson as
supporter of their policy. Jefferson
spoke so freely and used language
with such precision that no one can be
Ignorant of his view s. On one occasion
he declared: "If there be one principle
more deeply rooted than any other in
the mind of every American, it is that
w should have nothing to do with con
quest." And again lie said: "Conquest
is not in our principles: it is inconsist
ent with our government." The forci
ble annexation of territory to be gov
erned by arbitrary power, differs as
much from the acquisition of territory
to be built up into st ites as a mon-
temporary and preparatory, and the
chief security a citizen of a territory
has is found in the fact that he enjoys
the same constitutional guarantees, and
is subject to the same general laws as
a citizen of a state.
Throw away this security and his
rights will be violated and his inter
ests sacrificed at the demand of those
wlio hve political influence. This is
the evil of the colonial system, no mat
ter by what nation it is applied.
OIR TITLE TO THE ISLANDS.
Were the People Thrown In -with the Ori
ental Real Estate?
What is our title to the Philippine
islands? Do we hold them by treaty
or by conquest? Did we buy them or
did we take them? Did we purchase
the people? If not, how did we secure
title to them? Were they thrown in
with the laud? Will the Republicans
say that Inanimate earth has value,
and when that earth is molded by the
Divine Hand and stamped with the
likeness of the Creator it becomes a
fixture and passes with the soil? If
governments derive their just powers
from the consent of the governed it is
impossible to secure title to people,
either by force or by purchase. We
could extinguish Spain's title by treaty,
but if we hold title we must hold it
by some method consistent with our
ideas of government. When we made
allies of the Filipinos and armed them
to buy Spain's title we are not inno
cent purchasers. But even if we had
not disputed Spain's title she could
transfer no greater title than she had,
and her title was based on force alone.
We cannot defend such a title, but as
Spain gave us a quit claim deed we
can honorably turn the property over
to the party in possession. Whether
any American official gave the Fili
pinos formal assurance of indepen
dence 1.4 not material. There can be
no doubt that we accepted and utilized
the services of the Filipinos, and that
when we did so we had full knowledge
that they were lighting for their own
independence, anil I submit that his
tory furnishes no example of turpitude
baser than ours if we now substitute
our yoke for the Spanish yoke.
Let us consider briefly, the reasons
which have been given in support of
an imperialistic policy. Some say that
it is our duty to hold the Philippine
islands. But duty is not an argument;
It is a conclusion. To ascertain what
our duty is in any emergency we must
apply well settled and generally ac
cepted principles. It is our duty to
avoid stealing, no matter whether the
thing to be stolen is of great or little
value. Every one recognizes the obliga
tion imposed upon individuals to ob
serve both th human and moral law:
but as some deny the application of
those laws to nations it may not be out
of place to quote the opinion of oth
ers. Jefferson, than whom there is no
higher iiolitical authority, said: "I
know of but one code of morality for
men, whether acting singly or col
lectively." Franklin, whose learning,
wisdom and virtue are a part of the
priceless legauy bequeathed to us from
the revolutionary days, expressed the
sum" idea in even stronger language
when he said: "Justice is as strictly
due between neighbor nations as be
tween neighbor citizens. "
Force can defend a right, but force
has never yet created a right. If it
was true, as declared in the resolu
tions of intervention, that the Cubans
"are and of right ought to be free and
independent" (language taken from the
Declaration of Independence), it is
equally true that the Filipinos "are
and of right ought to be free and inde
pendent." Who will draw a
line between the natural rights of the
Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will
say that the former has a right to lib
erty and that the latter has no rights
which we are bound to respect? And
if the Filipinos "are and of right ought
to be free and independent" what right
have we to lorce our government upon
them without their consent.'
THE ARGUMENT OF OBLIGATION.
Alno th Contention That Filipinos Cannot
Govern Themselves.
If it is said that we have assumed
before the world obligations which
make it neees.-:ary for us to perma
nently maintain a government in the
Philippine islands. I reply, first, that
the highest obligation of this nation
is to be true to itself. No obligation to
any particular nation, or to all nations
combined, can require the abandon
ment of our theory of government and
the substitution of doctrines against
which our whole na.tional life has been
a protest. And. second, that our obli
gations to the Filipinos who inhabit
the islands are greater than anv obli
gatiou which we can owe to foreigners
who have a temporary residence in the
Philippines or desire to trade there.
It is argued by some that the Fili
pinos are incapable of self-government
and that therefore we owe it to the
world to take control of them. Ad
miral Dewey, in an official report to
the navy department, declared the Fili
pinos more capable of self-government
than theCuban-'. and aid that he based
his opinion upon a knowledge of both
races. But I will not rest the case upon
the relative advancement of the Fili
pinos. Henry Clay, in defending the
rights of the people of South America
to self-government, said: '-It is the
doctrine of thrones that man is too ig
norant to govern himself." I
contend that it is to arraign the dispo
sition of Providence Himself to sup
pose that He has created beings inca
pable of governing themselves, and to
be trampled on by kings. Self-govern
ment is the natural government o
men."
Clay was right. Once ad
mit that some people are capable of
self-government and that others are
not, and that the capable people have
a right to seize upon and govern the
Incapable, and you make force brute
force the only foundation of govern
ment and iuvite the reign of the despot
Republicans ask: "Shall we haul
down the flag that floats over our dead
in the Philippines?" The same ques
tion might have been asked when the
American Hag floated over Chanulte-
pec and waved over the dead who fell
there; but the tourist who visits the
City of Mexico finds there a national
cemetery owned by the United States
and cared for by an American citizen
Our flag still floats over our dead, but
when the treaty with Mexico was
signed American authority withdrew
to the Rio Grande. "Can
we not govern colonies?" we are asked.
The question is not what we can do,
but what we ought to do. This nation
can do whatever It desires to do, but It
must accept responsibility for what it
does. If the constitution stands In the
way, the people can amend the const!
tution. I repeat, the nation can do
whatever it desires to do, but it can
not avoid the natural and legitimata
results of its own conduct.
It is of age, and it can d what it
pleases; it can spurn the traditions of
the past; it can repudiate the rincl
pies upon which the nation rests; it
can emplov force instead of reason
it tan substitute might of right; it can
conquer weaker people; it can exploi$
their lands, appropriate their property
and kill their people; but it cannot re
peal the moral law or escape the pun
iShment decreed for the violation o
huffian rights.
"Would we tread in the paths of ty
ranny.
Nor reckon the tyrant's cost?
Who takcth another's liberty
His freedom is also lost.
Would we win as the strong have evei
won
Make ready to pay the debt.
For the Gd who reigned over Babylon
Is the God who is reigning yet."
Some argue that American rule in
the Philippine islands will, result in the
better education of the Filipinos. Be
not deceived. If we expect to main
tain a colonial poliev, we shall not find
it to our advantage to educate the peo
ple. The educated Filipinos are now
In revolt against us, and the most ig
norant ones have made the least re
slstance to our domination. If we are
to soxzra Jhem without their cedent
and give them no voice in determining
the taxes which they must pav, we
dare not educate them, lest they learn
to read the Declaration of Independ
ence and the constitution of the United
States and mock us for our inconsist
ency. FOl'R REPUBLICAN CONTENTIONS.
Comment on the Principal Argument el
the Party in Power.
The principal arguments, however.
advanced by those who enter upon a
defense of imperialism are:
First: That we must improve the
present opportunity to become a world
power and enter into international pol
itics. Second: That our commercial inter
ests in the I'hilippiue islands and in
the Orient make it necessary for us to
hold the islands' permanently.
Third: That the spread of the Chris
tian religion will be facilitated by a
colonial policy.
Fourth: That there is no honorable
retreat from the position which the
nation has taken.
The first argument is addressed to
the nation's pride and the second to the
nation's pocket-book. The third is in
tended for the church member and tie.'
fourth for the partisan.
It is a sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for uior than a
century this nation has been a world
power. For ten decades it has been
the most potent influence in the world.
Not only has it been a world power.
but it has done more to affect the poll-
tics of the human race than all the oth
er nations of the world combined. Be
cause our Declaration of Independence
was promulgated others have been pro
mulgated; because the patriots of litti
fought for liberty others have fought
for it; because our constitution was
adopted other constitutons have been
adopted. The growth of the principle
of self-government, planted on Ameri
can soil, has been the over-shadowing
political fact of the nineteenth cen
tury.
The permanent chairman of the lai-t
Republican national convention pre
sented the pecuniary argument in all
its baldness, when he said: "We make
no hypocritical pretenses of being
interested lu the Philippines solely on
account of others. While we regard the
welfare of these people as a sacred
trust we regard the welfare of the
American people first. We see our duty
to ourselves as well as to others. We
believe in trade expansion. By every
legitimate means within the province
of government and constitution we
mean to stimulate the expansion of
our trade and open new markets."
This is the commercial argument. It
is based upon the theory that war
can be rightly waged for pecuniary
advantage, and that it is profitable to
purchase trade by force and violence.
Franklin denied both of these propo
sitions. I place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those
who would put a price upon the life
of an American soldier and Justify a
war of conquest uiwii the ground that
it will pay. The Democratic party is
in favor of the expansion of trade. It
would extend our trade by every legiti
mate and peaceful means; but It is not
willing to make merchandise of human
blood.
But a war of conquest Is as unwise
as it is unrighteous. A harbor and
coaling station in the Philippines
would answer every trade and mili
tary necessity and such a concession
could have been secured at any time
without difficulty.
It is not necessary to own people in
order to trade with them. We carry
on trade today with every part of the
world, and our commerce has expand
ed more rapidly than the commerce of
any European empire. When
trade is secured by force, the cost of
securing it and retaining It must be
taken out of the profits, and the profit
are never large enough to cover the ex
pense. Such a system would never be
defended, but for the fact that the ex
pense is borne by all the people, while
the profits are enjoyed hy the few.
Imperialism would be profitable to
the army contractors; It would be prof
itable to the ship-owners, who would
carry live soldiers to the Philippines
and bring dead soldiers back; it would
be profitable to those who would seize
upon the franchises, and it would be
profitable to the officials whose salaries
would be fixed here and paid over
there; but to the farmer, to the labor
ing man, and to the vast majority of
those engaged in other occupations, it
would bring expenditure without r'-
turn and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as
a rule, small incomes and under sys
tems which place the tax moii con
suinjitiou pay more than their fair
share of the expenses of government
Thus the very people who receive least
benefit from imperialism will be In
jured most by the military burdens
whicli accompany it. It in
not strange, then-fore, that the In 1 tor
organizations have been quick to note
the approach qX these dangers mid
prompt tr protect against both militar
ism and imperialism.
The pecuniary argument, though
more effective with certain classes, is
not likely to lie used so often or pre
sented with so much e-mpbasis as the
religious argument. If what has been
termed the "gunpowder gospel" were
urge 1 against the Filipinos only it
would lc a sufficient answer to say
that a majority of the Filipinos are
now members of one branch of the
Christian church, but the principle In
volved is one of much wider applica
tion and challenges ser!us considera
tion. We cannot approve of this doctrine
in one place unless we are willing to
apply it everywhere. If there Is poison
in the blood of the hand It will ultimate
ly reach the heart. It Is equally true
that forcible Christianity, If planted
under the American flag in the far
away Orient, will sooner or later be
transplanted upon American soiL
Let it be known that our mis
sionaries are seeking souls instead of
sovereignty; let it be known that in
stead of being the advance guard of
conquering armies, they are going
forth to help and to uplift,
and the welcome given to our mission
aries will be more cordial than the
welcome extended to th missionaries
of any other nation.
The argument, made by some, that
it was unfortunate for the nation that
it had anything to do wih he Philip
pine islands, but that the naval victory
at Mauila made th permanent acqul
Bition of those island iiecesary. is also
unsound. We won a naval victory at
Santiago, but that did not compel us
to hold Cuba. The shedding of Ameri
can blood in the Philippine islands does
not make it imperative that we should
retain iiossession forever.
There in an easy, honest, honorable
sedation of the Philippine question. It
, Is set forth In the Democratic platform
and it i submitted witli .confidence to
the American people. This plan I un
reservedly indorse. If elected. I shall
convene congress In extraordinary ses
sion as soon as I am inaugurated, and
recommend an immediate declaration
of the nation's purpose first, to esttb
lish a stable form of government In the
Philippine islands. Just as we are now
establishing a stable form of govern
ment In the Island of Cuba: second, to
give independence to the Filipinos,
just a? we have promised to give inde
pendence to the Cubans; third, to pro
tect tl. Filipinos front outside inter
ference wlille they work out their des
tiny, just as we have protected the re
puldics of Central and South America,
and are. by the Monroe doctrine,
pledged to protcvt Culm.
DESTINY THE FINAL Jl 8TIFICATIOM
Offered bjr the Rapabllcaaa for the Hltaa
tlon la the Philippines.
When our opponeuts are uuuble to
defeud their position by argument
they fall back upon the assertion that
It is destiny, and Insist that we must
submit to it, no matter how much it
violates moral precepts and our prin
ciples of government. This is a com
placent philosophy. It obliterates the
distinction between right and wrong
and makes Individuals and nations the
helpless victims of circumstances.
Destiny Is the subterfuge of the In
vertebrate, who, lacking the courage
to oppose error, seeks some pauslble
excuse for supporting it. Washington
said that the destiny of Hie Republican
form of government was deeply, if
not finally, staked on the experiment
entrusted to the American people,
llow different Washington's definition
of destiny from the Republican defini
tion! The Republicans say that this
nation is in the hands of destiny;
Washington Itelieved that not only the
destiny of our own nation but the
destiny of the Republican form of gov
ernment throughout the world wns en
trusted to American hands. Washing
ton was right. The destiny of this re
public is in the hands of its own peo
ple, upon the success of the experi
ment here rests the hope of humanity.
Xo exterior force can disturb this re
public, and no foreign influence should
be permitted to change 1ls ourse.
What the future has in store for this
nation no one has authority to de
clare, but each Individual has his own
idea of the nation's mission and he
owes it to his country its well as to
himself to eoiitrilu.te as best he may
to the fulfillment of that mission.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the
Committee: I can never fully dis
charge the debt of gratitude, which I
owe to my countrymen for the honors
which they have so generously lie
stowed iqMn me; but. sirs, whether it
be my lot to -cupy the high office for
which the convention has named me
or to spend the remainder of my days
in private life, it shall lie my constant
ambition and my controlling purpose
to aid In realizing the high ideals of
those whose wisdom and cournge and
sacrifices brought this republic into
existence.
I can conceive of n national destiny
surpassing the glories of the present
and the past a destiny which meets
the responsibilities of today and meas
ures up the possibilities of the future.
Behold a republic, resting securely
upon the foundation stones quarried
by revolutionary patriots from the
mountain of eternal truth a republic
applying in practice and ;..oclulmng
to the world th' self-evident proposi
tion that all men are created equal;
that they are endowed with inalienable
rights; that governments are Instituted
among men to secure these rights;
that governments derive their Just
powers from the consent of the giv
enied. Behold a republic hi which
civil and religious lllierty stimulate all
to earnest endeavor, and lu which the
law restrains every hand uplifted for
a neighbor's Injury a republic in
which every citizen Is a sovereign but
In which no one cares to wear a crown.
Behold a republic standing erect while
empires all around are bowed iieiieath
the weight of their own nrmnnicnts
a republic whose flag is loved while
other flags are only feared. Behold
a republic increasing in population,
in wealth, in strength and in affluence,
solving the problems of civilization
and hastening the coming of an uni
versal brotherhood a republic which
shakes thrones and dissolves aristocra
cies by its sHent example and gives
light and inspiration to those who sit
in darkness. Behold n republic grad
ually but surely Incoming the supreme
moral factor in the world's pr igress
and the accepted arbiter of the world's
disputes a republic whose history,
like the path of the just, "is ns the
shining light that shineth more and
more into the perfect day."
THE TURF REVIEW.
Royal Baron, 2:101 has changed
hands in Europe for $12,r00.
Lille Bowers, 2KV4. lias ao far trot
ted 120 heats lu 2:25 or better.
lVnliorn, 224, trotting, has gone to
pacing and is very fast at tbat gait.
Henry Titer stepped Arlon, 2.-07. at
Iteadvllle the other day a mile In 224,
last half lu 1:104.
Old Bert Sheldon, 2:10V. did the
"guideles wonder" act at Singae, N.
J., on Memorial day.
A horse 17.2Vi bands high is being
trained for the trotting races at the
Island park track, Albany. ,
Budweiser, 2:221. by Aeqaarias.
2:21, is counted about the best pacer
In Philadelphia. He Is an Iowa prod
uct. The SL Louis f 10,000 Derby was won
recently by J. F. Schorr's Sam Phillips.
Star Chamber was second and Flotisar
imru; time, z i
A monument will soon be erected In
Japan In memory of the norses killed
during the Japan -China war. The nec
essary funds have been more
subscribed.
Star Pointer was recently fitted out
with extremely light shoes and will
be worked regularly from now on with 1
a view to some match races and trials
against bis record.
Jery, No. 200, baa been In continu
ous active service in the New York fire
department for 21 years, and thla la
aid to be a record never equaled by
any other horse In the United States,
lie la now 30 years old.
Toe total value of tn 1? events se
cured by five American jockeys at As
cot is $119,425. while tke English jock
eys only won $SZ,42S. Altogether the
eight Americans who rode bad 00
mounts in 21 racea, getting plaeea 40
times. Horseman.
II yon want advice consult a disin
terested party.
UUKEAOOJOATE
MVmOAL HUTKUMEtfT
In food condition she U sweet and lovible.
and sings life's song on a Joyful hrmonicui
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well while the organs that make her a woman
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inside or she can't be healthy outside. There
are thousands of won-en suffering silently al!
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ANALYSIS.
Kaleigh, N. C, OctinVr. ism.
Solids 37 .620 grains to one United Mate
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Iron and Alumina,
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Sodium Carltonste,
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i.o;t k i tun
4..175 "
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3.011.1 "
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H. B BATTLE. State Chemist.
For the Water and further particular-,
address,
J. F. HARRIS, Proprietor,
Henderson, N. C.
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11
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