North Carolina Newspapers

J r. ,t, .-t I'lvtTtiri'j intbeGoLD As an Advertising Medium The Cot.n Ijcak stand at the brad of fiicWHafTH iu thipaectioii of the famous BRIGHT TOBACCO DISTRICT: The most wide-awake and euccctMtf ul businetu men ! ii8e its columns with the highest ' Sitisfcction ud Profit to ThesiselTes.! !.i.u m shown ty its well ii ad vert isi it .columns ' SENSIBLE BUSINESS MEN i-nl continue to upend ltmoiI money where no .turiirf are seen. That is Proof that it pays Tbem.J rHAD K. BANNING, Publisber. GnoLiTsr, CioT-.iTNr, Hjea. deist's Blessings ttetstid Heir." I SUBSCR1PTI0I $1.50 Cub VOL. XIX. HENDERSON, N. C, THURSDAY, AUGUST 23, 1900. NO. 37. 1 a ssrry ssas-rr , . .i Ar'.'.Vf i:ian shaken like a : . ri"'' yw" of couhinij, which t ving for breath. People .: :-": with bronchial affections ... . -. i. '' r.tin.;tf, stubborn cough, ; ..: v. -less, They have tried doctors and mcdi- (S. last they have lx-en Tierce's Golden Med ical Difxovery, with C. -jJj tile general result '. -J ..v,...r',., ,-A 1 11 i.ajjiii.i.h- iy ail who put this wonder ful medicine to the test --help at once, and a speedy cure. I?or coughs, bron chial affections, weak, lungs, spitting of blxd, and other 1 r . uiseuses or me or gans of respiration, r'Ooltleii Mehcal Discovery " is prac tically a specific. It always helps ; it al most always cures. "I ha'l been troubled with bronchitis and catarrh of the head for eiftlit years ; had severe cntyh. and at times RTeut diffk-ultv io brratliinjf," writts r W. Kowerton, J'.s j., of Bijjfall, Hancock Co., Tcnn. "A portion of the time my appetite wis poor and part of the time I was usable to do mm anything. I had been country rjhvsictfin& for i! witn ntt:e tenent. I had been v-Mir tnediciue for a lonjf time h iaitli lu it. Last spring can try it, and before I bad taken l.jttle of Ir. Pierce's Golden t ry I lrxau o i, lend. I con it until I had taken several n Mrrce's Pleasant I'eilrts also, a new n:a;i, and cau do as hard .k. k h1 a.iy one." i-'.-. Medical Adviser is sent free i stamps to pay expense, of :.',. Send 21 one-cent stamps .. n-d, or v stat?:ps for cloth . . 1 r. R. V. Pierce, buffalo, N.Y. H. H. BASS, Physician and Surgeon, HKNDKliSON, N. C. -''i;::ci- over Dorsey's Drug Store. J. ii. j:icmgi:ks, ATTOKNKY AT IjAW, II . ;.N I liOHSON. - IS. In Harris law Duilding nea ::r! !ioii 1) i:. r. s. iiAintis, DENTIST, nr..Di:RsoN, - - n. c. uroiliot- over E.G. Davis' store, Main ni-it. lan.l-a. FRANCIS A. MACON, Dental Surgeon, 0!!i-t, Young&Tncker Building, Under Telephone Exchange. K,cr hours :i A. M. to 1 P. M. ii to f! P. M. .' --idcricv Phone KS; ollicc Phone 25. I. iiiiiates furnished when deired. No cli mo' for examination. "DAVE'S PLACE" 'I l -i i . S. A. I,. Smtion.) Kuropean Hotel, Restaurant and Lunch Counter. M i . . ni'il at all llo us Day r Niht Furnished Rooms. Comfortable Beds. I ' i thing strictly first-class. An orderly, well kept place. SALOON 1 . . tl t. any in the State, stocked with ' "tlmiu' hut the very Uest and Purest goods money can buy. P i i.'ing the '-Trip season we have all . it-.'N id itigredieHts for relieving same. I IM: CKiARS AM) TOBACCOS. UOOMS IN CONNKcriON. HUMPHREYS' 'lVETERINARYSPECIFICS it o. n ViFKVEItS. 4'onseKtions. Indanima i -WiiiiiH, l.mitf Frier, lilk Fcer. II. ) l'lt l.oineiu-,. Injurlen. KliriiiiiRlimii. JSOKK TIIHO.VT. IJuinsy, Kidootlc, Dilciiuit r. .''; (1KJIS, Hoi., timb. I". JOI -olil. Inflnenzn. In named - 1.11114, I'leiiro-l'neiMlioniH. I KIII.IC, ll.llya.-lie. WinJ-llloHn. lliMrrhea. I entery. O. 1'reM iiln MISCAHHIA(;i:. V: kiim:v a iilaudeu dihiiiiikiis. I. (SKI HISKlJiK1. IntiBe, Kruutlons. - S I leer. l.rfHHf, Farev. I. II Ml OMMTIOV. Klnriiiii Cool. liiiliiHiiiin, tioiiinili lutEtferM. each ; StariK. Case, Ten SpH-lnc. lWfc. e., $7. -t driiKt.'i-l' t scni prepaid uu rei'eli't nf price. Iiumphreys' Medicine Co., lr. William A John . New York. Vktkkimkv Misrii. SiraT Kreb. NKKVOUS DE15ILITY, VITAL, WEAKXESS ti l Prostration from Over v.iii or other causes. lluniphrcys' Homeopathic Specific in useover40 years, the only s .cccbfu h'medy. C '. rcr vial.orirc-cial package with powder.for $5 ' l' ... t .!:h. ,r st lit ata on ri-rit of prir. Iti irill.Ha-JltU. 10., I ur. William JohnSU-,NtwTorh ALWAYS KEEP ON HAND There is no kind of pain or acho, internal or exter 2 that Pain-Killer ; will f not reiieve. CUr FOR IMITATIONS AND SUB- "UTS THE GENUINE BOTTLE BEAf?s Ti-E NAME, PERRY DAVIS & SON. 1 f ENHYROYAL PILLS P w m v W V W WBV Orlclnl anil Only Oentilne. ,, r CHICHKST P-'A'W in UED u l Unit f-MtK'N ENGLISH L with bloeriShon. TLo ma thr. Rfn. f tloa. Uu of your Prcffcm- od 4. ib ul".,'"' lrtlrulrfc TcatlmBlala n4 Kcllr for Ladlea,1 m Mur, br r. tin Uuil. IK (Inn ? , . i. a.i, w or ui-uwa.r CMIHI t4. PARI KER'S HAIR BALSAM Cleaiuea and beatirie th hlr. l'rumotef Inxunaot rrxwth. Never Palls to Bestore Orsy Curvs tcmlp d:eae ft faftir lalUu. mm K.J! 7r.V.-'.-.a .ii n.' . at NO LOVE FOR ! THE NEGROES.) NORTHERN REPUBLICAN POLITICIANS MILD i IN THEIR COMMENTS ! Anent Restricted Suffrage in the South Privately They Have no Use for the Negro and Similarly Situated They Would Treat Him Politically Just as We Do-The Negro in Wash ington City. (Washington Special to Baltimore Sun.) It is noted here with much interest that the comments of the Republican resa and politicians of the North on negro disfranchisement in the South are. as a whole, couched in very moderate tones. This is not less significant than the tone of sentiment here, which prac tically is in thorough sympathy with the. movement. One con stantly hears its leading representa tive men admit, "We would be verv sure to do the same thing under the same circumstances." Of course this is not said for publication and these gentlemen would be very quick to dis claim any such expressions if invested with their personal authority. Thev have no hesitation in making such ut terances under the protection of pri vate conversation. It may surprise the country at large to be informed, what is so well known in Washington, that there are no men anywhere who have at heart such contempt for and antipathy to ward the negro as the Republican of ficials, high anil low. This is carried to such an extent that not a few of them in both branches of Congress and in the executive department will not employ them in their households. ! An evening or two since, while sit ting in conversation with a group composed, with the exception of mv self, of officials entirely, an army of ficer remarked: "I wish we could have some of the North Carolina methods here," and a grunt of assent went all around the circle. This feeling toward the negro in this com munity is not because of his illiteracv, for Congress has provided the most lavish means of education, going in deed to the verge of absurdity. It is because education and civil equality have failed to produce the improve ment which was anticipated. Ask any observer who comes from the North to Washington "Who do vou think are the best classes of negroes?" and the instant reply will bo "Those who come down from slave times.11 This city is the heaven of the ne gro. He takes a liberty and a license which the white man would not think of. The great aim and ambition of manv seems to be to make things uncomfortable, disagreeablo and an noying to the whites as possible. In the nights of summer their conduct ami their language on the suburban cars are at times so disgraceful and disgusting as to be almost unendur able. In the last week or two the newspapers of this city have been tilled with communications on this subject, appealing to the authorities ami the railway ollicials for relief. Who set the example of disfranchis ing the negro but the Republican Congress? In a very few years after conferring the suffrage the Republi can party in Congress at one blowr wiped the negro from the body politic of the capital of the country. Why was this done? Because the negro had shown himself to be unworthy of ami unfitted for the exercise of the privilege. To disfranchise the negro in the District of Columbia, which was right, Congress also disfran chised the white man, which was wrong. The white man in Washing ton hail from the foundation of the city enjoyed, in common with his fel low countrymen, the privilege of the elective franchise. He had exercised that privilege intelligently and hon estly, and until the "wards of the nation" were thrown in one mass into local politics no scandal, no taint of corruption had ever attached to the municipal government of Washington and (ieorgetown. As it is. the white man is content to be deprived of what was his by right and inheritance rather than return to the era of vice, villainlv, depravity and dishonesty w hich characterized and which mark ed equal and impartial suffrage. When the subject of negro disfran chisement comes up in Congress this feature of local disfranchisement will necessarily enter into discussion and consideration. It is an embarrassing question, but it must be met. If the illiterate negroes of the South should vote, why should not the educated negroes of the District of Columbia? There is probably not one young ne gro desperado in ten in this city not able to read and write. Some of them, through the prodigal generosity of Congress, many know book-keeping ami music and all that sort of thing. Nevertheless they are not good citi zen s and the substance and intelligence of the District would rise up in indig nant remonstrance against any prop osition to give them access to the ballot-box. Many of the deep thinking and far seeing men of the Republican party, while they may be driven by party pressure and discipline into the sup port of repressive and retaliatory measures toward the Southern States which are eliminating the negro from politics, are inclined to resort to other courses for maintaining and enlarging party supremacy. These are begin ning to doubt the efficacy and the ex pediency of force bills and reduction of representation. For years past it has been the talk among the politicians of both parties that the fear of negro domination once and forever removed from the minds of the people of the South, the States of that section would split up on party divisions, just as do all other States of the Union. This, whether true or not, is certainly most plausi ble, and the idea has" found a deep lodgment. Through motives of policy no Republican in Congress would be apt to publicly allege such a reason for influencing his action, yet this consideration is bound to have more or less effect. If the white vote of North and South Carolina, Louisiana and Mis sissippi, no longer drawn together by common interest and common fear, should disintegrate and the Republi cans pick up some of them they would not think they had done a smart thing if they had cut down their elec toral and congressional representa tion. Figuratively they have been kicking themselves very hard for the past 2o years because of the negro suffrage for which they are responsi ble. Fervid eloquence and crocodile tears will be expended without stint in the old cry of human rights and human wrong. This is and I ns always been nothing but rot. The Republican party was not act uated by one atom of sentiment, by one iota of the principles of right and justice when it through arbitrary force and power established negro suffrage. There is no politician worthy of the name anywhere who does not know the deadly blight and curse of negro suffrage was fastened upon the South for no other purpose than to benefit the Republican party. The purposes failed in its object. The whole history of the Republican party is proof that it cheerfully surrenders any of its cherished "principles" or doctrines the very instant they are found not conducive to party advan tage. The Republican party originated the greenback heresy, clung to it un til it had been worked for all it was worth and then threw it overboard for the foolish leaders of the Democ racy to pick up. The Republican party was the father of the unlimited coin age of silver. When its offspring was of no further service it was also tossed to the selfsame foolish leaders of the Democracy- So it is with the unrestricted negro suffrage. Con ceived and born with no desire more noble than the increase of Republi can votes and power, there would not be the slightest compunction in ac quiescing in or. indeed, hastening its lingering death if the conviction should come that it will continue use less as a party adjunct. IN THE OLD DAYS. CJ. A. Edgerton, in Coming Age.) The old dajs! Do you ever think of them, When sitting silent as the shadows meet? When lying broad awake at dead of night, To hear the rain that drips into the eaves, Do you remember how sweet was your sleep In the old days? The old days, when you wanted to grow big, Before you knew the sorrows it would bring; When looking at the blue hills far away And thinking of the world that lay be yond ! Do you remember how you yearned for it In the old days? The old days, they are furrowed o'er with graves, The sweet facsd mother, first and dearest friend; The old home faces that you used to know, lour playmates and your sweethearts, where are they? Do you remember how you loved and lost In the old days? The old days! How they brim the eyes with tears And fill the heart with longing and regret: Oh, there are tragedies for every life, And there are songs as sweet as ever sung, And there are memories that never die In the old days! BEST FOR BOTH. Showing That the People of North Carolina Understand the Race Ques tion. (New York Telegram.) The people of North Carolina, hav ing adopted such a constitutional amendment as practically disfran chises the negro in that State, have taken a long stride toward the set tlement of the race question, so far as they are themselves concerned. It has been demonstrated in North Car olina and in every other section of the South that the participation of the negro in politics is the great cause of disorder and racial feeling. The attempt of unscrupulous Re publicans to exalt the negro in the scale of citizenship and to array his numbers against his own best inter ests and those of white men, has led to more lynchings than any other circumstance in connection with Southern elections. The negro cares but very little for the privilege of voting. He under stands neither the questions at issue nor the purposes of the party whose cause he espouses. It is only be cause his feelings are aroused against the white men that he demonstrates an enthusiasm in a campaign. Reports from North Carolina an nounce that the better class of Re publicans, those who have no polit ical aspirations to be promoted by using the negroes, voted yesterday in favor of their disfranchisement, while the negroes themselves, finding they could do little to affect the inevitable result, manifested nothing but indif ference. Nothern Republicans, who, fioni sheer ignorance, regard the ne gro in the South as the victim of un reasonable prejudice, will doubtless, exclaim in horror over the detemina tion to deprive them of their so-called political rights. As a fact, however, the negro is not entitled to vote until he has demon strated sufficient intelligence to ap preciate the purposes for which he votes. He belongs to an inferior race, and the problems which have arisen in connection with him are due to an attempt to ignore this pal pable truth. The North Carolina people have de termined to ignore it no longer, and their wisdom will save them much trouble, both for themselves and the negroes as well Mamma There were three slices of cake in the cupboard, Jack, and now there are only two. How does that happen? Jack It was so dark in there, mamma, that I didn't see the others. MR. BRYAN'S GREAT SPEECH. A MASTERLY, THOUGHTFUL, STATESMAN LIKE DELIVERANCE. Imperialism the Paramount Issue in This Campaign Mr. Bryan Does Not flention Silver, Doubtless Because His Position on That Question Was so Well Understood as to Render Repetition Unnecessary. (Washington Post.) The Democratic party can well rest content with the presentation of the issue of imperialism made by Mr. Bryan in his speech at Indianapolis. It is the most complete and logical argument which has yet been sub mitted. If any evidence were needed to prove Mr. Bryan's ability, it is amply found in this address. In 1896 he was so thoroughly saturated with the silver question as to gain for himself the reputation of being a man of one idea only. His persistent and suc cessful effort to incorporate the 16 to 1 plank in the Kansa3 City declaration strengthened this view of his charac ter. It was felt that although the platform asserted imperialism to be the paramount issue, Mr. Bryan would not be able to divorce himself from his favorite subject, and that the money question, after all, being the one with which he was most familiar, would occupy his thoughts to the ex clusion of all else. The falsity of this belief is shown by the admirable man ner in which he has taken hold of the newer and graver topic. He has ignored silver altogether. The ob noxious word is not mentioned in his speech. There is no reference to 16 to 1. He takes it for granted, evi dently, that his position on that ques tion is so well understood as to render repetition unnecessary. At any rate, the address indicates that, as far as Mr. Bryan is concerned, imperialism is actually the paramount issue of the campaign. It is. we admit, generally an easier task to criticise and condemn than to praise. Flaws are easy to discover; fault-finding comes naturally to the human mind. At the same time, there is captious and foolish criticism, and, on the other hand, there is dig nified and sensible argument. Mr. Bryan's speech is on the latter plane. He has not descended to the level of the politician, but discusses what he believes to be a great danger to the republic with calmness, clearness and force. He explains and defends his support cf the ratification of the treaty of peace with Spain by saying that he expected favorable action would end the war, release the volun teers, remove the cause for military expenditures, and bring independence to the Filipinos. In this he admits he was mistaken, the defeat in the Senate of the Bacon resolution, which promised independence, being evi dence that the Republican party was determined to keep the Filipinos in a state of subjection. In this connec tion, he repeats the well-known argu ment that the inhabitants of the Phil ippine Islands, if the latter are re tained as a part of the United States, must either be subjects or citizens. If they are to be subjects, the Repub lican party kas entered upon a policy of imperialism. He linds nowhere, in any Republican speech or party declaration, any evidence that the Filipinos are to be made citizens. Mr. Bryan is for expansion, but it must be, to his mind, expansion that means new States and more citizens. Any other kind of territorial acquisi tion is, he argues, at variance with the idea of a republic. It is govern ment by force, a government of taxa tion without representation in de fiance of the very principles for which our forefathers fought in 1776. He would have the American people brought to their own moorings. Nor dot s he find in the Republican plat form any expressed intention of granting to the Filipinos that inde pendence to which, he says, they are as much entitled as the Cubans. The Philadelphia convention declared that the Filipinos should have the bless ings of liberty and civilization, and "the largest measure of self-govern-ment consistent with their welfare and our duties." Bui this, he as serts, is exactly what King George promised the American colonists. Says Mr. Bryan: "In what respect does the position of the Republican party differ from the position taken by the English government in 1776? Did not the English government promise a good government to the colonists? What king ever promised a bad government to his people? Did not the English government promise that the colo nists should have the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish government promise to give to the Cubans the largest measure of self-government consist ent with their welfare and Spanish duties? Tho whole difference between a monarchy and a republic may be summed up in one sentence. In a monarchy the king gives to the peo ple what he believes to be a good government: in a republic the people secure for themselves what they be lieve to be a good government." Ia the course of his speech Mr. Bryan incidentally remarks that if we" acquired Spain's title to the Phil ippines by purchase, we cannot defend such a title, "and we can honorably turn the property over to the party in possession." This is the only reference, direct or indirect, to the possible surrender of the Philippines, but it is a phrase of which, we doubt not, much will be made in the cam paign. The proposition is not elabo rated, while considerable space is devoted to what Mr. Bryan regards as the solution of the Philippine prob lem. He follows closely the language of the Democratic national platform, and wants the United States to prom ise the Filipinos independence and self-government, assist them in the laudable task of accomplishing the latter result, and then assure them a protectorate, such as we now afford the South and Central American re publics through the Monroe doctrine. This is, at least, a definite and intel ligent programme. Mr. Bryan's speech is long, but it is worth reading. It is the ablest, most logical and thoughtful, as well as the most adroit and plausible, pre sentation of the question of imperial ism which has yet been submitted to the American people. THEIR CONFIDENCE WILL NOT BE ABUSED. The (jlory and Strength of the Demo cratic Party in State and Nation is That it Has Stood for the Equal Rights of the Humblest as Well as the Richest, of the Unlettered as Well as the Educated. (News and Observer. ) "On the day of the election," said Judge W. R. Allen, "I went to a coun try district in Wayne county. A man who could not read and write came up to the polls. He told me that at first he was strongly opposed to the amendment and intended to vote against it, but after hearing my ex planation be had decided to trust the Democrats. He added, 'I don't know that I understand it now, but I will vote for it, and if anything happens so I can't vote I will look to you to see me through.' And then he voted for the amendment. It was the trust reposed in the Democratic party by the illiterate voters that enabled the Democrats to win. We must not be unworthy of their confidence." Judge Allen's experience will be paralleled by that of every other Dem ocratic speaker and worker in the State. Three months ago there were hundreds of uneducated white men in North Carolina who were opposed to the amendment because they did not understand it. During the campaign many of them were convinced that it was a wise measure and gave it their hearty support. But there were hun dreds more who voted for it on faith. They were not certain about it and up to the last day they had misgiv ings, but they trusted in the promise of the Democratic leaders that it would disfranchise no white man. Some of them never could exactly see how it would work out, but they ac cepted the positive assurances of the leaders of the party to which they be longed. Such faith is warranted, be cause the Democratic party has always stood for white manhood suf frage, and the older uneducated man remember that it was the Democratic party that removed a property quali fication to vote for Senators, and that recollection helped this generation of Democrats. The faith reposed by the unedu cated voters in North Carolina will not be abused. The Democratic party will not permit any man among them to lose his vote, and it will use its most strenuous exertions to see that his children are educated, not alone that they may vote, but that they may be better equipped in the strug gle of life. To this end the leaders with voice ond pen, the Governor and all State officials, the legislators-elect and all Democrats who regard their sacred promises will begin a revival of education and not let it lag until there is a good and efficient school within the reach of every child in the State. The responsibility imposed by the trust of the men who cannot read is one that transcends all others and to its perfect fulfillment everything else must and will be made secondary. If any Democrat could become indiffer ent to the responsibility that is in separable from the confidence of these voters, be would be unworthy to be long to the great party that has en dured one hundred years because, re fusing all support that demanded special privilege, it has stood for the equal rights of the humblest as well as the richest, of the unlettered as well as the educated. That is its glory and its strength in State and Nation. Hail to North Carolina! (Danville Regist'T.) T he Assyrian came down like a wolf on the fold, And his cohorts were gleaming in purple and gold, And the sheen of his spearmen shone like stars on the sea Where the blue waves roll nightly on deep Galilse. With one fell swoop the outraged Democracy of North Carolina rose in its might and smote the enemy from the land, leaving not a vestige of his insolent power as a moument where he fell with all his dishonor, his perifidy, and corruption. Russellism, Butlerism, Holtonisns negroism, have gone where the wood bine twineth and the whangdoodle mourneth, and the white and red flag of Anglo-Saxon supremacy waves over the debris. It stands like an emblem of white man's government and its everv flutter and rustle is a voice to j the world that the traditions of the ! grand old Commonwealth shall be ! ever preserved from the despoiler; j the matchless virtue of the Southland J shall be kept inviolate, and outside j investment, which has long held i aloof, may come in unthreatencd by i civil revolution. ! Republican rule with its disgraces ; and its 'shames has been forever j buried beneath a majority of 60,000 white votes. Virginia extends to her compeer : the warm hand of congratulation and joins with the spirit and understand ing in the refrain: Hurrah! hurrah: the Old North State for ever, Hurrah: hurrah: the good Old North State, No Reason For Telling. Mother "Hattie, I'm surprised at ; you. Couldn't you tell Wash was going to kiss you?" Hattie "Yes, mamma; but there j was no one for me to tell except him, and he knew it alreadv." "SIMPLY THE INEVITABLE9' COMMENT ON THE NORTH CAROLINA ELEC TION. The Elimination of the Negro From Politics in the South Views of Northern Republicans Who Under stand the Situation and the Causes Which Resulted In the Recent Peace ful Revolution in This State. (Wilmington Star.) Some of the Northern Republican papers are makiug'much ado over the recent election in this State, but not more than they have been doing over all the elections in the South when the Republican party was beat en at the polls. Some of the so-called independent papers join them in their denunciation of the "red shirts," utterlv ignorant or oblivious of the fact that the red shirt was a very small factor in the result and figured in a comparatively small portion of the State, and then in very small numbers. There are, however, some papers in the North which under stand the situation and the causes which resulted in the gratifying revo lution of August 2nd, one of which is the Philadelphia Times, one of the ablest and most thoroughly independ ent papers in the North, which in an editorial, under the caption "The North Carolina Lesson." thus dis cusses it: "The inevitable has come in North Carolina. The disturbance between the white and the colored races in that State, that culminated in the tragical revolution of the Wilmington government two years ago, clearly foreshadowed organized and relent less warfare by the great mass of the whites against negro domination in either local or State government. "North Carolina is the fourth State that has practically disfranchised the mass of the colored voters. The amendment to the National Consti tution prohibiting discrimination against any race or condition in grant ing suffrage, is awkwardly evaded by applying the test of property or intelli gence to suffrage and exempting from exclusion on account of illiteracy those who were qualified electors at the close of the war and their des cendants. As the colored race had no right of suffrage before the war in any of the Southern States, and as all the white citizens were then given suffrage regardless of property or in telligence, the exclusion in its practi cal application affects only the color ed voters. The black race is thus substantially eliminated as a political power in the States of North Caro lina, South Carolina, Mississippi and Louisiana. "It seems rather astounding at first blush that a number of Republicans and many of the more intelligent col ored citizens of North Carolina voted for the new Constitution, but when the actual conditions are carefully considered it is not so much of sur prise. The Republicans know that they never can make headway in political battles on the race issue, and they believe that with the negro elim inated from politics the whites would divide on national and local questions and the Republicans would have their opportunity to play an important part as a political factor. "Many of the more intelligent col ored citizens of North Carolina either supported the amendment or passive ly assented to its adoption, because they understand that there never can be tranquillity in the State while the race issue is vital in politics. For the present it makes North Carolina over whelmingly Democratic, but with the race issue eliminated, that for many years has held the whites in political bondage because of the fear of negro ""supremacy, new political lines are likely to be speedily form ed in the State and permanent Dem ocratic supremacy is far from being sure. "The Republican leaders naturally criticise the revolution in North Car olina as practically disfranchising the colored race, but they should not be forgetful of the fact that the Republi can national leaders themselves led in the enfranchisement and the disfran chisement of the black men in the District of Columbia. He was given the ballot regardless of property or intelligence: a territorial government was created by Congress: the local Legislature was elected by popular vote, and a Governor appointed by the President. The negroes domi nated the legislative power of the District of Columbia and ran riot in debauchery and profligacy. The same i Republican power that thus first 1 enfranchised the negro under the ) very shadow of the national capital, was finally compelled to revoke that ; franchise and restore government bv Congress and commission to the District. "Thus South Carolina, Mississippi, Louisiana and North Carolina have simply followed in the footsteps of the Republican national leaders, who first made the experiment of indis criminate negro suffrage and who were compelled to make the first ex- non rtictn t a hCA 1 11 1 f 1 1' r Vn If 1 n fr inP i absolutelv revokin? tne jfi.u:. At..-o lv removed from the power of ,he good run of luck people. It is simply the inevitable The more checks a spendthrift re that has come to North Carolina, and c9 fter, , . . A Ihut if Vt aa o frn a in T t nUnno n A 1 JaW lessness only proves how supreme was the necessity for eliminating the ; race issue in North Carolina. With the exception of the reference to violence and lawlessness as far as Democrats are concerned this is a sensible article, written by a candid, truthful man, who has spent much time in the South, whose personal observation gives him the advantage over the editors who know personally little about the South, and therefore discuss it on the information or rather misinformation gathered from the biased or mendacious rantings and writings of partisans who are inter ested in miprepresenting the motives and acts of Southern Democrats, or rather Southern white men, for in the contest so gloriously ended last Thursday white man 'and Democrat are syionymous. The remarkable thing ia that the people of North Carolina were to slow in moving for the elimination of the ignorant negro element from out poli tics and that they should have patient ly borne with it so long. Having borne with it so long it is doubtful if they would have moved even when they did if it had not been for the way the fusion managers pandered to the negro vote, and the way they recog nized that vote in the distribution of offices in the Eastern counties, which aroused the white people to the im pending danger of negro domination in the East and the necessity of doing something to avoid it, when a Demo cratic Legislature had the power to give the people an opportunity to act. With such unscrupulous trick sters as Marion Butler and Jeter Pritchard planning and plotting to hold their grip, and working upon such an element as the ignorant ne gro, with an ignorant white contin gent, as are led by revenue officers, deputy marshals, etc., there was no telling what might happen and what the fate might be if those Eastern counties having large negro popula tions and therefore supreme effort became necessary to prevent tho suc cess of these tricksters, with possible and probable negro domination as a result of their success. The white people of North Carolina saw the danger and wisely and patriot ically they confronted it and averted it, not only for the present, but for all time, because "revolutions never go backward." They did practically what the peo ple of any Northern State would have done if they had had a taste of negro domination or stood in fear of it. They would not have patiently sub mitted to the conditions for thirty years as the white people of North Carolina did, but would have asserted white supremacy at the first indica tion of danger, and there isn't one in a thousand of the people up there, re gardless of politics, who gives the contest in this State a thought who does not approve the action of the white men of North Carolina in elimi nating the vicious and ignorant negro clement from our politics, thus in suring the rule of the white man. They pay about as little attention to the "red shirt" rot in the columns of the partisan journals as we do down here, for they know it wasn't the red shirt but the white man who was the factor in this revolution and in bring ing about what the Times calls "sim ply the inevitable." Virginia will follow the example of North Carolina and then the ignorant negro will be eliminated in six of the Southern States, namely, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Ten nessee, Mississippi and Louisiana, which will be followed by other Southern States where the negro may be or may become a troublesome fac tor, until he is eliminated everywhere that his elimination may be desirable. It is "simply the inevitable" and no amount of partisan brawling or of red shirt rot can prevent it. HIS LITTLE 4-YEAR OLD. A Touching Story of Childish Sim plicity "Tell Arthur I Shall Sleep With Him To-night." (Union Gospel News) Sometimes I believe that the little ones say the best things after all, says a writer who reports this touching incident. I know a family in Detroit who ware heart-broken and sad this Saturday night. There were three last Saturday, but to-day only two are left. The tie that bound them more closely than that which the clergyman drew has lately been loosened, and the light of their lives went out with the red winter sun only the other night. The father is a railroad man, whose duties called him away from home nearly three-fourths of the time. It was his habit, whenever he was about to start for home, to telegraph his wife, apprising her of the fact. In these telegrams be never failed to meution the name of his little 4 yearold, and the dispatch usually ran as follows: "Tell Ar'iiur I shall sleep with him to-night." The baby boy was very proud of these telegrams, which his mother would read over to him, and he con sidered the "teledraf'a great institu tion. The other night, when the fever had done its work, and the mother was sobbiog out her anguish, the lit tle one turned calmly in his bed and said : "Don t ky, mamma; I sail seep wiv Dod. 'oo know. Send Dod a tele- 1 ; (,raf an(J te him j ,R B- wiT hm j to-night," But the message went straight np j there without the clicking of wires or the rustle of wings. ! Pointed Parafraphf. (Chicago News.) A true love match makes two hearts I The winner in a horse race has a j ont.he Z? f lh." thing' The fool sometimes gets the best of a wise man in a horse trade. Old bells can be made as good as . new but not so with old belles. A detective says there is more craft j upon land than there is upon water, i The girl who runs a soda fountain ! must expect to be winked at oceasion- ally. i At a recent shoemakers'' Wanquet .the following toast waa proposed: ; "May we have all the world to ahoe i and the men to boot." ' Always on band afrah lot of Straisrbt and Patent flour at LOWEST FBICES, at H.THOMASON'S. r After He Comes he has a hard enough lime. Every thing that the expectant mother can do to help her child she should do. One of the greatest blessings she can give him U health, but to do this, she must have health her self. She should use every means to improve her physical condition. She should, by all means, supply herself with Mother's Friend It will take her through the crisis easily and quickly. Itisa buimcnt which fcixrs strength nd vigiw to the iiiusxW. Com mon sense will show you that the stronger the in u c 1 e s are, which btar the strain, tho less pain there will be. A woman living in Fort Wayne, Ind., s..iys: "Mother's Friend did voih1c:s tr me. Praise God fur your liiiiniiT.i." Read this from Htuu-1. Cal. " Mother's Friend is a Messing to all women who undergo nature's o:xleul of childbirth." Get Mother's Triend et the drug store. $1 per bottle. $ Hit BRADIILLD REGULATOR CO., f Atlanta, Ca. S LWrlt for our fra Illustrate book, " Ilafur S ltaby U Horn." Z Henry Perry, -Insurance.- A strong;iineof both Life Md firm Vmm panic represented. Folieies Insued and risks plaeed to best advantage. 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Worth. Taxas, St. Louts, Mo, K Oahrsatoa. Taut, NaskvUle, Tenn., r Ssvaaatah. Oa. Cheap board. Car fare paid. Mo vacation. Enter any time. Beat patronised la th SoaUt. Bookkosptachorthaad. EtcUuft-ht bj mail. Write for price I lot Home Stady. Scholarship Free by doing- a little writing at your boms. HENDERSON TELEPHONE C01PANT. HENDERSON, It. C, MARCH 1STH, 1900. I beg to an nounce that ihf. following towns arc now vnn mctpl y long distance phones and the rate herewith pnh li sited will be in effect on and after March i5. 1 900. FROM H ENDERSON: Ax Ml. Airlv, I$rMiLti!. ItrinkU-y villi-, l'-iitTviIl-. Churchill. Crow-llH. Ditbnev. Knfi.-ld. Fratikliiitoii. (tiipton, liilJburj, Halifax. Kittn-11, Iiurv, to -A m SI B M Sl. JfJT (To IO. Ma.011. 2. MaiiMoii, l.Y IO. Mi1'. J.V jr.. MiiMl.-l.tjr?. 10. Jn. Oak v ill.-. jr.. jr.. Oxf..rd. l.V IJidifway. 1". 10. KiiifrwMl. -I.". l.Y lUiaimk- itiipidn Jt.V 1. V TtlU-ry. 40. 2-Y Viiiiifban. jr.. IO. Wurreti i'lain. O. IO. Vurn-iit.ii. Jit. JO. Wld011. '1-V 20. Wiw, 20. 2. V Yonnamvilb, 2-V LittU-ton. LoniKburir, 20. F. C. Toepleman, Ucaarml aaaarlatosttlaau. V ? 1 V. t4 XTpacaliarllls. Tb A 1 J tight ranked fur yVk IrbaAlesrUU-aapeclally yjfwml au4 stoutaeb rav's Vermifuge A children for CO year. Ber.1 Cor inns, book aboat Ua UJa aod U Lll rmCT. alU-aia, IU. POSITIONS OUAHANTBDD. Under JOOQ Oaeh Depoeft. Baslraad Warm PaU. i mil vaar ia lota ftaaae. YefT Chaaa ear. OawsjU-AUbaaaa Baaing OeV