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LEXINGTON; NORTH C All OLIN A' FRIDAY: NOVEMBER 23', 1855' r1"?4' 1 -.r- ',-.- (VmT
VOL. 1.
V" .t , vv
I III I I -II I ' IT IV I . I I i J . I
1 II l'. 'l . " - II W " I
I - i II I I I 1 1 VJ V 111 I I III I III . 1 1 I -1 i I . . ' 1 1 J 1 III 1 1 I I i I I I I I , . I
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- PTBUSHBtt. W SBCf BY
JAMES B. S HELTON. ;
JAMES A. I-ONj&, Editor;
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PLiATFOUM OP X1IF AMERIC IX
PARTY OF HfORTII CAROIIIVA.
At a Convention of the American party,
held at Raleigh, on the jlOth of October,
1855, the following' resolutions were adopt
ed. I
Resolved, That, as the cruises which ren
dered the secrecy of the American Organi
zation necessary in its infancy, no longer
exist all the secret cermonials of the or-
der whether of initiation, obligations, signs,
constitutions, rituals, or passwords-be abol- j
ished that we do constitute ourselves into L
a publicly organ rzed part y that we do chal
lenge our opponents to the public discuss-,
ion of Amr principles and ye do hereby
invite and invoke the aid and co-operation
of all the citizens of the Stale, without re
gard to their former political affiliations, jn
maintaining and carrying out: the. gfeat aims
principles and objects of the Ameriean par
y. ' r. j
Resolvedy That we do liereby ratify and
endorse the principles enunciated in the
platform of the American (party, by the
National Council of the. same, begun .and
held at Philadelphia, on the 5th day of June,
1855, in relation to the political policy of
the Government whilst at the same time,
we consider the three great primary princi
ples of the organization, which constitute
the basis of our party, as paramount in im
portance to any issues of meire governmental
policy. , - 1 .
Resolved, lhat these three! great primary
principles are, first, the confinement of the
honors, offices and responsibilities of polit- j
ical station, under our government, to ma
tive-born Americans, with a due regard, at
the same time, to the protection of the foreign-born.
in all the civil rights and privileges
guaranteed to" freemen by the constitution,
whether Federal or State. j
Secondly, Resistance to religious intoler
ance, and a rigid maintanane of tKe great
principle of religious freedom hy exclud
ing from office and power, those who would
persecute for opinion's sake, who would
control the politics of the country through
Church influences or priestly interference ;
and who acknowledge an allegiance to anv
power on earth, whether civil or ecclesias-
tical, as paramount to that Which they oive
to the Constitution.
And, Thirdly, unswerving devotion to the '
Uniox ol these btates. and resistance to all
factions and sectional attempts to weaken j
its bonds. ' : !
Resolved, That in all nominations for po-1
ditical station here after to be made by the
American rarty, it is recommended that the
same be done in open public! meeting and
that all those who agree with iis in principle,
and who concur in our aims and objects,
shall hereafter be recognized las members of
the American party. ,
Resolved, That it be recommended to the
American Party in this State jto hold a Con
vention of delegates, to be appointed in pub
lic primary meetings ill the respective coun
ties, in Greensboro,' on Thursday the 10th
day of April next, for the purpose of nomi
nating a candidate to be run! by the Amer
ican party for Governor at the next election
that each county appoint ! as many Del
egates as it chooses, and that the mode of
voting in said convention be regulated by
-the convention itself. j
Resolved, That we consider the 22d day
of Febuary next the time Iheretofore se
lected by the National Council of the Amer
ican order, for the nomination of candidates
for President and Vice-President, as too
tfarly a day for that purpose, and we do
hereby recommend to our breathren.of the
American party throughout "the. Union, the
propriety of postponing the holding of said
..convention, to!some time in j the - month of
. June or July. t -
Resolved, However, lest such postpone
ment may not take place, it is deemed ad
visable to appoint wo delegates to represent
the State at large in such nominating Con
yention, and it is recommended to the A
nfican party in each Congressional Dis
trict to hold primary meetings in the respec
tive counties, and appoint delegates to Dis
trict Conventions, for the; selection of a
delegate fnim each respective Disirict to
said nominating Convention.
Resolved, That an 'Executive tJcntial
Committee of five, be appointed by this body
whose duty it shall be to attend to the
neral concerns of the American party in
this State, to carry on the i necessary "cor
respondence, and take such inceptive steps
as may be deemed necessary for the more
thorough organization of the said executive;
committee be authorized and . requested to
appoint a CountylExecutiye Committee for
each ' County in the State ; and, that said
Connty Executive Committee do further apr
point a sub-committee for each" election pre
cinct in the county, with a view to a more
thorough and complete organization, of-the
American party in rvortn oaronnai
Lctter from Colonel " Clemens f to
i :r General Cass.--Xo. SV " 's
; Huxtsville, Ala., Oct.. 3, 1855.
v Dear Sir: Other engagements have pre
vented me from continuing, at an tearlier
day, my reply to your anti-American letter.
If in that rcplyI jshouiKajt anytime -use
plain langxtagc, I beg you to believe that it
results franrno diminution of myregard for
j you as a man, or the high estimate I have
j always placed u port your abilities as a states-
man. it would be very-jUjm'uit lor ra& ta
address you in any xbut a kindly spirit.
These are not times, however, Inoi; is thfsia
subject, upon which to suppresSithe uUer
ance of honest sentiments. You,-sir, more
than any other man in this republic, aretac
countable for whatever fate awaits us; be
cause your influence is wider, 'your capacr
ty less questioned,' und your character less
accessible to reproach. To -f your country
f you occupy the position of the watchman
mentioned in kzekiel, and accordiug to the
manner in which the duty of a watchman is
discharged will be your reward or your re
sponsibility :
"If, when he seeth the sword come upon
the land, he blow the trumpet and warn the
people, then whosoever heareth the sound
of the trumpet, "and taketh not warning, "if
the sword come, and take him away, his
blood sjiall be upon his own head.
"But if the watchman see the sword come,
and blow not the trumpet, and the people be
not warned, if the sword come and take any
person from among them, he is taken away
in his miquitj-, but ins biooa wtii l require
ai me wiiciimaii s nanus.
If, in what I have written, or may write.
I succeed in impressing upon you the great
importance'of 'giving the American move-
ment an honest and careful examination, I
suall not have kibored in vain. I have, in-
. ,1. x1 1 ,7 ' '
deed, other objects, and chief among these
is that of refuting unfounded charges, and
repelling unjust assailment.
In the list of your charges against the
American party is that of "proscription."
The word was no doubt used without re
flection, for you could not have intended to
make the vile accusatipn its literal meaning
covers. To proscribe means "to censure
capitally to doom to destruction." It is
something worse than to persecute, and it
would pairi me to believe that you could so
iar torget what is due to truth and common
sense as to make such an allegation against ject any candidate for their suffrages onac
so considerable a number of your country- count of his religion. The State has the
men. ? It isufals'e even in the sense in which unqualified right to reject any. nomination
you intend to employ it. You have been
practising all your life that very same pro-
scnption. - ror hlty years you have called
it patriotism, and 1 must protest against any
change of name at the present day. I doubt
if you ever voted for a Whig in your life, belongs to them. That is all. We3 are sat
I am very sure that you have often voted isfied with the constitution as it is. and'pro-
for a Democrat when you knew his Whig
- i
competitor was, in all respects, his superior
as a man. Unless you have been more for
tunate than I have been, you have some-
times voted lor a uemocratic nominee a
gainst an independent Democratic candidate,
whom you knew to be his superior. In the
exercise of your rights as a citizen, you pro
scribed (pardon the use ot your own word,)
; the whole Whig party, you proscribed that
"portion of vour own party who would not
submit to caucus diction. Asa Senator of
the United States you assisted in excluding
Aooiuion memoersoi me same Doay irom
a place on any of its committees ; and now,
sir, will you tell mein what respect you are
less liable to the charge of proscription than
1 am ? I say, that I will not vote for a for-
eigner or a
Cat noire." i ou say that you will
not vote for a Whig, or a Democrat who
"
runs against the party nominee; and that
you will not let an Abolitionist serve on a
committeer I have heard it said, "oh yes,
you can vote as you please, vou may vote
against a foreigner just as well as against an "'
Abolitionist, but it is very improper to fomil
Combinations to exclude foreigners from of-
"fice." "
T l ." 1 ! .
i nave no particular oojection 10 sucn
reasoning when it comes trom some halt-
fledged lawyer who knows no more of his
profession as a science, than he does of vol
canoes in the moon, and who has only a
vague idea that somewhere in the law com
binations are declared illegal, but when a
man of fair ability utters such things the
conclusion is inevitable that he has very lit
tle respect tor the intelligence of his hearers.
It is impossible for a political party to ex:
ist without combination. All the obiects of
a party are effected. through combinations,
You combined with Madison," Alonroe,
Jackson, Van Buren, Polk and Pierce ex-
cuse me for mentioning the last as I -did
the same thing I hope yoiTwill acquit me of
malice in the allusion. That man will con-
fer a favor I shall not soon forget who con-
vinces me that it is not just as fair to com-
bine for the purpose of excluding foreigners
from office, as it is for the purpose of exclud-
ing Whigs of rebellious Democrats. You
contented yourself With assertion and made
no attempt at proof. It is well for your rep-
utation that you did so. Many persons will
helieve what you say without putting them-
selves to the trouble of examination; where-
as, if you, had attempted an argumentyoii
would certainly have exposed to the most
indifferent; inquirer the weakness of your
position. No learning, and no ingenuity
could have : saved .you from a mortifying
faUure.;; ':r;"-;.y.- -
ou acknowledpre and act unon the nnn-
ciplc that it is right to exclude Mr. Garrison
.... . r;
and
? disciples ' from every -'office Vunder4ie church irf the conritry is riever heard pf.
s government downto4 the fourth.milita; i .They cannot afford 'th!worhir CiZA Wth
the government down to, the fourth". milita,
because they.subscribe to the atrocious ien
timent that "theConstitutioil of the United
oiaiep-is; a covenant witn cieatn, amifan
agreement with Hell,'-f $p
.r I claim that it is right ta exclode from of
fice those members of the - Qathblic church
who deny the supremacy of the constitution,
and. acknowledge, the power, of.thI'ppe tp
.release them from all obligation to support
vpu Refuse to support a Wh lg oecause .you
believehisr onstractionf,the.s powers of
Congress tinder the constitution erroneous.
I;fefuse tof ;supportra foreigner because
(among other; things) "not one in five thousand-
has ever read the constitution, and not
one in fifty; thousand understands ,its pror
visions. ii-'-r'i":V!!-r '-i V- " i ,
Now, sir, f thisT is , an, exact statement of
your position and of rniric:-1 Both of us1,
aouDtiessv cani. Arrive many ;wner reasons lor
Jhe, faith.tiiat is in us;.but this is the ground
work upon which the whole superstructure
is rearqd," If yours istnefrspniigof patri
otic devotioii to-liberty andthe;constitution,
by what mftjgic does mine' become ."intoler
ance proscripUpnrV and . reckless (disre
gard of eonstitutional duty ? ;Itis true you
do- not assert that thereis anything uncon
stitutional in . the 'American platform. Your
position is too high, and you could not af
ford so to. trifle with yo'ur .reputation ;.' but
you give to others with feiverscruples,.and
less to lose, trfe. sanction of your silence.
As long as your opponents confined "them
selves to general denunciations oflhe Amer
ican Order as unconstituional, they got along
smoothly enough. Some people took it for
granted they, knew what they were saying,
and believed them. But specifications are
dangerous things when error is to be sus
tained. Two clauses i aferelied;upon ; the
first is- f' ' ' ' '- .. "
"But.no religious'" (est-shall, ever be re
quire .aSj a qualification .for anys office or
public, trust S under the United "States."
This clause relates entirely to the oaili
which must be taken by the public officers.
It places nd restriction upon1 the voterim
poses no obligation. . The Lagislalure is jde-.
nied the right of requiring an y.,religions oath
from an officer ?.fttr uis election by the
people, but the people themselves retain
unlimited discretion, and it is entirely-with
them to decide whether a -marr's 'religious
opinions shall, be any bar to his advance
ment. . This relates to elections by .the peo
ple. The whole Congress cannot require
any test oath which the constituency of the'
officer did not require, but in Executive ap'
pointments it is different. The. State, alone
can reject his nominees, for their religious
opinions, as well ' as for any other cause,
which, in their judgment renders the nom
inations improper. Under the Constitution
the people have the unqualified "right to re-
sent to them by the President, en account
of the religion of thtnominte. i.We propose
as voters to exercise the right which
IS se-
cured to us, and we desire the election of
Senators who1 will exercise the right which
-
pose no change. The other clause is
That Congress shall make no law re
specting an establishment of religion, or pro
hibiting the free exercise thereof." 1
There is scarcely a clause in the consti
tution .with which a Know Nothing would
be mofle unwilling to part than the very one
which is thus quoted against us. One.of
the chief objections to Catholicism is to be
found in its constant struggles to connect
CO
itself with the State. Everv other denomi-
nation of Christians , look upon all connex-
ion with the - government1 as fatal to the
oest interests pi iveiigion. in mat nuren
alone, a, restless longing for power, an insa-
liable thirst for persecution and blood, in
duces unremitting efforts to obtain posses-'
sion of the temporal sword. In guarding a
gainst 'that dinger, in seeking to keep the
stains of earth far away from the ermine of
the Christian Church, the first amendment
to the constitution is an auxiliar' no Amer
ican wishes to lose. The Catholic may
perform.the exercise of religion on the pub
lic highways, or in the market-places, if he
pleases; he mav celebrate mass at mid-day
or at mid-night J he may nail a saint or two
over his door, or collect adozen holv relics
j m nis caoinet, ami no one will interpose an
vtr-
obiection. lhe American-nartv make no
war upon the Catholic to prevent the free
exercise oi nis religion, Dut to prevent tne
possibility ofhis interfering with the free
exercise of our own. Men who have de
clared that it ; is f unconstitutional to permit
the Bible to be studied in schools, have no
further scruples 'to overcome before declar-
ing it unconstitutional to attend.any -but a
Catholic church. AVhen Other arguments
fail, -it is customary- to resort to : weak at
tempts to ridicule the fear of danger from
Catholic influence; and n -crder to make
thia effectual, the census statistics arc very
unscrupulously perverted According to
that document,!the Baptists provide church
accomodations for. 3,247,029, the Methodists
for 4,333,759, j while the Catholics provide
accomodations ffor,,only 667,082.
The reason ;i of " tliis disparity is plain,
The Baptists and Methodists do "not build
churches for,.; themselves alone; every
church will hold more than double as many
worshippers as actually belong tp the church,
. Their houses are scattered all over the
country and V the whole neighborhood,
whether . they belong to any church or not
are welcomed! when they come. 1
. The Catholic. Cathedrals, on thepther
hand, arc. put up on a scale of such regal
magnificence 1 that -.it-is only in the 'eities
and large towns .they . can afford tojjuild at
all. They have not yet the right to taxus
for buildino- churches tor them, and the con
o .- . . - ' .
I sequence is, i
that such a thing as a Catho
qainhasOTming edifiees with Xvhich bth:
er 5-dendminatinn t Hnv AnttnA 'fi;0:i-n.r
j vt JKlenommations have -dotted f the -lahd.
fi neyeeTat to estimate the value of prayer
aecorfingt04he;f splendor yof the temple
from 'which It ilsce!lds,, and tOifear thal'log
cabin supplications wonld ' never; reach the
ar of Saint Peter. ; Their church ! accom
odations, therefore, afford nd rule by which
lo estimate r the number of irteihoers 'The
actual number or members iri'the-three'
Churches is as followsf Baptist, lnrlvrding
eight different sects,' 082,003 f Methodists,
including four different sects; 1 ,779,526 ;
while the Catholics rise to-1,173,700 ac
cording to theiBaptist almanac, fx 1334,
500, according to another bslimate made'by
the superinendantof the census. ' This
was in 1850. !lna852, Archbishop HughSs
gavej it'as hiropiqion that there were not
less than 3,500,000 Catholics in the United
States, ndl added-r- Emmigration has no
doubt contributed much' to : this result.''.
Since 1850, the immigration hns been lm"
mense, and at thisr day I have little donbt
the Archbishop's" estimate is far below the
truth.- lUmust be remembered, 'also, that
there arc no sects, no schismsaroongstthem.
They have a common object -they obey a
common-head-.- .
In all that rektes to the advancement of
the church they have no scruples, no re
straints,' and their capacity for mischief is
thus increased many fold beyond their actu
al numbers. Yet we are admonished to let
this church alone ta permit it "go on in
creasing, without opposition, at this fearful
rate. Even Christian ministers: have en
tered the political arena and warned us that
persecution will give it new vitality. The
serpent is among us. We see h glow day
by day, we watch its scales harden, and
still we must not touh it for fear persecu
tion s will strengthen it. This is one of
those popular errors which have been ac
cepted from generation to generation,' be
cause no one thought it of sufficient impor
tance to expose it. It is not only false, it is
a noei upon tne. i-rotestant taith, vanu! the
American .character. It presitpposes two
things repugnant like to the understanding
?nd the heart. It supposes the Catholic to
be the true Teligion, and applys to it the
maxim ' thai-the blood of the martyrs is
the seed of the church." The great reform
er Knox held no such opinion, stern, sin
cere, fearless, uhawed by power, unseduced
by flattery, he denounced with equal sever
ity le; magistrate who tolerated, and the
citizen who practiced Romish superstitions.
Johir Wesly was riot behind him. The
following extract from-: one of his letters
speaks for itself. The deciples of the
school he founded would do well to refer to
his writings a -little more frequently than
many of them appear to have done ; '
" Again those who acknowledge the spir
itual power of the Pope can give ho security
of their allegiance to any govern'rheht ; but
all Roman Catholics acknowledge this ;
therefore they can give no security for their
allegiance.
" The power of granting pardon for sins
present, past and to come- is, and has
been for many centuries, one branch of his
spiritual power. But those who acknowl--edge
him to have this spiritual power can
give no. security for their allegiance, since
they believe that the Pope can pardon re
bellion, high treason and all other; sins
whatsoever. The power of dispensing
with any promise, oath, or vow, is another
branch 'of' the" spiritual p'ower of the Pope
and all who acknowledge his spiritual
power must acknowledge this. But who
ever acknowledges the dispensing power of
the Pope can give no security for his aliegi-r
ance to any government. Oaths and prom
ises are gone : they are light as air a dis
pensation makes them null and void. Nay,
not only the Pope, but even a priest has
power to. pardon sins! !
." This is an essential doctrine of the
Church of Rome. But they that acknowl
edge this cannot possibly give any allegi
ance to any government. Oaths are no se
curity at all : for the priest can pardon both
perjury and high treason. Setting their re
ligion aside it is plain that upon principles
of reason, no government ought to tolerate
men who cannot give any securify to their
government for their allegiance and pea ce
aWe.behavior. But this no Romanist can
do, not only while he holds that no faith
is to be kept with heretics, but so. long as
he acknowledges priestly absolution pr the
spiritual power of the Pope. '
"If any one pleases to'answer this, arid'
sign his name I shall probably reply. But
the productions of any anonymous writers I
do not promise to taKe any notice oi.
"I am, sir, your humble servant,
"JOHN WESLEY.
" City Road, January 2ft 1780."
Knox and Wesley were right. Persecu
tion (if you call it hv that name) never aid-
ed a bad cause. Henry Vlll crushed tne
power of the Pope in England with scarce
ly an effort. Bloody Mary revived it.
W hen Elizabeth ascended- the throne, she
laughed at his Interdicts, and her subjects
followed her example, l he law maae and
remade Catholicism at pleasure. Ireland
is no exception ! There indeed they clung
to the national faith with more tenacity than
elsewhere. But'-itmustbe remembered that
the laws to suppress "it were hot mtlaws.
The priest found his most efficient ally in
the universal hatred of the oDDressor. If
- - - j M A
their own parliament,. , unfettered by, Eng
land,had enacted the same" statutes, they
would have beeri received 'without question,
and enforced: without difficulty. Even as
U was! however hateful, the source from
which the law sprung, itdiJ much to crip
ole the cause of Rome, Before England
changed her policy and passed what is call
ed the Emancipation Act," there were
hut seventeen Jesuits -id., Ireland; Since
that act of toleration thcnumber hasswell-
edbo) four hundred: Xfacto Mi of
meanr
l'opith arffUr
ment Against persecution is, that it assumes
thq'depravity of the American i people. ":it
says injsb man y -words that they are ready
to TffoyeTccrcant to Heaven J if ir will !ad
Vance ' a pahy ' purpose that - becahae one
party assails Vreiigron. which' they believe
to' be false arid blaspnemeons, the ' other
party although; eqiially" opposed to it,; wiTl
encourage and defend it, in order to prevent
a paTty injiifj to themselves." or to inflict
one upon ihei? opponents. think better
of my couritfyfnen I hope "they "thinW iitl
terof themselvesVand that they will repu:
diate the leaders "who; by the "use of such
nrrumenfs plainly show how low is the es
timate they place upbn popular intelligence,
and popular virtuo. 'If all are not profess
ing Christians1 if many have grievious sins
to atone, there are yet none I trust without
the hope of redemption through the Saviour.
Blot out that hope, and existence becomes
ray less and cherless. Everv flower losses
its perfume, and every star that gems' the
Heavens speaks only of eternal torture,
To barter it away, and for less than a mess
of pottage, is a folly too wild, a sin too in
expiable to command my belief upon any
human evidence.
Your late letter. General, reminded me of
the course of the school boy, who getting
his lesson skipped the hard places. ' Allow
me. to say, without the least disrespect; that
yoirdid a good deal of skipping. Among
other hard places, was the claim of tempo
ral power on the part of the Pope. You
could not deny, and you would not admit.
The denial of any siich claim on the part
of the Pope was, I think, first made by Mr.
Chandler, in the House of Representatives
and you recollect the kind of proof he ad
duced to sustain him. The Catholic cause
was on trial before the Parliament of
JBHtain, and the Church furnished the evi
dence for itself. There would be little need
for our,crimnal courts, if the offender's own
statement was sufficient to justily acquittal
I prefer to rely upon testimony of a less-
quivocal character.
For the first six centuries after the death
of the humble fisherman whom the Popes
profess to take as their model, and-the foun
der of the Church, they made but littlepre
tension to temporal power. But as time
wore on, corruption after corruption andter
ror after. error crept in. They forgot that
Peter himself was a married man, and or-,
dained celebacy for the clergy. They for
get that he travelled "about on his mission
in threadbare garments, with his coat off,
and clothed themselves " in purple and fine
linen."; They forgot his continence, and sur
rounded themselves with courtezans. They,
forgot the humility 4which induced them to
pray that he might be crucified ..with his
head downwards, to avoid. an appearance
even in death, of equality with his Lord,
and'boldly claimed that they occupied, the
place " of the true God." The assertion
of temporal consequence of that claim,, and
it has been exercised for a thousand years.
" Pope John VIII obliged Charles the Bald
to confess that he held his empire by M
gift of the Pope.1 Pope Benedict VIII ex
acted a like pledge from Henry, Emperor" of
Germany, as also promise to obey him " in
everything. " Pope Nicholas" gave Capua
to Richard Guiscard and his brother Robert
all the lands he might conquer in Sicily
Apula, and Calabria." Alexander H pro
claimed William the Bastard rightful King
of England, and sen? him a hair from the
head of St. Peter in a Diamond ring.:
Gregory VII excorrimunicated the Emperor
of Germany, and absolved his subjects from
their allegiance. Alexander' III forced
Frederick to hold his stirrup while mount
ing his horse. Innocent III deposed King
John of England for confiscating the pro
perty of the clergy,, and imprisoning their
concubines. Henry VIII m of England and
Queen Elizabeth were also excommunica
ted, and their subjects absolved from their
oaths of fidelity. In 1801, a papil bull was.
issued against Bonaparte, and another a
gainst Switzerland. In 1855, alike bull has
been thundered against the King of Sardi
nia. .
These are but a few cases, selected from
the mass of material at hand, many more
might be given, but more is not needed.
It is a maxim of J.he church never to give
up the slightest of its claims to be silent
when silence is expedient, but never to lo'se
opportunities. In our own land, such was
the policy for years, but rapidly accumu
lating numbers have given their organs a
tone of conscious power, and they now
speak out boldly in defence of opposition. -The
following extracts are taken mainly
from ". The American Text Book." They
have not been denied, and cannot be.
Brownson's Review says:
" Let us dare to assert the truth in the
face of the dying world, and instead of
pleading for our. Church at the bar of the
State, summon the State itself to plead at the
bar of the Church, its divinely constituted
judged
The Kambler says : . ; . -
"You askjf he (the Pope,) were lord in
the land, and vou were in the minority, if
not in numbers, yet in power, what would
he do to you ? That, we say, w.ould en
tirely depend on circumstances. If it would
benefit the cause of Catholicism, he would
tolerate you if expedient, he would im
prison you, banish you, fine you, probably
he miffht even hansr vou : but, be assured of
one thing, he would never tolerate you for
the sake of the 'glorious principles of civil
and religious liberty."
The Boston Pilot has uttered this Church
arid State sentiment :
, JVS? good government can exist without
religion, and there can be no religion with
out ail-inquisition, which is wisely design
ed for the promotion and protection of the
true faith,"
ing ougnt not to be overlooked, andcannot
hejbisurierstodd. ' 4 - ---- - ' '.
'Another :6bj Action to" th is? PomharffUr
ualbr(fcri "s U pre me : a ri d cm p o ml ? a x
ercignsarcubjec'ted't md to1,e . c,
as its supreme" visible chieCS '"". - x
K rro 1 r
- "Is the Church ueen den t r. pn n 'a t .
sponsible, Xo public vpimo)i, ii.$, th'crf.lore i.i
nothing superior to an ordinary Pfoi tsi tnt
sect"? i ' We o wn ' we'had thought it "the" d
ficc of tnc!Cht.fch ! not ,t6 learn froni ' puhlir?
opinion; but io'inxintf t and f6mvito ttl
hfkjiMgcdVy it, tut to judjt UjiaX o 'co u -formiothcnnkxlms
of the age,-hut to list
all Kerpowers to ihakfth'e age' conform I q
her maxims . ; ---
Kingsrar)d Ibrdsmastratesf.J'ru
sovereignsrid ' subjects, re'urider It sQTie
Church) in 'all thirigs-aiike in things ten.
poral arid 'in things spiritual. JFI.oio .V
nies this, 'denies' not merely the soitnftr cpin
ion, BtrrjrHE JDiimstian' eugion rrsELr."
: tBrownsoriVReviRwagaln:
Wherever '" tliebccasiori oc cured," iT.i
Church assertenief pVwefrhot'in empf y .
words onlyi bht. in "deeds, to judge : sov j
crcigns, kings, "and Ca?sars,' to besiow or td
take aivay crowns, to depose ungodly riders
and to absolve their subtectsfr07n their cat h
of allegiance." - V .
So much for American 'authority. Let us
see what Daniel O'Connell says: ' !
"I Ideclare 'my most mqriiv6cal submis
sion to the head of the Church, and to the
hierarchy, in its' different 'orders.- If the
Uishops would make a -declaration, on this
bill, I never would beheard speaking against
it. : They have only to decide, and they
close my mouth; they have only to deter
mine, and I obey, I wisht to he under
stood 'that Such is the 'dut v of all Catho-
lies." -
' If is needless 'to pile-authority upon au
thority ."toprove an assumption of power so
n6t66us'.-, Mr. Brown son 'was recently ap
pealed to by some gentlcrridn friTTorth Car
olina,' probably iri the exrtectation that he1
would deny the interpretation put upon hx
former writings. J I do hot .propose ' to fol
ble to everf , 0n
- His conclusion is all that
is. important: , , J?
"The Pope is the proper authority to dc-;
cide for me whether the Constitution of thi.
country is or is not tepugnanito the laws of
vod. , -.-. r - ..j . . - .
Tliis was Mn BrownsonV opinion on the
12 th of June; 1855, and there I-Uavchimj
for the present. ; . . ' '
That there are American Catholics who
deiiy the temporal power of the Pope 1
know: But they are riot Catholics in his
acceptation of the word.' In Spain or Italy
they would be purinished heretics. He
recognises no deyided allegiance tolerates
ho freedom of conscience and permits no
departure from tfie orthodox faith. If his
power was once established in this countrj
they would be in as much danger oi the
rack as you or I. The iron boot anfl red
hot grate, would be prepared for alt aliie".;
Tp; you, -Sir, I need offer no proofs of the
iritolerarice of the Roman Church. If has
been the subject of more than one of your;
speeches in .. the Senatc; but this letter is;
not intended for your cyc alone. If read!
nowhere else it will be my own friends and I
neighbors, and I therefore propose to fntro-j
duce such testimony as time and space will!
allow.' I will now go back to Black St. ;
Bartholomew's day," and the wholesale j
butchery of Protestants, which have stamy i
ed it as infamous f&r all coming time. I;
will not dwell upon the fact that the Pope!
himself pronounced the eulogy of the assas-;
sinof Henry HI. Nor account the history!
of the times when infants .were tossed into
the flames which were roasting their par-
ents at the stake. There is eriongh of mod- "i
era date for my purpose, and it cannot be j
met by saying,; that, with the superstition;:
of by-gone ages, has passed away the old,
relentless cruelty which blackens the an. ;
nals of the church : . . ! i
"The absurd idea of rotings in defence i
of liberty of conscience, is a raot pestilential
error a test of all others most to be dreaded
in a State." Encyclical letter of Pope Pi-)
us IX. Aug. 15, 1852.
The Roman Catholic Bishop of St. Louis ";
says: -'-, ' - .; -"" ' ;' !
"Heresy and unbelief are crimes ; and in i
Christian countrys, ; as "in" Italy and Spain,;
for instance,where all the people are Cath- j
olic, and where the Catholic religion is an
essential part of the land, they are punished 1
as other crimes.
The St. Louis Shepherd of the Valley
says: . ' .-. . . ...
"The Church is, of necessity, intolerant.
Heresy she endures when and where. heJ
must; but she hates it, and directs all her 1
energies to its destruction.; If Catholics ;
ever gairfan "immense numerical majority, !
religious freedom in this f country is at an :
end 6 say ur 'enemics-sa say ice,' 4
BrownronV "Review of October, 1852, :
says: . . , , ;
"The liberty of heresy and nnbelief is "not
a natural right, all the rights the sects have
or can have.are derived from the State, and j
rest on expediency. : As they "h'av'e, in their
character of sects hostile to the true religion, i
no rights-wider the law of nature or under
the law sof AiocL, they are neither wronged -i
nor aeprivea oi liDerty ji tne cjtate, retuses
to grant them any rights at all!'
. Again, it say, October, 1851 : eT ". "
"The sorriest sight to us.'fsa catholic
throwing up his cap and shouting "all hail'j
Democracy!" . . ; -1
Lrnust again refer to. the authority: of the
great Irish Agitator: : ;- J
"Yon should do ail in your power to car-;
ry out the intentions of his Holiness the
Pope. When you have the electory fran-j
chise, give your votes to nonbut those who ;
will assist you in so holy a struggle."
, '.-... i. .-j ? . , - ' i
. (concixdep ix ont next) , J 1
low him through' all the involved and com
plicated reasoningof his reply "The etter?
hnq liven w:Hv Tj'ublished. ?and is acccssi-i