North Carolina Newspapers

IF' - "X. A "I IHil : I 'III V 'V 111 III III LEXINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA, FRIDAY, MARCH "7, 1856 VOL. 1. NO. 32. :ctagtoii an& aikin flag. JAMES B. SHELTON. JAMES aTlONG-, Editor. Terms : S3 year, In advance ; poofter ix month, and 3 00 after twdvt Rates of Advertising. dU rer (taut-n e! . oo O.l lows : 0 MONTHS. G MONTHS 1 YEAR. $8.00 14.00 20.00 So.OO One square, Twn sauares, S3.50 io.oJ . 7.00 10.00 Three "(i col.) 10.00 if.ir pnlnmn. 18.00 15.00 20.00 I'"" ' . . . -1 Occasional renewals without ia c u g rantedto those who advertise the year. . ,. . . Thrpe dollars for announcing candidates for of- fiCCourt orders charged 25 per cent hi-hcr than the above rates. Orders for divorce of husband and wife, $10 each. Personl sending advertisements are requested to u r,Tnh.r of insertions required, or they will Elate nuitiuv . . i ii be inserted until forbid ; and if it is wished they should occupy the least space possible, write upon the back " close." Otherwise they will be put up in the usual style and charged accordingly. EF No discount on th'ese rates. f3T The Flag has now a weekly circulation ol OTerone thousand, affording merchants and busi ness men generally an excellent medium through which to make public tneir Dusiness. tvn8 au& farts. Young America. Obeying Orders. 'Edward,' said his mother to a boy of eight, who was trundling a hoop In the front yard. 'Edward, you musn't go out of that gate into the street.' 'No, I won't, was the reply. 'A few minutes afterwards his mother had occasion to go to the window. To her surprise she saw Edward in the street, engaged in the very edifying em ployment of manufacturing dirt pies. 'Didn't I tell you,' said she angrily, 'not to go . through the gate ?' 'Well, L didn't mother,' was the very satisfactory reply I climcd over the fence !' We love upright men. Pull them this way and the other, and they only bend; they never break.' Trip them down, and in a trice they are on their feet again. Bury them in the mud and in an hour they would be out and bright You cannot keep them down, you can- not destroy them. They are the salt of the earth. Who but they start any noble project ? They build our cities, whiten the ocean with sails, and blacken the heavens with the ..smoke of their cars. Look to them, young, men, and catch the spark of their energy. The Baltimore Patriot says: 'The wife of a gentleman residing iri the wes tern section of the city, a few days since, presented to her astonished lord four little responsibilities at one birth, two of each sex We learn that both moth er and children are doing well. The happy papa, though proud of these lit tle pledges, admits that in these hard times such a rapid increase of his family circle is far from desirable, and a, great "deal more than he bargained for,' Peoria to Havre. A new avenue of trade opened within the last week. Messrs Bradley "& Co. and Grcggs &Co. have shipped a thousand barrels of whis key destined for France. The demand is caused by the late edict of the French Emperor forbidding the distillation of grain. The whiskey is shipped by the Bureau Valley Road to La Salle, thence by the Illinoise Central to- Cairo, and river at New Orleans, were it is loaded for France. Peoria (III. Transcript Mr. Jones was in the habit of getting occasionally, somewhat "balmy," andi one night he was discovered by a neigh bor in rather a blue fix leaning against the side of a church for support. He hailed him with, ' HelloJones ! you look serious to-night; think of join ing the church jfj,. 'I g-g-guess I d-d-does' replied Jones,' ' I incline considerably that way at present !' Dr. Johnson, when in the fullness of years and knowledge, said : '1 never ake up a newspaper without finding something I would have deemed it a Joss not to have seen; never without deriving from it instruction and amuse ment,' I other equally i The Lancet or some eaiiymg naner on thf siihlot hi ood, says that large quantities of saus ages are made of horse flesh. A friend of ourssays he believes it, as he inva riably has the night mare when he has eaten them for supper. An Emeralder being charged with steal lng a Waoron. swnrp lio lioH mi'nA 1L fv ; j. i ii w auice il was wneei narrow. Many young ladies make fools of them- "eives by the looking-glass, and en by the drinking glass. young Among the curiosities at the Ohio fair was a printer with a five dolla )llar bill for him. l" nis pocket. Barnum has sent eprtraetti Rights and Duties or the States. At the request of a friend we give place to the annexed article from the pen of an eminent jurist of Pennsylvania. Besides being characterized by research and ability, it is written in so calm and candid a spirit and embodies such sound constitutional views, that we publish it with very great pleasure. Register. FROM THE HARRISBTJRGH TELEGRAPH. "A sober examination of the power of Congress over the subject of slavery, and of the rights of the States in that regard, may not, at this juncture, be in opportune ; and the inquiry as to the feeling and wishes of prominent and in fluential men about the time of the for mation of the Constitution will lurnish a key to the intent and object of their actions, and especially are the senti ments of Southern men to be regarded when they show a strong desire to limit the evil of slavery to its existing bounds. By reference to Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, which were written m 1781 and 1782 and published in 1787, it will be seen (pp. 171 and 172) that he con sidered slavery as a "blot on our coun try," a "great political and moral evil," and he even then hoped, (see p. 322) that the way was preparing "for a total emancipation." Before the Revolution there had been a continual effort, which was thwarted by the King, to obtain a law to prevent the importation of slaves, and one ob jection made in the Convention of Vir ginia against the Constitution of the U. Statcsyas that it tolerated the slave- trade lor twenty years ; ana when it was suggested that the powers of the Gener al Government might, in some possible way, be exerted in measures tending to the abolition of slavery, Gov. Randolph hoped "that, at the moment they were securing their own rights by that great charter of liberty, no one would make an objection, dishonorable to Virginia, that there is a spaik of hope that those unfortunate men now held in bondage may by the operation of the General Government, be made free." And Mr. Madison is reported to have said in the Convention which formed the Constitu tion, "I object to the word 'lave' ap- Paring in the uor. tru,st 1S to be the cha the Constitution.- which I i artcr of freedom to unborn millions; nor would I ivillimrlv perpetuate the memory of the fact, that existed in our country.' 'It is a great evil,' and under the provi dence of God, I look forward to some scheme of emancipation which shall free us from it. Do. not, therefore, let us ap pear as if we regarded it perpetual by using, in our free constitution, an odious word opposed to every sentiment of lib erty." Can it be believed that these great men would ever have consented to the spread of this 'great evil' over ter ritory not already cursed with it, or that they would not endeavor to vest in ther General Governrjent power to restrain it? In 17S4, March 1st, Virginia ceded to the U. States the Northwest Terri tory, and on the 9th of September fol- 1 nuri n T '"""'6' Mr. Jenerson introduced into Congress an ordinance tor its govern- ment, having in it a clause prohibiting slavery, but no provision for the deliv ery ot fugitives, dinance of 1787. as there is in the or- Thp xvhntrfscikrise was therefore stricken out. In 17S7, July I3tn, tne ordinance, as it now stands,; was passed, every southern man voting for it, and but one northern man voting against it. Thus we find the South tak ing the lead, as Colonel Benton says, 'in curtailing and restricting slavery." Lit will be remembered that at this mo- ment the Convention which framed the Constitution was in session, and its mem bers were doubtless imbued with the same sentiments in regard to slavery as the members of Congress. Mr. Madi son's views have already been stated. What, then, is the spirit of this famous ordinance? It is not an ordinary law for the temporary government of the territory until it should be prepared to form State Constitutions and be admit ted into Union. This, it is true, is pro vided for in the former part of the or dinance, but it then proceeds as follows: i (i And lor the purpose of extending the fundamental principles of civil and re- ligious liberty, which form,-the basis whereon these republics, their laws ana constitutions are erected; to fix and es tablish those principles as the basis of laws, Constitutions and governments which forever hereafter shall be formed in the said territory ; to provide also for the establishment of States and perma- j nent governments therein, and for their 1 admission to a share in the federal coun cils on an equal footing with the origi nal St consistent is herebv authority aforesaid, that the following t " ai ncies snail oe considered as articles 01 ' compact between the original States and j the people and States in the said terri- 1 tory, and forever remain unaltered, un- Iflhtmt! ates at as early periods as may be 'ject to all tne condiuons-resiricuuus, . stringent guard when carried on by ves- ! slaves. The States owe more than a passive with the general interest, it and prohibitions in said articles oi cum- , , f ovftPrortv tons burden. v " i obedience to that injunction of the Consti- ord.iinrul nnH dp.f lured, bv the . pact imposed on the people of the said ; ,rh Mr.ins;ve nnwer of reonilatinff com- ' tution. The 4term 44shall be delivered uo" less by common consent Then fol lows six articles, the last of nvhtch pro hibits slavery or involuntarv jtAftritnd except ordinance reported by Mr. Jeffers then "re- pealed. A reference to that act will give a correct notion dfwhat Congress intended to effect, as wbil as of the pow er it supposed itself to -possess. It nro-. .vides "that both the temporary and per manent governments be established on these principles as; their basis." Then follow seven articles, to which original ly was added that one prohibiting sla- very. i ne conclusion is as follows "That the preceeding articles shall be formed into a charter of compact, and shall be duly executed by the President of the United States in Congress assem bled, under his hand and the seal of the United States in Congress assembled, under his hand and the seal of the United States, shall be promulgated, and shall stand as fundamental constitutions between the thirteen original States, and each of the several States now new ly described, unalterable, from and after the sale of any part of the territory of such State pursuant to -this resolve, but by the joint consent of the United States in Congress assembled, and of the par ticular States in Congress assembled, and of the particular State within which such alteration is proposed to be made." (1 Story, Laws U. S, 1815, 478, 481.) It is thus seen that Congress, under the Confederation, even, did. not douot its power to impose on the Territories term and restrictions which would be obligatory upon them when they be came Mates. And it never entered in to the imagination of those great men the fathers of the Republic that the 6th article of the ordinance ol 1786 'ceased to remain a law" and "was sup erceded" by the adoption of the present Constitution of the United States. President Pierce's discovery to this ef fect will take the world by surprise. At the very first session of Congress under it an act was passed (see I Story, Laws U. S., 32) recognizing the ordin ance of 1787, and adapting some of its provisions to the new order of things. It recites : "Whereas, in order that the ordinance of the United States, in Con gress assembled, for tfiie government of the territory northwest of the river, Ohio, may continue to have full effect, it is requisite that certain provisions should be made so as to adapt the same to the present Constitution of the Uni ted States." It then provides .that the Governor shall report to the President instead of to Congress, and that the Governor and other officers shall be ap pointed by the President and Senate, according to the Constitution, instead of being appointed by Congress, as pro vided in the ordinance. . Ohio was the first State formed out of that territory. The act of Congress, April 30, 1802, au thorizing the formation of a Constitu tion, in section 5, contains this proviso : "That the same shall be republican, and not repugnant to the ordinance of the 13th of July,-1789, between the origi nal States and the people arid States of the territory northwest of the river Ohio." (2 Story, 871.) The Xerrito ry of Indiana was organized upon the ordinance of 1787. (1 Story, 773-5.) So Michigan. (2 Story, 6573.) And ! when Congress, April 16, 1819, passed l an act to enable tne people ol Indiana I to torm a constitution, the 4th section Lory, iooij cuuiauis mc same piu- viso as in tne case or unio: inat tne same, whenever forned', shall be repub lican, and not repugnant to those arti cles of the ordinance of the 13th of Ju ly, 1787, which are declared to be irre vocable between the original States and the people and States of the territory northwest of the river Ohio." Michi gan, it is known, formed a constitution without leave of Congress ; but it being in conformity with the ordinance was ' accepted by Congress. The territory ; of Illinois was organized in 1809, on the principles of the ordinance, (2 Story, 1106-11,) and when Congress, April 17, 1818, authorized her to form a constitu tion, (3 Story, 1679,) the same proviso appears in the 4th section, that it shall not be repugnant to the ordinance of 1787. And even so late as 18 36, when ; the territory of Wisconsin was organiz ed, (act April 20, 1836. 4 Story, 2426 2443,) it is' enacted, in the 12th section, p. 4431 : "That the inhabitants of the said Territory shall be entitled to, and enjoy all and singular the rights, priv ileges,and advantages granted and se cured to the people of the territory of the United States northwest of the riv er Ohio by the articles of compact con tained in the ordinance for the govern ment nf thfi said territorv. nassed the 'terry.' Squatter sovereignty surely couiu uui jwyc uccu uuw ' ' . 1 1836 ; no, nor the new doctrine in re- ! gard to the right of carrying slaves into the Territories, . ljui udv ut amy, i v , anu ai. inrfir tnna hiirripn anil laid it iinuer -: .rs. ...- ,v ...n .. t The object iri rcferrinir to'the ordin ance of .1787, -was more .to showthe views then pievalent in regard to slavery ancTthc probable spirit .which would in- nuence .the. trainers of the Constitution theriittjuithan to show the actual exercise.ipower upon the subject by Con'gressrhe extraordinary declara tion of the President, already quoted, led id" the extended detail of legislation recognising and enforcing that ordin ance. The-fact, then, is undoubted that the universal sentiment, South1 as well as North, at that date, was opposed to :slavery, and that the unanimous deter- mination was to stay its spread and lim it its evil within its then existing bounds. It should bt remp.mbprr1 that Virginia, "in the very first session held under the republican Government, pass ed a law for the perpetual prohibition of the importation of slaves." (Jeffer son's Notes, 172.) Nor should it . be forgotten that the territory northwest of the river Ohio was the entire terri tory then owned by the United States. The powers of Congress are enumera ted in the 8th section of the first article of the Constitution. The third clause in that section gives Congress power "to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the second States, and with the Indian tribes." The 9th section of the same article, however, contains a limitation of this power : "The migra tion or importation of such, persons aa any of the States now existing shall not be prohibited prior to the year one tnousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person." The power to regu late commerce among the several States is identical and coextensive with the power to regulate it with foreign na lions, except so iar as it is restricted by the 9th section. This restriction is on- ty temporary and after 1808 the power is complete and unlimited, and even be fore that period it was complete an&iih restricted, except as to the States exVt-; ing at the adoption of the Constitution The restriction is confined to the "States' now existing." When, therefore, pro vision was made in 1798 (1 Story, 494- 5',) for the establishment of a gov ernment in Mississippi Territory, as soon as it should be ceded by Georgia, the importation of slaves from any place without the United States was at once prohibited, Congiess has. precise ly the same power to prohibit the emi gration of slaves from any of the State's into the Territory. It is universally admitted, except when it comes to a pinch on this ques tion, that the word "persons" in the first clause of the 9th section, above quoted, means slaves. It can mean nothing else ; for "persons as such are not the subjects of commerce," as is decided by the Supreme Court of the Unided States, in the city of New York vs. Milne, 11 Peters . 102, 136. The termmigration, as here used, cannot ther efore apply to persons "who come vol untarily" from abroad ; for it would, moreover, result, from that construction, that Congress might atonce, after 1800, have prohibited all immigration. This would be in oppositiion to the very geni us of our Government. Besides, where is the clause in the Constitution giving such power ? for it will not fall under the power to regulate commerce, as free persons are not the subjects of commerce, and the 9th section does not confer pow er, but limits what was-before given. It is negative, not positive restraining, not enlarging. Congress has power to prohibit the "migration" of the same "person, and none other, who.se impor tation" may be prohibited. It is im possible to make the terms migration and importation apply to a different species of "persons." No legal mind, nor frightened from its propriety by the apparation of slavery, would ever have entertained such a thougnt. It is palpable, then, that at the time Congress is limited to " States now ex isting," leaving the unlimited right to regulate commerce with new States as they should come into existence, and consequently at once to prohibit the migration or importation of slaves ("per- sons"; into sucn aiaies. x ne exercise of the formation ot the Uonstitution it periect ngnt to maintain tneir peculiar ui was the policy and design to restrict ! stitutions in all their vigor, within their slavery to its then existing limits. The j respective jurisdictions, as long as they restraining uiauac uuun m uv of the power is, of course, discretionary, j compromises of the Constitution as establish Prudential considerations may restrain j ed by our fathers had better case their con its full exertion, as in the case of the sciences by removing to Mexico or South Mississippi Territory and of the South- j America,. At the same time Southern men ern States formed out of the Louisiana should not strive to spread over territory , c e u i i r now free an institution admitted by all purchase. So far, as the trade in slaves candid be a between the States is earned on by sea, j cal and moral . NoJlhern raen Congress, by the act of March 2, 1807, nmii(i pThihit a .intPrmined onniisitionto prohibited it altogether by vessels un - j merce am0ng the States being vested in congress, tne otaies i:diinui mcuuic w . ' the subject, except so far as it is necessarily affected by the police or internal govern- ment of every several State. They may declare all persons brought into their juris diction as residents free. With transient persons, passing peaceably and quietly through their territory, they have no right to interfere And so long as a State allows its own citizens, or others comiucr there to icaiue, m onng slaves into its bounds and noiu tnem as property, it cannot prohibit the citizens of any other State from carrying them there for sale. Such an attempt would not be a police regulation, but a regulation of commerce: an attempt to give to its own citizens a privilege in regard "to this species of trade which it denied to the citizens of other States. This would moreover come in conflict with the, first clause of the 2d section of the 4th article of the Constitution, which declares the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and im munities of citizens in the several States." This is, it is conceived, the only solid ground upon which the validily of the con tract i- the case of Gro ves vs. Slaughter (15 Peters, 449) can be maintained.0 Although Congress has kept far within the limits of the powers assigned by the Constitution, the States have often - and grossly transended their constitutional rights. Very loose and extravagant notions are pre valent among politicians or rather dema gogues. They would seem to think that each State might build a Chinese wall upon its borders, which no outside barbarian should pass under penalty of confiscation. They forget that the States have no more right to interfere with trade or commerce in Its transit than in its destination. If the citizens of Maryland or Virginia choose to carry their slaves to Kentucky for sale, Pennsylvania and Ohio have no more right to prohibit their transit through their terri tory or to meddle or interfere with them by the way, than they have to prohibit or in terfere with the transport of imported goods from New York across their territory to other Western States. This seems so plain that it is a matter of astonishment that it should have been forgotten or overlooked, and that an idea should have been adopted that the moment a slave, by the permission of his master, sets his foot upon the soil of a free State, he, by some magic influence overriding the Constitution, becomes free. Could the idea haveenteicd into the minds of the framers of the Constitution, that citizen ot a Southern otate could not enter .into the jurisdiction of a Northern State with !riservant without that servant becoming - - ' e .1 r-J' l l i .i iree i ic me proposition nau tjeen maue in thecoiftention to reserve to the States the power to enactlaws for such purpose, would it have been entertained for a moment ? iWost assuredly not. The fiirst act proved for the registory of negroes and mulattoes then in the State, and in the 10th section declares that none bat these registered shall be deemed slaves "except the domestic slaves attending upon members of Congress from other American States, foreign ministers and consuls, and - ' persons passing tnrougn or sojourning in in this State, and not becoming resident therein, and sen med employed; in ships not belonging to any inhabitant of this State, nor employed iu any shup owued by any such inhabitants: provided - that such do mestic slaves be, not retained in the State longer than six months, except in the case of members of Congress, foreign ministers, and consuls. This exception in regard to- domestic slaves is explained by the 2d section of that act of 1788 not to extend to slaves of persons who ,4are inhabitants of or resident in the State, or who shall come here with an intention to settle or reside." At the passage of this act Pensylvana and five other States had adopted the new Con stitution.. It will be observed that these acts do not attempt to interfere with Iran slent persons, who are protected in all their rights as secured to them by the laws of the State from which they come, but six months wss supposed to be as long as they would need to tarry in the State. Along continu ance, except in the case of members of Congress, foreign ministers, and consuls, might be considered as converting the tran sient person or sojourner into a resident. What heart burnings and strives, and criminations and recriminations, would have been avoided if the present generation, both North and South, had adhered to the sober and conservative notionSj of their fathers ! But passion has dethroned reason and men, both North and South, look at the question of slavery through so jaundiced a medium that the plainest truths are denied and the most absured and heterodox propositions maintained. There arc doubtless faults on I both sides. The Southern States have a nf i mav trunk prope States have nothing to do with those in stitutions, and are under no moral responsi bility for their continued existence. It is mere prudery in our Northern fellow citi zens to affect to be disturbed in their con sciencs because their Southern brethren permit slavery to continue in their midst. i Those who cannot rest quietly under the j aiiattempts to evade or weaken the provi- ; imply active operation by the party upon , wnum uuumiuu iam uu, uuaut, I mm " - mm we should all,y-f and above a, go lor the j Union "under all circumstances and to the last extermity," knowing that the evils which would inevitablaflow from its disso lution would be incalculably, greater, more prolonged, and more intolerable than any which can possibly occur and exist under its overshadowing and benign 'protection. W e should, therefore, deprecate and con demn the conduct of all those, whether North or South, who undertake to calculate the value of the Union or to suggest the possibility of its dissolution. Such men are fitter for a lunatic assylum than for the counsels of their country. ?IIictst niger hunce tucavtlo Iiomane ' .. , - N. EW1XO. Unioxtown, (Pa-) January, 1S56. "Tlie Treacherous Six," Were we not thoroughly aware of the dr- moralizing and blighting influence of Know Nothingism everywhere, we might be dis gusted and pained to see the efforts made by Southern Know Kothing presses to apol ogize for II. Winter Davis, of Baltimore, and his five 44 national Know Nothing Col leagues,, whose refusal to vote for Aiken, really secured the election of the Black Re publican Banks. Enquirer. And if we " were not thoroughly aware j of the demoralizing and blighting iafluenco of" Locofocoism, we. " might be pained and disgusted" at the unblushing unpadeace of an attempt to shift to other shoulders the blame due to the Democratic members of the House for fusing with Black Republican ism, and securing the election of. Banks by the adoption of the plurality rule ! What claim had the Democracy on the votes of the men whom ijvad outrageously slan dered in their eatfeus resolutions? What reason had any American in the House for supposing that the South would derive an iota of substantial benefit from the election of a Democratic Speaker? Surely there is nothing in the antecedents of Locofocoism to induce Southern men to put their trust in the allies of John Van Buren and Pres ton King! As between Mr. Aiken and N. P. Banks, when forced to a choice, we would have preferred the former, and, whilst, there fore, we can appreciate and applaud the magnamity of the American3 who voted for the Democratic nominee on the final ballot, surely no Locofoco had a right to hope for such an exhibition of generosity, far less to complain of those who did not choose to exercise it. . What a reasonable excuse can the Dem ocracy offer for their "refusal to vote for Win. Smith, a member of their own party, when they knew thai they could elect him by the aid of American votes? l)o our neighbor of the Enquirer suppose that the fact that Mr. Smith declined to attend the caucus, or to endorse the sweeping calumny of the caucus resolutions, will bejreceived by the Southern people as a justification of the course of the Democratic members whose votes show that they preferred Banks to him? Did not the - leading Democratic journals, (and the Enquirer among them unless our memory gredtly deceives us,) proclaim over and over aain,that under no circumstances could the Democratic mem bers be iuduced to vote fora Know Noth ing?" Then why expect these "Know Nothings" to do for you what you consid ered a degradation to do for them? We have yet to learn what the pretension on the part of a portion of the Democracy to a right to thank God that they are better than other men, has been generally recognized even in their own party. On the contrary, the ephithet of4 pack of hired plunderers," applied by a paper regarded as a high au thority in that party, to the men who are known to control the distribution of federal patronage, argues rather a low standard of morality among the Pharasees who affect to scorn the political companionship of National Americans. . ' The troth is, that Locofocoism feels that it has betrayed the South anew in this mat ter of the Speakership, and strives in vain to hide itself from 41 the open and apparent shame " to which it is exposed by resorting to the shadow of device of railing at the National Americans, the only party 44 in Congress or out of it," who arc wholly in nocent of this great transgression. National American. MrTlUIliard's Speccb. We regret that the space we can allot to Mr. Hillard's speech, at Estelle Hall, night before last, is so very limited. It was an effort of singular beauty in many passages," and in the main line of its argument, of most convincing force, Disclaiming all personal antagonism with the distinguished gentleman (M- Yancey,) who stood opposed to him, for this portion of the State, on the (other electoral ticket, and expressing of that gentleman s private worth and intellectual character the highest respect, lie went on to dsmonstrate the inconsistency of his position on the slavery question in 1848 and now, by contrasting Mr. Yancey's pamphlet against Cass and Squatter Sover eignty,' with the Resolutions of the recent ci-devant Democratic Convention held here. The batteries which Mr. Yancey leveled against Cass and Buchanan "in '48, Mr. Hilliard showed to be directed against Pierce 56. In this connection, Mr. Hil liard in a masterly manner proved that the American party of Alabama occupied the advanced position on the question of slavery. Mr. IPs treatment of the other principles of the American party was most admirably done. The religious intolerance charge he met and handled with a luminousness ire have never heard equalled and it was as beautiful as graceful, as it was luminous, Montgomery Mail. The lower branch of the Legislature of Nebraska has pissed an act extending tne ngnt ot suarage to. women. It pas- sed by four majority, but we do not find that it was acted on by the other.branch.