11 Mi 1 1 VOL. VI. Professional CardsT PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON, Offers his professional serviceto Uie citizens of Lincolnton and wurrouii ding country. Office hi. his resi dence adjoining Lincolnton Hotel. All calls promptly attended to. Auk. 7, 1691 ly J. W.SAIN.M.D., Lias located at Lincolnton and of fers his services as physician to the citizens ot Lincolutou and surround ing country. Will betound at night at the res iJertM of I'. Wood March '27, 1S91 ly Bartlett Shipp, ATTORNEY AT LAW, LINCOLNTON, N. C. Jnn. 0, 18'Jl. ly. Finley & Wetmore, ATTYS. AT LAW, LINCOLNTON, N. C. Will practice in Lincoln and surrounding counties. All business put into our hands will be promptly atten ded to. April 18, 1890. lv. I I II IIWM HULUMIMliKJl Dr. W. A. PRESSLEY, SUKG EON DENTIST. Terms uASH. OFFICE IN COBB BUILDING, MAIN ST., LINCOLNTON', N. C July 11, 1890. ly iljlIcxattilcr DENTIST. LINCOLNTON, N. C. Cocaine used for painless ex tracting teeth. With thirty years experience. Satisfaction iven in all operations Terms ash and moderate. Jan t23 '!H lv I I'l M""irrfaiTriTTannriiiiwwiiHryiMJMaiiJMLijM UO To BAliPEH SHOP. Newly fitted up. Work aways neatly done, customers politely waited upon. Everything pertain ing to the tonsorial art is done according to latest styles. Henry Tayloh, Barber. J. D. Moore, President. No. 4377. FIRST NATIONAL BANK OF GAST0NIA, N. C. Capital 50,000 Surplus 2,750 Average Deposits 40,000 COMMENCED BUSINESS AUGUSTX, 1S90. Solicits Accounts of Individuals, Firms and Corporations. Interest Paid on Time Deposits. Cuurautces to 1'atrons liverj Accommodation Consistent with Conservative Banking. BAN KING HOURS 9 , m. to 3 p. m. Dec 11 '91 """ ' " HW' i ii ... - m m m --1 , - a r 1 ,! , J for Infanto "CwtoritW mo wtD mApted to chOdrea tluU t reaonimend it m ruperior to any prescription known to me." n. A. Aachxk, J. D., Ill So. Oxford St., Brooklyn, N. T. " The use of ' Castorla is bo unlrerwd and a merits bo well known that it seems a work ut supererogation to endorse it Few are the intelligent families who do not keep Castorla within easy reach." GlBLOS Mabtto, D. D., New York City, Reformed Cuurc Late Factor Bloomlngdale Befonned Church. Tms Cxxtacx Itch on human ana Lorscs and all ani mals cured in 30 minutes ly Woolforrls Sanitary Lotion. This never fails. Sole by J M. Lawing Drufiitibt Lincolnton. N C. For Malaria, Liver Trou ble,or Indigestion, use BROWN'S IRON BITTERS C A, Thompson, S-yinour, Ind , writes: " 8it,ter Jenny, when she was a young girl, sulfcree from white swelling, which greatly impaired hor general health and made her blood very impure. In the spring she was not able to do anything and could scarcely get about. More than a year ago she took three Ibottles ot Botanic Wood Balm, and now oha is perfectly cured." M. D: Lane, Devercaux, Oa., writes: "One summer, several years ago, while railroading in Mississippi, 1 became badly rt 'cted with malarinl blood poison that un pmred my henlth for more than two j ears. Several Hiisive uK;ers hi pearod on mv ls, nnd noihinw feeni'-d to giye permann t mit i uniu i u-ot eix Pottle ot ii. li IJ., wmcn cucei me entirely." O. W, chandler, Ibnl r'ork. Ark., writes: "I was bo weak that it was only with great tllbrt that 1 could do anything 1 used s-everal bottles of llotanic "Wood Balm, and can now do a good day's work " Waiter Bridges, Athena, Term , writes: "For fciv years I had been aillicted with running ores and an enlargement of the bone in my leg. 1 tried everything I heard ot without any permanent benefit until isotonic Bleed Balm was recommended to me. After using ix bottles the sores healed, and I am now in testimonial unso licited, because 1 want others to be bene fited." GOOD LOOKS. (Jood looks are more than skin deep, de pending upon a healthy condition of all the vital organs. If the liver be inactive you have a bilious look and if your kidneys he ti'ected you have a pinched look. Se cure good health and you will have good looks. Electric bitters is the great altera tive and Tonic acts directly on these vital organs. Cures Pimples, Blotches, Boils, and gives a good complexion. Sold at J. M. Lawing's Drugstore, 50c per bottle. Whea Baby was sick, we gave her Castorla. When she was a Child, she crted for Castorla When she became Hiss, she clung to Castorla. When she had Children, she gave thom Castorir IT SHOULD BE IM EVERY HOUSE. J B Wilson, 371 Clay St, Sharpsburg, Pa., says he will not be without Dr. King's New Discovery for consumption, coughs and colds, that it cured his wile who was threatened with pneumoui after an attack of la grippe, when various other remedies and several physicians had done her no good Robert Barter of Cookport. Pa., j claims Dr. King's Now Discovery has done mm more good than anything he ever used for lung trouble. Nothing like it. Try it. 1'ree trial bottlf s at Dr. Lawing's drug store. Large bottles, 60e and $1. If you feel weak and all worn out take BROWN'S IRON BITTERS Subscribe for the COURIER. L. L. Jenkins, Cashier, and Children. Castorla cores Colic, Oeoatfpation, Hour Stomach, Diarrhoea, Eructation, Killa Worms, giTes sleep, and promotes di. WUoutinJarious medication. For seTeral years I have recommended your Castoria, 1 and ah ail always continue to do so as It baa invariably produced beneficial results." . Edwin F. Paadk. M. D., The Wlnthrop," 12Sth Street and 7th Are., New York City, Coktajti, 77 Mdrhat Siaxrr, Nw York. SENATOR HILL'S w-v T - sriiLuti. Open C mnpuigii in llrooklyn H'ilU MriHtcrly De.'cme Sor Ueiiioeracy. Brooklyn, N, Y., Sept., 19. There was a great outDOurinir off.i .... ... uemucrats in una city to night. The academy of music could not ac-. commodate the crowd that rushed to secure good positions from which to take in every action ot Senator David B. llill in the delivery of an address that has been awaited anx iously by al! democrats. The Senator spoke, substantially as follows : "I am reminded of the fact that in this edified upon a memorable occasion in 1858 I had the honor of expressing to the mtrrpid democra cy of Kings county the sentiment 4I am a democrar,' and under the ex isting political situation I know of no more appropriate place or pre euce than here to declare that I was a democrat before the Chicago con vention, and I am democrat still. The national democratic convention of 1SC2 has passed into history with its record, its triumph ami its dis appointment?. The wisdom of its action is net now to be questioned. Its decision will be accented wib loyal acquiscenee by every true and patriotic democrat. From this time rom this time forward imperative duties aie mi. posed upon us. Factional appeals should now cease, the spiiit of re sentmetit should be abandoned, htatc pride should be subordinated to tne general gooil, real or fancied grievs ances should be dismissed, personal ambitions should be sacrificed and individual disappointments should be forgotten fn this great emergen cy which demands from us all the exhibition ot a widespread and lofty patriotism. Permit me to repeat what I had tue honor of expressing to ihe Tarn many society on th fourth of July last, before the echoes of our Na tional convention had scarcely died away, a follows : 'Our course at the present time is plain. In the approaching struggle the democra cy of STew York should put a solid front to the cornmou enemy. Loy ally to cordial democratic principles and to regulaily nominated candi dates is the supremo duty of the hour.' I reiterate these sentiments now. We are enteriug upon the tweutyeeventh Presidential election since the organization of our gov ernment. The good citizen who is desioas of discharging his full duty in this crisis, according to his eou science and his judgmeut, uninflu enced by selfish considerations, will discover two great parties arrayed against each other, struggling for the control of the government and appealing to the peop'e for their suffrages. If 1 were asked to deny the one fundamental difference be tween the two parties I should state that one believed in a strict con struction of the Fedeial constitution and the other in a looe one. One party believes that the ganeral gov ernment's powers should ie confined to those which are specifically grant ed, and that nothing can done under the ''general welfare" clause except the exercise of those functions which are incidental and necessary to the carrying out ot the expressed powers ; while the other behevea that under that clause the poweiH -f Congre:i are substantial lv ur.ii Mricd, nu iir.jitod only by its is.- d'n-retiuii. Thif radical d vistty virws cannot well be re coortied; it cannot be wholly d cids ed by Ihe courts as if involves the spirit HMire thin the ie.ter ot the txjtiMiiuiion, and in the end it must e di'U'iiniiied laigt-ly as a matter of policy by thepopiv themseves inlbv constitutional sanction, but by their sovereign capacify. Starting out With diffeieut views of the con stitution, the two paities naturally have rniibciited different theories of government, especially upon the alhimportaut subject of federal tax. ation. A division upon the tar ff question was inevitable. The tariff question), concisely stated, what is the position of the two parties upon this question f I desire to state it tairly. That the republican party LINCOLNTON, N. C, FRIDAY, advoeate8 t,,at ihe www in uuii.inuuiuuiii ijn wen ai a mora right to impose tariff duties for the purpo?eot encouraging the baildiug up of private industries, by the im position of duties sufficiently large to prevent foreign competition, ir respective of the question of the needs of tho treasury; while the urmi'cotuc iitiiy ucocvts mat iue government has only a constitution al and moral right to impose such duties as may be necessary to raise sufficient revenue to support the government economically aaminis tered. This is the precise issue squarely stated. Both parties can not be right ; one or the other must bo wrong. Th coiiKideration of ibis subject leads to an analysis of the t rue functions of the govei nment. There are Borne ihings which must be conceded because they are too plain for argument, ami one of them ts that the government has no con stitutional power to enter into pri vate business directly, and what it cannot, or ought not, to do indirect ly. This is the correct theory of government, and it excludes the idea that one citizen may be bur loned to loster another citizen's private schemes, A protective far ill" is unconstitutional. The Demo cratic National platform gives forth no uncertain sound upon thissub ject and correctly states the true position of the party. It denies tho rtu..ti.i .......... ment to impose taxes loi other than public purpo.-es. I am aware that, a concerted effect is being made by our opponents to maKe it appear that a new departure has been eni tered upon and that our party has abandoned its former conservative position upon the tariff questiou and assumed another and bolder aU tttudo loading absolutely toward free trade. 1 do not regard it. Some of it might have preferred a little different phaseology, but as a whole it sufficiently expresses our position with reasonable clearuees and accuracy. I realize the difficul ty of presenting the question of tho constitutionality ot a protective tariff' law to the courts, and in that view it may have been unnecessary, or not desirable, to have challenged its legality. We need not have placed on r objections upon that ground while so many fatal objec tions existed to the system itself but that course was a mere matter of discretion. The fact remains that we have always insisted, and not insisted that no warrant cau be found in the constitution for the imposition of tariff duties to aid private, industries, but whether such a tariff is constitutional or not, or whether it is practical to have the question properly raised or de; ided, the system itself is vicious in the extreme, unjust to the people, and contrary to the spirit of our free in stitutions. Let us examine the point a moment. Whence comes ihe power to pro tect private industries? What clause of the constitution can be invoked for such a purpose? There is none. It must be conceded by every intelligent citizen that the constitution does not giant auy such express power. There is not an el ementary law writer any where whose treaties on the constitution is regarded as standard authority, who ventures to affirm the coustitu lional right of Congress to levy du ties for any other direct purpose than for the support of the govern ment. Rpnblicau protection therefore, does not constitutionally exist, but is imposed upon the peo pie by lraud, fahse pretense, evasion and gross abuse of the taxing piiw- er. All the t-o-caiiea protection ior wnich our opponents have clamored and which they hate obtaiued in recent ealH, has been secured, not the abuse of the conceded taxing power of the government. It is a dangerous exercise cl authority. It is a perversion of the powers ot gov ernment. The democratic portion is a safe, logical, conservative and just position. No tariffs, except "for the purpose of revenue only," and then limited to the necessities of the government nouestly and economic ally administered, is a dof. trine which appeals to the good OCT. 14, 1892. seuse and sound judgment of every honest and thoughtful mu. With the constantly increasing expenses of the government and the enormous amount of money, annually aug menting, required by the growing pension list, these tariffs which must necessarily be exacted to meet these expenditures will be for many years to come amply sufficient to afford, incidentally, all the protection which tne most ardent advocate of the system can reasonably ask. More thau this ought not to be couceded to anybody. In the imposition of necessary tariffs there should be exercised a wise discrimination in the amounts exacted and in the ar ticles taxed. What should be placed upon the Iree list and what tshouid be the most heavily burdened, are questions nor tree from difiVulty, and require the most careful considerai tion. The MilU bill ot 1S88 and the seperate tariff bill pa-Bed by the present democratic House ot Hop rescnUtmiH indicate in a general way the democratic position. Tney show: "Firwt, that the necessaries of lifo should be absolutely free. Second, that luxuries sho;ild be.ir the heaviest burdens. Third, that there should be, free raw materials for the benefits of our manufacture ers. Fourth, that the tariff upon manufactured articles should, as a general rule, be large where simi lar articles are manufactured in this country than where they are not. Fiflh, ihat the tanff imposed upon all manufactured articles (other than those which for good reasons are placed on the tree list) should equal the difference between the rate ot wages paid in this and foreign coun tries so far as labor enters into the cost of their production. President Harrison, in his iugen ious letter of acceptance, endeavors to place our party in a false attitude, by calling attention to Ihe fact, that while our platform in 1884, re a lopt ed in 1888 contained an express plank upon this questiou of the equalization of wages, y t it was omitted m 1892, and asserts that we have changed our portion. I beg to differ with him. There has been no change. There was no necessity for the repetition of that plank, as the party's position upon it had been evinced by the MiIFa bill, which had not been passed before the na tional conventions of 1884 and 1880 were held. Parties are to be judged as much by iheir records as their platforms. We stand not only upon our platform of 1892, but upon the Mills bill, which was tho larest gen eral democratic legislation upou the tariff subject. That bill was as good an exposition of our principles as an elaborate platform could be. Now, what did the Mills bill disclose upon the question of the qualification of wages ? I make th statement, and challenge a contradiction of its tru'h, that there w is not a single manufactured article mentioned in that, bill, upon which the duty was reduced, upon which there was not still left Nutfii'iotit to represen', the difference in wages paid in this and foreign countries for the labor in volved in its production. I can safely go further, and say, that in niany instances the duty permitted tc remaid exceed this difference in wages, three, four and five times, therefore our position upon this question is as clear as th uoou.day sun and it requires no sptc al plank in the platform to emphasize it. It I were asked to defiue as c-mri.-e y as possible Ihe whole democratic party, I should state it substantially as follows: 4i'Ve favor a tariff for revenue only, limited to the r.eces- j in tht- campaign of .j it not sities of the govei umenf, econond j gteater impoi lance in.-.n t e tariff, cally administered, and so adjusted J wrMch effects the rih'.- ai d iiLet in its application, as far as practic- ; ties of every citiz-u. able, as to prevent unequal burdens, J The republican p .ity .mm?, to encourage productive industries at i be irrevocably comn i rd to ir,c- home, aud afford j i t compensation to labor, but not tocieate n)i foster monopoly. Tnese aie the cardinal principles upon which the details of all tariff iegi-lation should be based. Our opponents profess to be much disturbed because we have in our platform denoui ced protection" as a fianc 'republican nai ee is it ? It is a sive reasons fraud for these conclu First. It is secured by a palpable abuse ot the taxingj power ot the government. Second, It euu'es to the ben fit of a few to the espeuse of the many. Third. It is ba-ed upou favoritism of the worst species. Fourth. It tends to create Fictitious prosperity to be followed by hnbseouent business depression. Fifth. It is deceptive lu its promises and unsaiislac'oty in ifs results. Sixth. Its principal beueficiaries constitute a privileged class and their importunities for governmental aid lead to public fcaudal and demoralization. Presi dent Harrison and all the othor great and small advocates of this vicious system diligently seek to create the irapress;on that the dem ocratic p.uly has assumed a bolder attitude thau lormerly arid become an advocate of absolute free trade. They will not succeed in their st ten uous efforts to place us in a false position. It does not follow that because we are opposed to an un reasonable tariff that we favor free trade and the abolition of all cus tom houses. Wo are opposed to ; piohibitory t irilT. We aie opposed to placing a virtual Chinese wall around the country to hamper aud restrict the natural laws of trade. We favor a larger commerce and wider markets than at preseut exist. We are op posed to any governmental part, tier-ship with private inteiests .such as the McKiuley bill establishes. We favor legislation for the masses and not for the classes. We favor the protection of labor and not the creation of monopolies. Wo would eiicoura e and foster labor by re lieving it of all necessary burdens. Tat iff' reform does not mean tree trade. Our opponents misrepresent our positiou now as they have ever done since the famous tariff message ot 1887. In thai historic message our candid. i!e expressly repudiated the suggestion that he was entering upon any crusade of free trade. The disastrous defeat, ot 18S8 brought a republican Congress info power, and two years l.ter, as a lewanl to those beueficiaries who bad so largely contributed to their success, our opponents passed what is known the world over as the McKiuley tariff bill. The McKiuley bill ban not rniued the, country, nor has it benefitted it. It has increased the burdens of tne taxpaeru and iided m iny ot the monopolies of the land. Tiiere is no satisfactory evidence that it has encreas'Ml our propeity in any degree, or advanced the wages oi a single working man. Skilled Nfaticiauft capable of juggling with figures, may assume to h ive moie iiiforaiatiou than wo possess, and may figoe out a different, result, b-'it I can fat ly asserf Ibat If is the geU-tal Understanding ol I to ":-op that the McKinly bill has ,;t in creased wages either in New York or elsewnere. 1 know this much, that the democratic party will be entirely content to permit every workingman whose wages have been increased since the passage of the McKinley bill to vote the republican t eket, if our opponents will conv ut that all those whose wages haw- not lv en increased shall vote the dt mo dal ic ticket, aud upou that ba-ir- we wdl carr the country by a million majority. We should not, however, permit our position to be misunderstood. We are not eeklng power upon the "calamity isue, :nt w:tb all good citizens we lejo.c in the ptospeiitv ot the country and tro-t thaf !t may continue, but e i : f that the country has been jo rcrous, not bee Wire ot the McK'n!'-- i f-v, but iu 'p'.lo of jr. There Is uh-.i !..T Ib8Ue i-ass-ge of the Flei.il i .n i;i generally known as -isi i.itiv Id , and although it mus' tie -v:d. ;;t to tre most patriotic and thoughtful member of that o gaw alien that it m a pico of political foolishness, only quailed b ity medaoity, there has appeared for them no escape rrom us acivocacy. it is au lm- peachmeut of tne good sense ot the republican leaders that they thcu'd press tho consideration of so rffcnl sive and unwise at this or auy other NO. 24. time, especially in view ot the fact, uow apparent to every one, that it absolutely preveuts their party re ceiving a single electoral vote in a third of the States of the Union : arid although as partisans we may r joice at their folly, yet as citizens we deplore their threatened attack upon the free institutions of onr our country never before bo imper iled. The bill has been well de- scribed as a "menace to liberty " tho liberty of the North as well as tho South' the liberiy of the black as well the white, the liberty of ev ery white citizen, no matte to what party he may happen to belong. Whence comes this objectionable schemefortcdei.il interference- in our elections, and who are its mig niutors and spnoi? Ijumi ro cntly the author of the measure was suppofed to be the imenently resp.vtaMe Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, who introduced the t:li. Uut not long ago, a gentle man, tint unknown to fame, John L. laeupoit, of New York city, te cheif Federal supervisor of cl ect ions, nnd also a United States commissioner, adinunutivo, polite ami amicable person, "as mild man nered man as ever scuttled a ship or cut a throat," came to Washing ton and appeared before the com-, inn tee on immigration in behalf of another project, dear to his heart, to promote "the puiir.f of elections'' and I had the honor of examing him, and he stated in answer to my question, to.the great suprise ot the pupbc, that he was the bold aud sole author of the nototious force bill. The borrowed p'.umage was immediately stripped Horn the pi oud person of Mr. Henry Cabot Lodge, and the bill has since been styled ";he Davenport force bill." Permit me, iu this connection, to further stale that Mr. Davenport, on this same occasion, with biutal frankuess, avowed his purpose to have his bill intiotbico t again when ever "a favorable oppotun.ty he unblushingly lepird, "When tho republicans shall aa:u have a, majority in both L ous.es of Con gress'' an event nut likely to oc cur, I !iuf for miuiy yeais to come. Inlbeop'-n and public expression of his iul iiiiou to press the meas ure again it must lie assumed that he spoke iu behalf of his patty and reflected ifs sentiments. The pent pie ot the several States will hesitate long before they consent to the adoption ot ''Daveupot tV election methods in their respective locali ties. 1 have not the time to-night t o enter into any elaborate presenta tion of the details of this bill. It is -ii.llicient tor us to know th it the only purpose of the n.(auie is to coui iid lor partisan :oi van I age, oar elections, Slate and N-derai. The bill is a desperate attempt to prop up the failing fortunes f i once, great political party; it was com ceived in political animosity, is urg ed from th narrowest and worst of motivo and unworthy a place among the statutes of American re public The democratic party doc lares for free, honest and fair elections everywhere. It desires them not merely becau.se they would enure to its benefit, but upon the unsel fish and high ground that they are essential to the preservation of our free institutions. There has been no such condition of affairs at the South as to justify the enactment of the Davenport measure. It is true that tin; colored people in large numbers are there voting the democratic ticket, but this af fords no sufficient reason for tak ing away from them, or from us, the control of their or our elec tions. The colored people w ere not freed from slavery to become the slaves of the republican party. The South is loyal, honest and capable and if permitted as it should be, it will work out its social and other problems iu its j own way without injury to the i colored race of injustice to the north, or to the republican partv, 1 A. .1 I . 7 or danger to ue elective tran chise. In an event tho majority of the American people will never approve a measure which threat ens their liberties, legalizes un fairness and absolutely guarantees partisan victories tu the unsciup ulus party that dar.?s to enact it Alter a brief discussion of State issues, Senator Hill concluded as follows: I believe that a majori ty of the people of this country are convinced of the rightfulness Continued to last page.)

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