11 Mi
1 1
VOL. VI.
Professional CardsT
PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON,
Offers his professional serviceto Uie
citizens of Lincolnton and wurrouii
ding country. Office hi. his resi
dence adjoining Lincolnton Hotel.
All calls promptly attended to.
Auk. 7, 1691 ly
J. W.SAIN.M.D.,
Lias located at Lincolnton and of
fers his services as physician to the
citizens ot Lincolutou and surround
ing country.
Will betound at night at the res
iJertM of I'. Wood
March '27, 1S91
ly
Bartlett Shipp,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
LINCOLNTON, N. C.
Jnn. 0, 18'Jl. ly.
Finley & Wetmore,
ATTYS. AT LAW,
LINCOLNTON, N. C.
Will practice in Lincoln and
surrounding counties.
All business put into our
hands will be promptly atten
ded to.
April 18, 1890. lv.
I I II IIWM HULUMIMliKJl
Dr. W. A. PRESSLEY,
SUKG EON DENTIST.
Terms uASH.
OFFICE IN COBB BUILDING, MAIN ST.,
LINCOLNTON', N. C
July 11, 1890. ly
iljlIcxattilcr
DENTIST.
LINCOLNTON, N. C.
Cocaine used for painless ex
tracting teeth. With thirty
years experience. Satisfaction
iven in all operations Terms
ash and moderate.
Jan t23 '!H lv
I I'l M""irrfaiTriTTannriiiiwwiiHryiMJMaiiJMLijM
UO To
BAliPEH SHOP.
Newly fitted up. Work aways
neatly done, customers politely
waited upon. Everything pertain
ing to the tonsorial art is done
according to latest styles.
Henry Tayloh, Barber.
J. D. Moore, President.
No. 4377.
FIRST NATIONAL BANK
OF GAST0NIA, N. C.
Capital 50,000
Surplus 2,750
Average Deposits 40,000
COMMENCED BUSINESS AUGUSTX, 1S90.
Solicits Accounts of Individuals, Firms
and Corporations.
Interest Paid on Time Deposits.
Cuurautces to 1'atrons liverj Accommodation Consistent
with Conservative Banking.
BAN KING HOURS 9 , m. to 3 p. m.
Dec 11 '91
""" ' " HW' i ii ... - m m m --1 , - a r 1 ,! , J
for Infanto
"CwtoritW mo wtD mApted to chOdrea tluU
t reaonimend it m ruperior to any prescription
known to me." n. A. Aachxk, J. D.,
Ill So. Oxford St., Brooklyn, N. T.
" The use of ' Castorla is bo unlrerwd and
a merits bo well known that it seems a work
ut supererogation to endorse it Few are the
intelligent families who do not keep Castorla
within easy reach."
GlBLOS Mabtto, D. D.,
New York City,
Reformed Cuurc
Late Factor Bloomlngdale Befonned Church.
Tms Cxxtacx
Itch on human ana Lorscs and all ani
mals cured in 30 minutes ly Woolforrls
Sanitary Lotion. This never fails. Sole by
J M. Lawing Drufiitibt Lincolnton. N C.
For Malaria, Liver Trou
ble,or Indigestion, use
BROWN'S IRON BITTERS
C A, Thompson, S-yinour, Ind , writes:
" 8it,ter Jenny, when she was a young
girl, sulfcree from white swelling, which
greatly impaired hor general health and
made her blood very impure. In the spring
she was not able to do anything and could
scarcely get about. More than a year ago
she took three Ibottles ot Botanic Wood
Balm, and now oha is perfectly cured."
M. D: Lane, Devercaux, Oa., writes:
"One summer, several years ago, while
railroading in Mississippi, 1 became badly
rt 'cted with malarinl blood poison that un
pmred my henlth for more than two j ears.
Several Hiisive uK;ers hi pearod on mv
ls, nnd noihinw feeni'-d to giye permann t
mit i uniu i u-ot eix Pottle ot ii. li IJ.,
wmcn cucei me entirely."
O. W, chandler, Ibnl r'ork. Ark., writes:
"I was bo weak that it was only with great
tllbrt that 1 could do anything 1 used
s-everal bottles of llotanic "Wood Balm, and
can now do a good day's work "
Waiter Bridges, Athena, Term , writes:
"For fciv years I had been aillicted with
running ores and an enlargement of the
bone in my leg. 1 tried everything I heard
ot without any permanent benefit until
isotonic Bleed Balm was recommended to
me. After using ix bottles the sores
healed, and I am now in testimonial unso
licited, because 1 want others to be bene
fited." GOOD LOOKS.
(Jood looks are more than skin deep, de
pending upon a healthy condition of all
the vital organs. If the liver be inactive
you have a bilious look and if your kidneys
he ti'ected you have a pinched look. Se
cure good health and you will have good
looks. Electric bitters is the great altera
tive and Tonic acts directly on these vital
organs. Cures Pimples, Blotches, Boils,
and gives a good complexion. Sold at J.
M. Lawing's Drugstore, 50c per bottle.
Whea Baby was sick, we gave her Castorla.
When she was a Child, she crted for Castorla
When she became Hiss, she clung to Castorla.
When she had Children, she gave thom Castorir
IT SHOULD BE IM EVERY HOUSE.
J B Wilson, 371 Clay St, Sharpsburg,
Pa., says he will not be without Dr. King's
New Discovery for consumption, coughs
and colds, that it cured his wile who was
threatened with pneumoui after an attack
of la grippe, when various other remedies
and several physicians had done her no
good Robert Barter of Cookport. Pa.,
j claims Dr. King's Now Discovery has done
mm more good than anything he ever used
for lung trouble. Nothing like it. Try it.
1'ree trial bottlf s at Dr. Lawing's drug
store. Large bottles, 60e and $1.
If you feel weak
and all worn out take
BROWN'S IRON BITTERS
Subscribe for the COURIER.
L. L. Jenkins, Cashier,
and Children.
Castorla cores Colic, Oeoatfpation,
Hour Stomach, Diarrhoea, Eructation,
Killa Worms, giTes sleep, and promotes di.
WUoutinJarious medication.
For seTeral years I have recommended
your Castoria, 1 and ah ail always continue to
do so as It baa invariably produced beneficial
results."
. Edwin F. Paadk. M. D.,
The Wlnthrop," 12Sth Street and 7th Are.,
New York City,
Coktajti, 77 Mdrhat Siaxrr, Nw York.
SENATOR HILL'S
w-v T -
sriiLuti.
Open C mnpuigii in llrooklyn
H'ilU MriHtcrly De.'cme Sor
Ueiiioeracy.
Brooklyn, N, Y., Sept., 19.
There was
a great outDOurinir off.i ....
...
uemucrats in una city to night.
The academy of music could not ac-.
commodate the crowd that rushed
to secure good positions from which
to take in every action ot Senator
David B. llill in the delivery of an
address that has been awaited anx
iously by al! democrats.
The Senator spoke, substantially
as follows :
"I am reminded of the fact that
in this edified upon a memorable
occasion in 1858 I had the honor of
expressing to the mtrrpid democra
cy of Kings county the sentiment 4I
am a democrar,' and under the ex
isting political situation I know of
no more appropriate place or pre
euce than here to declare that I was
a democrat before the Chicago con
vention, and I am democrat still.
The national democratic convention
of 1SC2 has passed into history with
its record, its triumph ami its dis
appointment?. The wisdom of its
action is net now to be questioned.
Its decision will be accented wib
loyal acquiscenee by every true and
patriotic democrat. From this time
rom this time
forward imperative duties aie mi.
posed upon us. Factional appeals
should now cease, the spiiit of re
sentmetit should be abandoned, htatc
pride should be subordinated to tne
general gooil, real or fancied grievs
ances should be dismissed, personal
ambitions should be sacrificed and
individual disappointments should
be forgotten fn this great emergen
cy which demands from us all the
exhibition ot a widespread and lofty
patriotism.
Permit me to repeat what I had
tue honor of expressing to ihe Tarn
many society on th fourth of July
last, before the echoes of our Na
tional convention had scarcely died
away, a follows : 'Our course at
the present time is plain. In the
approaching struggle the democra
cy of STew York should put a solid
front to the cornmou enemy. Loy
ally to cordial democratic principles
and to regulaily nominated candi
dates is the supremo duty of the
hour.' I reiterate these sentiments
now. We are enteriug upon the
tweutyeeventh Presidential election
since the organization of our gov
ernment. The good citizen who is
desioas of discharging his full duty
in this crisis, according to his eou
science and his judgmeut, uninflu
enced by selfish considerations, will
discover two great parties arrayed
against each other, struggling for
the control of the government and
appealing to the peop'e for their
suffrages. If 1 were asked to deny
the one fundamental difference be
tween the two parties I should state
that one believed in a strict con
struction of the Fedeial constitution
and the other in a looe one. One
party believes that the ganeral gov
ernment's powers should ie confined
to those which are specifically grant
ed, and that nothing can done
under the ''general welfare"
clause except the exercise of those
functions which are incidental and
necessary to the carrying out ot the
expressed powers ; while the other
behevea that under that clause the
poweiH -f Congre:i are substantial
lv ur.ii Mricd, nu iir.jitod only by
its is.- d'n-retiuii. Thif radical
d vistty virws cannot well be re
coortied; it cannot be wholly d cids
ed by Ihe courts as if involves the
spirit HMire thin the ie.ter ot the
txjtiMiiuiion, and in the end it must
e di'U'iiniiied laigt-ly as a matter
of policy by thepopiv themseves inlbv constitutional sanction, but by
their sovereign capacify. Starting
out With diffeieut views of the con stitution,
the two paities naturally
have rniibciited different theories
of government, especially upon the
alhimportaut subject of federal tax.
ation. A division upon the tar ff
question was inevitable. The tariff
question), concisely stated, what is
the position of the two parties upon
this question f I desire to state it
tairly. That the republican party
LINCOLNTON, N. C, FRIDAY,
advoeate8 t,,at ihe www
in uuii.inuuiuuiii ijn wen ai a mora
right to impose tariff duties for the
purpo?eot encouraging the baildiug
up of private industries, by the im
position of duties sufficiently large
to prevent foreign competition, ir
respective of the question of the
needs of tho treasury; while the
urmi'cotuc iitiiy ucocvts mat iue
government has only a constitution
al and moral right to impose such
duties as may be necessary to raise
sufficient revenue to support the
government economically aaminis
tered. This is the precise issue
squarely stated. Both parties can
not be right ; one or the other must
bo wrong. Th coiiKideration of
ibis subject leads to an analysis of
the t rue functions of the govei nment.
There are Borne ihings which must
be conceded because they are too
plain for argument, ami one of them
ts that the government has no con
stitutional power to enter into pri
vate business directly, and what it
cannot, or ought not, to do indirect
ly. This is the correct theory of
government, and it excludes the
idea that one citizen may be bur
loned to loster another citizen's
private schemes, A protective far
ill" is unconstitutional. The Demo
cratic National platform gives forth
no uncertain sound upon thissub
ject and correctly states the true
position of the party. It denies tho
rtu..ti.i ..........
ment to impose taxes loi other than
public purpo.-es. I am aware that,
a concerted effect is being made by
our opponents to maKe it appear
that a new departure has been eni
tered upon and that our party has
abandoned its former conservative
position upon the tariff questiou
and assumed another and bolder aU
tttudo loading absolutely toward
free trade. 1 do not regard it.
Some of it might have preferred a
little different phaseology, but as a
whole it sufficiently expresses our
position with reasonable clearuees
and accuracy. I realize the difficul
ty of presenting the question of tho
constitutionality ot a protective
tariff' law to the courts, and in that
view it may have been unnecessary,
or not desirable, to have challenged
its legality. We need not have
placed on r objections upon that
ground while so many fatal objec
tions existed to the system itself
but that course was a mere matter
of discretion. The fact remains that
we have always insisted, and not
insisted that no warrant cau be
found in the constitution for the
imposition of tariff duties to aid
private, industries, but whether such
a tariff is constitutional or not, or
whether it is practical to have the
question properly raised or de; ided,
the system itself is vicious in the
extreme, unjust to the people, and
contrary to the spirit of our free in
stitutions. Let us examine the point
a moment.
Whence comes ihe power to pro
tect private industries? What
clause of the constitution can be
invoked for such a purpose? There
is none. It must be conceded by
every intelligent citizen that the
constitution does not giant auy such
express power. There is not an el
ementary law writer any where
whose treaties on the constitution
is regarded as standard authority,
who ventures to affirm the coustitu
lional right of Congress to levy du
ties for any other direct purpose
than for the support of the govern
ment. Rpnblicau protection
therefore, does not constitutionally
exist, but is imposed upon the peo
pie by lraud, fahse pretense, evasion
and gross abuse of the taxing piiw-
er. All the t-o-caiiea protection ior
wnich our opponents have clamored
and which they hate obtaiued in
recent ealH, has been secured, not
the abuse of the conceded taxing
power of the government. It is a
dangerous exercise cl authority. It
is a perversion of the powers ot gov
ernment. The democratic portion
is a safe, logical, conservative and
just position. No tariffs, except
"for the purpose of revenue only,"
and then limited to the necessities
of the government nouestly and
economic ally administered, is a dof.
trine which appeals to the good
OCT. 14, 1892.
seuse and sound judgment of every
honest and thoughtful mu. With
the constantly increasing expenses
of the government and the enormous
amount of money, annually aug
menting, required by the growing
pension list, these tariffs which must
necessarily be exacted to meet these
expenditures will be for many years
to come amply sufficient to afford,
incidentally, all the protection which
tne most ardent advocate of the
system can reasonably ask. More
thau this ought not to be couceded
to anybody. In the imposition of
necessary tariffs there should be
exercised a wise discrimination in
the amounts exacted and in the ar
ticles taxed. What should be placed
upon the Iree list and what tshouid
be the most heavily burdened, are
questions nor tree from difiVulty, and
require the most careful considerai
tion. The MilU bill ot 1S88 and the
seperate tariff bill pa-Bed by the
present democratic House ot Hop
rescnUtmiH indicate in a general
way the democratic position. Tney
show: "Firwt, that the necessaries
of lifo should be absolutely free.
Second, that luxuries sho;ild be.ir
the heaviest burdens. Third, that
there should be, free raw materials
for the benefits of our manufacture
ers. Fourth, that the tariff upon
manufactured articles should, as a
general rule, be large where simi
lar articles are manufactured in this
country than where they are not.
Fiflh, ihat the tanff imposed upon
all manufactured articles (other than
those which for good reasons are
placed on the tree list) should equal
the difference between the rate ot
wages paid in this and foreign coun
tries so far as labor enters into the
cost of their production.
President Harrison, in his iugen
ious letter of acceptance, endeavors
to place our party in a false attitude,
by calling attention to Ihe fact, that
while our platform in 1884, re a lopt
ed in 1888 contained an express
plank upon this questiou of the
equalization of wages, y t it was
omitted m 1892, and asserts that we
have changed our portion. I beg
to differ with him. There has been
no change. There was no necessity
for the repetition of that plank, as
the party's position upon it had
been evinced by the MiIFa bill, which
had not been passed before the na
tional conventions of 1884 and 1880
were held. Parties are to be judged
as much by iheir records as their
platforms. We stand not only upon
our platform of 1892, but upon the
Mills bill, which was tho larest gen
eral democratic legislation upou the
tariff subject. That bill was as good
an exposition of our principles as an
elaborate platform could be. Now,
what did the Mills bill disclose upon
the question of the qualification of
wages ? I make th statement, and
challenge a contradiction of its
tru'h, that there w is not a single
manufactured article mentioned in
that, bill, upon which the duty was
reduced, upon which there was not
still left Nutfii'iotit to represen', the
difference in wages paid in this and
foreign countries for the labor in
volved in its production. I can
safely go further, and say, that in
niany instances the duty permitted
tc remaid exceed this difference in
wages, three, four and five times,
therefore our position upon this
question is as clear as th uoou.day
sun and it requires no sptc al plank
in the platform to emphasize it. It
I were asked to defiue as c-mri.-e y
as possible Ihe whole democratic
party, I should state it substantially
as follows: 4i'Ve favor a tariff for
revenue only, limited to the r.eces- j in tht- campaign of .j it not
sities of the govei umenf, econond j gteater impoi lance in.-.n t e tariff,
cally administered, and so adjusted J wrMch effects the rih'.- ai d iiLet
in its application, as far as practic- ; ties of every citiz-u.
able, as to prevent unequal burdens, J The republican p .ity .mm?, to
encourage productive industries at i be irrevocably comn i rd to ir,c-
home, aud afford j i t compensation
to labor, but not tocieate n)i foster
monopoly. Tnese aie the cardinal
principles upon which the details of
all tariff iegi-lation should be based.
Our opponents profess to be much
disturbed because we have in our
platform denoui ced
protection" as a fianc
'republican
nai ee
is it ? It is a
sive reasons
fraud for these conclu
First. It is secured
by a palpable abuse ot the taxingj
power ot the government. Second,
It euu'es to the ben fit of a few to
the espeuse of the many. Third. It
is ba-ed upou favoritism of the
worst species. Fourth. It tends to
create Fictitious prosperity to be
followed by hnbseouent business
depression. Fifth. It is deceptive
lu its promises and unsaiislac'oty
in ifs results. Sixth. Its principal
beueficiaries constitute a privileged
class and their importunities for
governmental aid lead to public
fcaudal and demoralization. Presi
dent Harrison and all the othor
great and small advocates of this
vicious system diligently seek to
create the irapress;on that the dem
ocratic p.uly has assumed a bolder
attitude thau lormerly arid become
an advocate of absolute free trade.
They will not succeed in their st ten
uous efforts to place us in a false
position. It does not follow that
because we are opposed to an un
reasonable tariff that we favor free
trade and the abolition of all cus
tom houses.
Wo are opposed to ; piohibitory
t irilT. We aie opposed to placing a
virtual Chinese wall around the
country to hamper aud restrict the
natural laws of trade. We favor a
larger commerce and wider markets
than at preseut exist. We are op
posed to any governmental part,
tier-ship with private inteiests .such
as the McKiuley bill establishes.
We favor legislation for the masses
and not for the classes. We favor
the protection of labor and not the
creation of monopolies. Wo would
eiicoura e and foster labor by re
lieving it of all necessary burdens.
Tat iff' reform does not mean tree
trade. Our opponents misrepresent
our positiou now as they have ever
done since the famous tariff message
ot 1887. In thai historic message
our candid. i!e expressly repudiated
the suggestion that he was entering
upon any crusade of free trade. The
disastrous defeat, ot 18S8 brought a
republican Congress info power,
and two years l.ter, as a lewanl to
those beueficiaries who bad so
largely contributed to their success,
our opponents passed what is known
the world over as the McKiuley
tariff bill. The McKiuley bill ban
not rniued the, country, nor has it
benefitted it. It has increased the
burdens of tne taxpaeru and iided
m iny ot the monopolies of the land.
Tiiere is no satisfactory evidence
that it has encreas'Ml our propeity in
any degree, or advanced the wages
oi a single working man. Skilled
Nfaticiauft capable of juggling with
figures, may assume to h ive moie
iiiforaiatiou than wo possess, and
may figoe out a different, result,
b-'it I can fat ly asserf Ibat If is the
geU-tal Understanding ol I to ":-op
that the McKinly bill has ,;t in
creased wages either in New York
or elsewnere. 1 know this much,
that the democratic party will be
entirely content to permit every
workingman whose wages have been
increased since the passage of the
McKinley bill to vote the republican
t eket, if our opponents will conv ut
that all those whose wages haw- not
lv en increased shall vote the dt mo
dal ic ticket, aud upou that ba-ir- we
wdl carr the country by a million
majority.
We should not, however, permit
our position to be misunderstood.
We are not eeklng power upon the
"calamity isue, :nt w:tb all good
citizens we lejo.c in the ptospeiitv
ot the country and tro-t thaf !t may
continue, but e i : f that the
country has been jo rcrous, not
bee Wire ot the McK'n!'-- i f-v, but iu
'p'.lo of jr. There Is uh-.i !..T Ib8Ue
i-ass-ge of the Flei.il i .n i;i
generally known as -isi i.itiv Id ,
and although it mus' tie -v:d. ;;t to
tre most patriotic and thoughtful
member of that o gaw alien that
it m a pico of political foolishness,
only quailed b ity medaoity, there
has appeared for them no escape
rrom us acivocacy. it is au lm-
peachmeut of tne good sense ot the
republican leaders that they thcu'd
press tho consideration of so rffcnl
sive and unwise at this or auy other
NO. 24.
time, especially in view ot the fact,
uow apparent to every one, that it
absolutely preveuts their party re
ceiving a single electoral vote in a
third of the States of the Union :
arid although as partisans we may
r joice at their folly, yet as citizens
we deplore their threatened attack
upon the free institutions of onr
our country never before bo imper
iled. The bill has been well de-
scribed as a "menace to liberty "
tho liberty of the North as well as
tho South' the liberiy of the black
as well the white, the liberty of ev
ery white citizen, no matte to what
party he may happen to belong.
Whence comes this objectionable
schemefortcdei.il interference- in
our elections, and who are its mig
niutors and spnoi? Ijumi ro
cntly the author of the measure
was suppofed to be the imenently
resp.vtaMe Henry Cabot Lodge, of
Massachusetts, who introduced the
t:li. Uut not long ago, a gentle
man, tint unknown to fame, John
L. laeupoit, of New York city,
te cheif Federal supervisor of cl
ect ions, nnd also a United States
commissioner, adinunutivo, polite
ami amicable person, "as mild man
nered man as ever scuttled a ship
or cut a throat," came to Washing
ton and appeared before the com-,
inn tee on immigration in behalf of
another project, dear to his heart,
to promote "the puiir.f of elections''
and I had the honor of examing
him, and he stated in answer to my
question, to.the great suprise ot
the pupbc, that he was the bold
aud sole author of the nototious
force bill. The borrowed p'.umage
was immediately stripped Horn the
pi oud person of Mr. Henry Cabot
Lodge, and the bill has since been
styled ";he Davenport force bill."
Permit me, iu this connection, to
further stale that Mr. Davenport,
on this same occasion, with biutal
frankuess, avowed his purpose to
have his bill intiotbico t again when
ever "a favorable oppotun.ty
he unblushingly lepird, "When
tho republicans shall aa:u have a,
majority in both L ous.es of Con
gress'' an event nut likely to oc
cur, I !iuf for miuiy yeais to come.
Inlbeop'-n and public expression
of his iul iiiiou to press the meas
ure again it must lie assumed that
he spoke iu behalf of his patty and
reflected ifs sentiments. The pent
pie ot the several States will hesitate
long before they consent to the
adoption ot ''Daveupot tV election
methods in their respective locali
ties. 1 have not the time to-night
t o enter into any elaborate presenta
tion of the details of this bill. It is
-ii.llicient tor us to know th it the
only purpose of the n.(auie is to
coui iid lor partisan :oi van I age, oar
elections, Slate and N-derai. The
bill is a desperate attempt to prop
up the failing fortunes f i once,
great political party; it was com
ceived in political animosity, is urg
ed from th narrowest and worst of
motivo and unworthy a place
among the statutes of American re
public The democratic party doc lares
for free, honest and fair elections
everywhere. It desires them not
merely becau.se they would enure
to its benefit, but upon the unsel
fish and high ground that they are
essential to the preservation of our
free institutions. There has been
no such condition of affairs at the
South as to justify the enactment
of the Davenport measure. It is
true that tin; colored people in
large numbers are there voting
the democratic ticket, but this af
fords no sufficient reason for tak
ing away from them, or from us,
the control of their or our elec
tions. The colored people w ere
not freed from slavery to become
the slaves of the republican party.
The South is loyal, honest and
capable and if permitted as it
should be, it will work out its
social and other problems iu its
j own way without injury to the
i colored race of injustice to the
north, or to the republican partv,
1 A. .1 I . 7
or danger to ue elective tran
chise. In an event tho majority
of the American people will never
approve a measure which threat
ens their liberties, legalizes un
fairness and absolutely guarantees
partisan victories tu the unsciup
ulus party that dar.?s to enact it
Alter a brief discussion of State
issues, Senator Hill concluded as
follows: I believe that a majori
ty of the people of this country
are convinced of the rightfulness
Continued to last page.)