Newspapers / The Monroe Journal (Monroe, … / Dec. 17, 1915, edition 1 / Page 10
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raars word 13 10 PREPARE' Annual Message Pleads for Con certed ar.d Efficient Action. FOR GREATER REGULAR ARMY Citizen Soldiery Part of His Plan Problem cf Commercial Mobilization Stated Disloyalty Among Cer tain Elements in Our Na tional Life Serious Mensee to Peace. Washington. IVc. . President Wil son today delivered the following mes sage to congress: Gentlemen of the ('ongress: Since 1 last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea. which had then only begun to disclose its portentous proportions, has extend ed its threatening nnd sinister scope until it has swept w ithin its fame some portion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemi sphere, has altered the whole face of international affairs, and now presents a prospect of reorganization and re construction 6uch as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously neu tral. It was our manifest duty to do o. Not only did we have no part or interest in the policies which seem to have brought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a universal catastrophe was to be avoided, that a limit should lie set to tho sweep of destructive war a' 1 tiiat some part of the great family nations Bhould keep the processes o peace alive, if only to prevent col lective economic ruin and the break down throughout the world of the in dustries by whkh its populations are fed and sustained. It was manifestly the duty of the self governed nations of this hemisphere to redress, if pos sible, the balance of economic loss and confusion in the other, if they could do nothing more. In tr day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they can be of infinite service. American Nations Partners. j In this neutrality, to which they were bidden not only by their separate life and their habitual detachment from the politics of Kurope but also by a clear perception of international duty, tho states of America have be come conscious of a new and more vital community interest and rioral partnership In affairs, more clearly conscious of the many common sym ieithles and interests and duties which bid them stand together. There was a time In the early days of our own great nation and of the re publics fighting their way to inde pendence ln t'eiitral and South Amer ica when th'." government of the I'nit 54 States looked upon itself as in some tfort the guardian of the republics to the foutu, of her ns against any en croachments or efforts at political con trol from the other side of the water; felt it its duty to play the part even without invitation from them; and I Think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and dis interested euthtiKiasm for the freedom nt the Ajnoricas and the unmolested :seli government of her independent peoples. But it was always difficult to maintain such b role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose free- dom of action we sought to protect, . and without provoking serious miscon cepilojij f onr motjves, and every .tbjSghtful man of affairs must wel "fome the altered circumstances of the new day in whose light we now stand, when there is no claim of guardian ship or thought of wards but, instead, a full and honorable association as of partners between ourselves and our neighbors, in the interest of all Amer ica, north and south. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America is not altered. We retain unabated the spirit that has inspired us through out the whole life of our government and which was so frankly put into words by President Monroe. We still mean always to make a common cause of national independence and of po litical liberty In America. Attitude Toward Mexico. We have been put to the test in the case of Mexico, and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Her fortunes are in her own hands. Hut we have at least proved that we will not take ad vantage of her in her distress and un dertake to Impose upon her an order and government of our own choosing. We will aid and befriend Mexico, but we will not coerce ber; and our course with regard to ber ought to be suffi cient proof to all America that we seek no political suzerainty or selfish control. The moral Is, that the states of America are not hostile rivals but co operating friends, and that their grow ing sense of community of Interest, alike In matters political and In mat ters economic. Is likely to give them a new significance as factors In inter national affairs and In the political history of the world. Drawing the Americas Together. Tbere Is, I venture to point out, an especial significance Just now attach ing t tils whole matter of drawing the Americas together to bonds of hon orable partnership and mutual advan tage because of the economic readjust ments which the world must inevi tably witness within the next genera tion, when peace shall have at last re sumed its healthful tasks, lu the per formance of these tasks 1 believe the Americas to be destined to play their parts together- 1 am interested to fix your attention on this prospect now because unless you take it within your view and pormit the full significance of it t ) command your thought I can not find the risht light in which to set forth the particular matter that ls at the very tront of my whole thought f9 I address you today. I mean na tional defense. No one who really comprehends the spirit of th4 great people for whom we are appointed to speak ran fail to perceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed lu tbe practice of the arts of peace. (Ireat democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thoucht is of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Comiui t nml dominion are not in our reckening. or agreeable to our principles. Hut just because we de mand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own livs upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from whatever quarter it may come, the ag gression we ourselves will not prac tice. We insist upon security in prose cuting our self-chosen lines of nation al development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others. Question of Preparedness. Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as a means of asserting the rights of a peo ple against aggression. And we are as fiercely jealous of coercive or dic tatorial power within our own nation as of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army ex cept for uses whi.'i are as necessary in times of peace us In times of war; and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continu ously needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us. Hut we do believe In a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of the govern ments which they have set up to Berve them. Hut war has never been a mere mat ter of men and guns. It is a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how mod ern lighting is done, and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves immediately available and immediately effective. And the gov ernment must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. It is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the department of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid bo fore you, nnd which I urge you to sanction und put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. Larger Army Plan. Tliey contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strenHh of f,023 officers and 102.9S5 enlisted men of ail services to a strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or HU43. all told, all services, rank and tile, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of engi neers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery, and four aero squadrons, besides 730 officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which I shall presently speak, 792 noncommissioned officers for serv ice In drill, recruiting and the like, and tho necessary quota of en listed men for the quartermaster corps, the hospital corps, the ord nance department, nnd other similar auxiliary services. These are the ad ditions necessary to render the array adequate for its present duties, duties which It has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and bor ders and at our interior army posts, but also in the Philippines, in the Hawaiian Islands, at the Isthmus, and in Porto Rico. Hy way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power promptly and upon a larger scale, should occasion arise, the plan also contemplates supplementing the army by a force of 400,010 disciplined citi zens, raised in increments of 1113, 000 a year throughout a period of three years. This it is propowd to do by a process of enlistment un der which the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind them selves to serve with the colors for pur pose of training for short periods throughout three years, and to come to the colors at call at any time throughout an additional "furlough" period of three years. This force of 400,000 men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as enlisted and their equipment for the field made ready to be sup plied at any time. They would be assembled for training at stated In tervals at convenient places In asso ciation with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months in the year. At least so much by the way ot preparation for defense seems to me to be absolutely Imperative now. We cannot do leas. The Naval Program. The program which will be laid be fore ;ou by the secretary of the navy Is similarly conceived. It Involves only a shortening of the time within STRIKIK3 fo::jts in PRESIDENT WW The department cf war contemplates an incrr.-?e rf s.inu.r.j fore of the regular army from its present strer;'.h c' 5.C-3 o vc-rs end 102.935 enliited men to 7.136 of cers and 134.7C7 enl.s'.ed ncn. r.J supplementing the army by a fsree of 4C0.CC disc plincd c t :?nt. It w.ll be t the advantage of the count'y for the conjre-.s to l Jopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength end efficiency. The gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own border. It is necessary for many weighty reasons of national efficiency and development that we should have a great merchant marine. It seems to ma a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now to undertake we should pay as we go. We should be following an almost universal example of modern gov ernment if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income taxes. We have been put to the test in the case of Mexico and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America is not altered. which plans long matured shall be carried out; but it does make definite and explicit a program which has heretofore been or.ly implicit, held in the minds of the two committees on naval affairs and disclosed in the de bates of the two houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seems to n:e very clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehen sive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and effi ciency and to press that plan to com pletion within the next live years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our first and chief line of defense; we have always seen it to be our manifest course of pru dence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the maritime na tions. We should now definitely de termine how we shall complete what we have begun, and how soon. Tho program to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six bat tle cruisers, ten scout cruises, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-five coast submarines, four gun boats, one hospital ship, two ammuni tion ships, two fuel oil ships, and one regular repair ship. It Is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fiften destroyers, five fleet submarines, twenty-live coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year, two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten de stroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, oue gunboat, and one fuel oil ship; the third year, two battleships, one battlo cruiser, two scout cruisers, five destroyers, two fleet submarines, and fifteen coast submarines; the fourth year, two bat tleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet sub marines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition ship, and ono fuel oil ship; and thu fifth year, two battle ships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet sub marines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair ship. More Men for the Navy. The secretary of the navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of tho navy of 7,50n sail ors, 1,200 apprentice seamen, and 1,500 marines. This increase would be sufficient to care for the ships which are to be completed with in the fiscal year 1917 and also for the I number of men which must be put In training to man th.' ships which will . be completed early in 1918. It is also necessary that the number of midship men at tho Naval academy at Annap olis should be increased by at least three hundred If thic full program should be car ried out we should have built or build ing In 1921. according to the estimates of survival and standards of classifi cation followed by the general board of the department, an effective navy consisting of 27 battleships, of the first line, 6 battle cruisers, 25 battleships of the sjcond line, 10 armored cruis ers, 13 scout cruisers, 5 first-class cruisers, 3 second-class cruisers, 10 third-class cruisers. 10S destroyers, 18 fleet submarines. 157 coast submarines, 6 monitors , 20 gunboats, 4 supply ships, 15 fuel ships, 4 transports, 3 tenders to torpedo vessels. 8 ves sels of special types, and 2 ammuni tion ships. This would be a navy fit ted to our needs and worthy of our , traditions. 1 But armies and Instruments of war I are only part of what has to be con sidered If we are to consider the su preme matter of national self sufficien cy and security In all its aspects. There are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention whether we will or not. There Is, for example, a very pressing question of trade and shipping involved in this great problem ot national adequacy. It Is necessary for many weighty rea sons of national efficiency and devel opment that we should have a great merchant marine. It Is high time we repaired our mis take and resumed our commercial Inde pendence on the seas. Need of Merchant Marine. Tor it Is a question of Independ ence. If other nations go to war or seek to hamper each other's com merce, our merchants, It seems, are at their mercy, to do with as they please. We must use their ships, and use them as they determine. We have not ships enough of onr own. Wo cannot handle onr own commerce pn the seas. Our Independence Is provin cial, and is only on land and within our own borders. We are not likely to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations in rivalry of their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital import ance not only that the I'nited States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant ma rine would give It. but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, If It is not to be drawn Into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independence the whole question of our political unity ar.d self-dctemlnation is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our own not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more; creating friend ships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side the water. Must Provide Ships. With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of. our commerce , and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present un paralleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of mu tual interest and service, an oppor tunity which may never return again if we miss it now, proposals will be made to the present congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the govern ment similar to those made to the last congress, but modified in some essen tial particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt ac ceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly Imperative. That need was then foreseen; it Is now acutely felt and everywhere real ized by those for whom trade is wait ing but who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much in terested in the particulars of the pro gram as I am in taking immediate ad vantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency. The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for the general policy ot adequate preparation for mobilization and de fense, Involve of course very large ad ditional expenditures of money ex penditures which will considerably ex ceed the estimated revenues of the government. It is made my duty by law, whenever the estimates of ex penditure exceed the estimates of revenue, to call tho attention of the congress to tho fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that i it may bo wise or por.-lMe for me tQ I suggest. I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so In any case; and I feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly ou,t o! the adoption by the congress of meas ures which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly of th present state ot the treasury and of the fiscal problems which the next year will probably disclose. State of the Finances. On the thirtieth ot June last thero was an available balance in the gen eral fund of the treasury of $104,170, 105.78. The total estimated receipts for the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last congress will not be extended beyond its present limit, the thirty -first of December, 1915, snd that the present duty of one cent per pound on sugar will be discontinued after the first of May, 1916, will be $670,365,500. The balance of June last and these estimated revenues come, therefore, to a grand total of $774. 435,605.78. The total estimated dis bursements for the present fiscal year, Including $25,000,000 for the Panama canal, $12,000,000 for probable de ficiency appropriations, and $50, 000 for miscellaneous debt redemp tions, will be $753,891,000; and the balanco In the general fund of the treasury will be reduced to $20,644, 605.78. The emergency revenue act, If continued beyond Its present time lim itation, would produce, during tho half year then remaining, about $41,000. 000. The duty of one cent per pound on sugar. It continued, would produce during the two months ot tho fiscal year remaining after the first ot May, about $16,000,000. These two sums, amounting together to $56,000,000, It added to the revenues of the second half of the fiscal year, would yield the treasury at the end ot the year an available balance of $76,644,405.71. I The additional revenues required to carry out the program ot military and naval preparation ot which I have spoken, would, as at present estimated, , be for the fiscal year 1917. $93,800,000. Those figures, taken with the figures for the present fiscal year which I have already given, disclose our finan cial problem for the year 1317. As suming that the taxes imposed by the emergency revenue act and the pres ent duty on sugar are to be discontin ued . and that the balance at tho close of the present fiscal year will be only $20,S44.6'5.TS. that the disbursements for the Panama canal will again be about twenty five millions, and that the additional expenditures for the , army and navy are authorized ny tne congress, the deficit in the general fund ot the treasury on the thirtieth of June. 1917. will be nearly two hun dred and thirty-five millions. To this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent a safe working bal-, ance for the treasury, and twelve mil- ' Hons to include tho usual deficiency estimates In 1917; and these additions would make a total deficit ot some two ; hundred and ninety-seven millions. If the present taxes should be continued throughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance In the treasury of some seventy-six and a half millions at the end of the pres- ' ent fiscal year, and a deficit at the end ot the next year of only some fifty millions, or, reckoning In sixty-two millions for deficiency appropriations ' and a safe treasury belance at the end ' of the year, a total deficit of some j one hundred and twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures Is that it is a plain counsel ot prudence to con- ' tinue all of the preesnt taxes or their j equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing $112,000,000 J of new revenue rather than $297,000,- 000. New Sources of Revenue. How shall we obtain the new reve nue? It seems to nie a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank j finance that in what we are now, I i hope, to undertake, we should pay as we go. Tho people of the country are entitled to know jut what burdens ot I taxation they are to carry, and to know , from tho outset, now. The new bills 1 should be paid by internal taxation. To what sources, then, shall we turn? This is so peculiarly a question I which the gentlemen of the house of ' representatives are expected under ! the Constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to ' do more than discuss It in very gen-' eral terms. We Bhould be following ' an almost universal example ot mod- j ern government if we were to draw ' the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the in come taxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure nt which the surtax shall bee In to be imposed, end by increasing, step by step throughout the present gradu- j ation, the surtax itself, the Income taxes as at present apportioned ' would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without any-' where making the burden unreasou- j ably or oppressively heavy. The pre-, rise reckonings are fully and accurate ly set out In the report of the secre tary of the treasury which will be im mediately laid before you. I And there are many additional j sources of revenue which can Justly be resorted to without hampering the In- ; dustries of the country or putting any j too great charge upon Individual ex penditure. A one per cent tax per gallon on gasoline and naptha would . yield, at the present estimated pro-1 duction. $10,0(1(1.000; a tax ot 50 cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines. $15,000, 00d; a stamp tax on bank checks, probably $1S,000.000; a tax of 25 cents per ton on pig iron, $10,000,000; a tax ot 50 cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10,000,000. In a country of greet Industries like this It ought to be easy to distribute the bur dens of taxation without making them anywhere bear too heavily or too ex clusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear is, that the industry of this generation should pay tho bills of this generation. 1 have spoken to you today, gentle men, upon a single theme, the thor ough preparation of the nation to care for Its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the Impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it. I have had in my mind no thought of any immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there is reason to hope that no question In controversy between this and other governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations, grave t some differences of attitude and policy have been and may yet turn out to be. I am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens ot the United States, I blush to admit, born under other flags but welcomed under our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and oppor tunity of America, who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our nstlonal Ife; who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our government into contempt, to destroy our Industries wherever they thought It effective tor their vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to the uses of foreign intrigue. Their number Is not great as compared with the whole number ot those sturdy hosts by which our nation has been enriched In recent generations out ot virilo foreign stocks; but It Is great enough to have brought deep disgrace upon ns and to have made It neces sary that we should promptly make use of :oeesscs of law by which we may be purged of their corrupt dls tempers. America never wltnessod anything like this before. It never dreamed '.t possible that men sworn into its own citizenship, men drawn out of great free stocks such as sup plied some of the best and strongest elements of that little, but how heroic, nation that In a high day ot old staked its very life to free Itself from every entanglement that had darkened tho fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here that men of such origins and such free choices of allegiance would ever turn In malign reaction against the govern ment and people who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud country once more a hot bed of Kuropean passion. A little while ago such a thing would have seemed Incredible. Because It was incredible we made no preparation for it. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it. as it we were suspiiious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! Hut the ugly and incredible thing has actual ly come about and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it 1 urge you to enact such laws at tho earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging; you to do nothing less than save the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such crea tures of passion, disloyalty, and an archy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are Infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered into conspiracies ngi.ini't the neutrality of the govern ment, they have sought to pry Into every confidential transaction of the government In order to serve Interests alien to our own. It is possible to deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms In which they may be dealt with. Are Disgrace to the Nation. I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken sentiments of allegiance to the govern ments under which they were born, had been guilty of disturbing the self possession and misrepresenting the temper and principles of the country during these days of terrible war, when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would, Instinctively mako it bis duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan ot no nation but his own. Hut it cannot. There are some men among us, and many resident abroad who, though born and bred in the United States and calling themselves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side in the great European con flict above their regard for the peace and dignity of the United States. They also preach and practice disloyalty. No laws, I suppose, can reach cor ruptions of the mind and heart; but I should not speak ot others without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel when he thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing upon us. While we speak of the preparation ot the nation to make sure of her security and her effective power wo must not fall into the patent error of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safe guards ot written law. What is more Important is, that the Industries and resources of the coun try should be available and ready for mobilization. The transportation problem is an exceedingly serious and pressing one in this country. There has from' tlrjo to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with. It successfully, as at present equipped; and eordalned. 1 suggest that It would bo wise to provide for e corn mission of Inquiry to ascertain by s thorough canvass of the whole ques tion whether our laws ns at present framed and administered arc as serv iceable as they might be in the solu tion of the problem. It is obviously a problem that lies at the very founda tion ot our efficiency as a people. Such an Inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth con sidering and we need to know all sides of the matter If we mean to do any thing In the field of federal legislation. Regulation of Railroads. No one, I am sure, would wish to take any backward step. The regula tion ot the railways of the country by federal commission has had admirable results and has fully justified tho hopes and expectations ot those by whom the policy of regulation was originally proposed. The question Is not what should we undo? It Is, whether there Is anything else we can do that would supply us with effective means, in the very process of regula tion, for bettering the conditions un der which the railroads are operated and for making them more useful serv ants of the country as a whole. It seems to me that It might be the part of wisdom, therefore, before further legislation in this field Is attempted, to look at the whole problem of coordina tion and efficiency in the full light of a fresh assessment ot circumstance and opinion, as a guide to dealing with the several parts ot It Tev what we are seeking now, what In my mind is the single thought ot thte message, Is national efficiency and security. We serve a great nation. We should serve It In the spirit of lu peculiar genius. It Is the genius of common men for self-government. In dustry, Justice, liberty and peace. We should see to it that It lacks so Instru ment, no facility or vigor of law, to make It sufficient to play Its part with energy, safety and assured success. In this we are no partisans but heralds and prophets of a bow age.
The Monroe Journal (Monroe, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Dec. 17, 1915, edition 1
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