North Carolina Newspapers

CAMPAIGN KEYHOTE Sounded by the Democratic Lead er in His Speech at Indianapolis.' PARAMOUNT ISSUE IS IMPERIALISM Policy in the Philippines Exhaustive ly Discussed by Bryan. PEOPLE GOVERNED MUST OOKSENT Or the Government Is Not on Line Authorized by the Principle .of the American Itepnb j He Appal to the Father. Following is the apeech delivered by Mr. Bryan at Indianapolis to the committee which notified him of his nominatoln for the presidency by the Democratic convention at Kansas City:' , 4,, . - - Mr. Chairman and Members of the Notification Committee I Bhall, at an early day, and in a more formal manner, accept the nom ination which you tender,. and I shall at that time discuss the various ques tions covered by the Democratic plat form. It inajfnot be out of place, how ever, to submit a few observations at; this tUne uiwn the general character of the content before us, and upon the question ' which is declared to -be of paramount importance in this cam paign. When I say that the contest of 1900 Is a contest between Democracy on the one hand and plutocracy . pn the .other I do not mean to say that all our opponents have deliberately chosen to give to organized wealth a predominat ing iiiil! t :hh? in the affairs of the gov ernment. 1 at I do assert that on tho important Hniies of the day the Re publican j'.irty is dominated by those Influences which constantly tend toele vate pecuniary considerations and ig nore human rights.' In 1859 Lincoln said that the Itennblican parry be lieved in the man and the dollar, but that In case of conflict it believed In the man before the dollar. This is the proper relation which should exist be tween the two. Man, the handiwork of God, comes first, money, the handi work of man, is of inferior Importance. Man is the master, money the servant, but upon all impoHant questions today IU'publlenn legislation tends to make money the master and man the serv ant. The maxim of Jefferson, "equal rights to all and special privileges to none," and the doctrine of Lincoln that this Khould be a government "of the people, by the people and for the people," are being disregarded, and the instrumentalities of government are being used to advance the Inter ests of those who are in. a position to secure favors from the government The Democratic party is not making war upon the honest acquisition . of wealth; it has no desire to discourage industry, economy aud thrift. On the contrary, it gives to every citizen the greatest possible, stimulus to honest toil when it promises him protection In the enjoyment of the proceeds of his labor. Property rights are most secure -when human rights are respect ed. Democracy strives for a civiliza tion in which every member of' society will share according to his merits. No one has a right to expect from society, more than a fair compensation for the service which be renders to Kociety. If he secures more it Is at the expense of some one else. It is no In justice to him to prevent his doing in justice to another. To him who would, either through class legislation or in the absence of necessary legislation, trespass upon the rights of another the Democratic party says, "Thou shalt not." ' - v ' Against us are arrayed a compara tively small, but politically and finan cially powerful.5 numberi who really' profit by Uepublican policies, but with them are ; associated a large number who, because' of their attachment to their party name, are giving their sup IHrt to 'doctrine's antagonistic to, the former teachings of their own party. Republicans who used to advocate bi metallism, now try to convince them selves that the gold standard is good; Republicans who were fornferly at tached to the greenback are now seek ing an excuse for glvhig national banks control of the nation's paper money; Republicans who used to boast that the Republican party was paying off the national debt, are now looking for reasons to support a perpetual and In creasing debt; Republicans who for merely abhorred a trust, now beguile themselves with thedeluslon that there are good trusts and bad trusts, while in their minds the'llne between the two is becoming more and more ob scure; Republicans who In times past congratulated the country upon the small expense of our standing army are now making light of the objections which are urged a gainst a large Increase in the permanent military establish-" ment; Republicans who gloried in our independence when the nation was less powerful now look with favor upon a foreign alliance; Republicans who three years ago who condemned "forcible an nexation" as immoral and even crim inal, are now sure that it Is both im moral and criminal to oppose forcible annexation. POLICY IN THE PUIUPPME8. Republicans CUarc4 with Not Metlaff th Great 1mu Sqaarely. For n (Tine Republican leaders were inclined to deny to opponents the right to criticise the Philippine policy of the administration, but upon investigation they found that both Lincoln and Clay asserted and exercised the right to criticise a president during the progress of the Mexican war. Instead of meet ing the issue boldly; and submitting a. clear amfc positive plan for dealing wtih the Philippine question, the Republic an convention adopted a platform, the larger part of which was devoted to boasting and self-congraulatlon. But they shall not be permit ted to evade the stupendous and far- reaching Issue which they have delib erately brought Into the arena of pon Peace Institute mm I A I horoaf h School of high grade for tn1. In pine belt of Nor Mi Carolina so famous for health. - ) a Al bfkd I tics. When the president, supported j m Trfttta1v nnnnimocs vote of the 1 bouse and senate, entered upon a r with Spain for the purpose or aiums the struggling patriots of Cnba, the country, witbenit regard to party, ap plauded. Although the Democrats rec ognized that the administration would necessarily gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which, in th every nature of the case, must soon end la a complete victory, they vied jrlth the Republicans In the support which they gave to the president. When the war was over and the Re publican leaders began to suggest tihe propriety of a colonial policy opposi tion at once manifested itself. When the president finally laid before the senate a treaty which recognized the Independence of Cuba but provided for the cession of the Philippine islands to the United States, the menace of im perialism became so apparent that many preferred to reject the treat? and risk the ills that might follow rath er than take the chance of correcting the errors of the treaty by the Inde pendent action of this country. I was among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the treaty and end the war, release the vol unteers, remove the excuse for war ex penditures, and then give to the Phil ippines the Independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty. In view of the criticism which ray ac tion aroused In some quarters I take this occasion to restate the reasons riven at that time. ,1 thought ft safer to trust the American people to give Independence to the Filipinos than to trust the aecomplishpient of that pur pose to diplomacy wth an unfriendly nation. Lincoln embodied an argument In thp rmpstfnn when he asked: "Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws?" I believe that we are now in a better position to wage a suc cessful contest against -Imperialism than we would have been had the treaty been rejected. With the treaty ratified, a clean cut issue presented between a government by consent and a government by force, and imperial ists must bear the responsibility for all that happens until the question .Is. set tled. If the treaty had been rejected the opponents of imperialism would have been held responsible for any in ternational complications which might have arisen before the ratification of another treaty. But whatever difference of opinion may have existed as to the best methr od of opposing the colonial policy there never was any difference as to the jrreat importance of the question, and there is no difference now as to the course to be pursued. The title of Spain being extinguished we. were at liberty to deal with the Filipinos ac cording to American principles. The Bacon resolution, introduced a month before hostilities broke out at Manila, promised Independence to the Filipinos on the same terms that It was promised to the Cubans. I supported, this rescK lutlori and believe that Its adoption prior to the breaking out of hostilities wbuUThave prevented bloodshed, and that its adoption "at any subsequent time would have ended hostilities. ... MUST EXPECT FIX.IPIKO REVOLT. Oar Whole History Encouragement for Their Remittance. If it is right for the United States to hold the Philippine islands perma nently and Imitate European empires In the government of colonies the Re publican party ought to state its po sition and defend it, but it must expect the subject races to protest against such a policy and to resist to the ex tent of their ability. The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from. Americans now living. Our whole his tory has been an encouragement, not only to the Filipinos but to all who are denied a voice in their own gov ernment. If the Republicans are pre pared to censure all who have used language calculated to make the Fili pinos hate foreign domination let them condemn the speech of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate ap peal, "Give me liberty or give me death," he expressed a sentiment which still achoes in tfie hearts of men. Let them censure Jefferson, Washington, . Lincoln. ' Some one has said th::t a truth once spoken can never be recalled. But ; if It were possible to obliterate every word written or spoken In de fense of the principles set forth in the rSechrratlon of Independence a war of conquest would still leave Its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God him self who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never made a race of people so low In the scale of civilization or In telligence that It would welcome a foreign master. Lincoln said that the safety of this nation was not in its fleets, its armies or its forts, but in the spirit which prizes liberty the heritage of all men, In all lands, ev erywhere; and he warned his country men that they could riot destroy this spirit without planting the seeds of despotism at their own doors. Those who would have this nation enter"upon a career of empire must consider not only the effect of Imperial Ism on the Filipinos, bet they must also calculate its effect upon our own nation. We cannot repudiate the prin ciple of self-government in the Philip pines without weakening that prin ciple here. Even now we"are beginning to see the paralyzing influence cf im perialism. Heretofore, this nation has been prompt to express Its sympathy with those who were fighting for civil liberty. . Butnow when a war Is in progress in South Africa which must result in the extension of the monarchlal idea or in the triumph of a republic, the advocate of imperialism in this country dare not say a word In behalf of the Boers. EXPANSION IS NOT IMPERIALISM. Jefferson QuotoU to Show That Conanm I la Un-American, Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of , their cause, seek to con fuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jefferson spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no one can be lgnoraut of his views. On one occasion he declared: "If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other In the mind of every American, it is that w should hare nothing to do with con quest." And again he aid: Conquest Is not In our principles; it is inconsist ent with our government The forci ble annexation of territory to be gov erned by i arbitrary 'power, differs as much from the acquisition of territory to be built up Into states as a mon- and iGonsevatorv, Judge Gray of j CuJpeper, Va., savs: "The Verr best female schnnl niwnicnx nave any Knowledge." Catalogue free. AMk. DlKVinniK.'M. A.. Prinrinsl Cowill Goodwin, Director. I i archy differs from a democracy. Th Democratic party does not oppose ex pansion, when expansion enlarges the area or tne repuoiic ara incorporate land which can be settled by American citizens, or adds to our population peo-; pie. wb are willing to become citi zens and are capable of discharging their duties as snch. The acquisition of the Louisiana territory. Florida, Texas, and other tracts which nave been secured from time to time, en larged the republic, and the constitu tion followed the flag into the new ter ritory. It is dot proposed to sieze up on distant territory already more densely populated than our own coun try and to force upon the people a gov ernment for whicn there Is no war rant in our constitution or our laws. If "we have an imperial policy we must have a large standing army as its natural and necessary complement. That a large permanent in crease in our regular army is intended by the Republican leaders is not a mere matter of conjecture, but a mat ter of fact. In 1S9C the army contained about 25,000 men. Within two yeare the president asked for four times that many, and a - Republican house of representatives complied with the request after the Spanish treaty had been signed and no country was at war with the United States. A large standing army is not only a pecuniary burden to the people and. If accompanied by compulsory service, a constant source of Irritation, but It Is ever a menace to a Republican form of government. The army is the personification of force, and militarism will inevitably change the ideals of the people and turn the thoughts of our young men from the arts of peace to the science of war. The government which relies for its defense upon Its citizens, is more likely to be just tban one which has at call a large body of professional soldiers. A -small stand ing army and a well equipped and well disciplined state mllitja are suffi cient in ordinary times, and in an emergency the nation should In the future as In the past place Its depend ence upon the volunteers who come from all occupations at their country's call -and return to productive labor when their services are no longer re quiredmen who fight when the coun try needs fighters and work when the country needs workers. FUTURE STATUS OF THE FII.TPINO. What Are We to Do with Illm Now That We Have Him? The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands will be, re tained under American sovereignty, and we have a right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of the future status of the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten million Asiatics, so different from us in race and history that amalgamation Is Impossible? Are they to share with us in making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such a proposition. The Mc Enery resolution, adopted by the sen ate immediately after the ratification of the treaty, expressly negatives this idea. The Democratic platform de scribes the situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens with out endangering our civilization. Who will dispute it? And what is the alter native? If the Filipino is not to be a citizen, shall we make bira a subject? On that question the Democratic plat form speaks with emphasis. It de clares that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our form of government. A republic can have no subjects. The Republican platform says that "the largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured iQ them (the Filipinos) by law." This Is a strange doctrine for a government which owes It's very existence to the men who offered their lives as a pro test against government without con sent and taxation without representa tion. In what respect does the position of the Republican party differ from the position taken by the English govern- ment in 1776? Did not the English government promise a good govern ment to the eolonists? Did not the English government promise that the colonists should have the lnrgJ est measure of self-government con slstant with their welfare and English duties? The Republican par ty has accepted the European idea and planted itself upon ground taken by George III, and by every ruler who distrusts the capacity of the people for self-government or denies them a voice in thlr own affairs. The Republican platform promises that some measure of self-government is to be given to the Filipinos by law; but, even -this pledge is not fulfilled. Why does the Republican party hesitate to legislate upon the Philippine question? Because a law would disclose the radical departure from history ajad precedent contem plated by those who control the Re publican party. The storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an indication of what may be expected when the American people are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject: If the Porto RIcans. who welcome annexation, are to be deniei the guar antee of onr constitution, what is to be the lot of the Filipinos, who resisted our authority? If secret Influences could compel a disregard sf our plain duty toward friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will those fiame influences provide, for un friendly people 7,000 miles away? If, la this country where the people have the right to vote, Republican leaders dare not take the side of the people against the great monopolies which have grown up within the last few years, how can they be trusted to pro tect the Filipinos from the corpora tions w hich are waiting to exploit the islands? - - " - Is the sunlight of fuH'citizenshlp to be enjoyed by the people of the United States, and the twilight of semi-citizenship endured by the people of Porto Rico, while the thick darkness of per petual vassalage covers the Philip ulnes? The Porto Rico tariff law as serts, the doctrine that the op eration of the constitution is confined to the forty-five states. The Democratic party disputes this doctrine and de nounces it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of our organic law. There is no place In our system of gov ernment for the deposit of arbitrary ana irresponst Die power. e The territorial form of government la O Bean tie Spuine f Ik toa Ya torn Uwsn EorgH PROTECTlQJfL fteiwl mnf.1 VtoH Mr vXr,s for freo examination and adrico. - EODX till PATElITS"bear? temporary and preparatory, and the chief security a citizen of a "territory has is foTind in the faet that he enjoys the same -constitutional guarantee, and Is subject to tbe same general laws as a citizen of a state. m Throw atsny this security and his rights will be violated and- his inter ests sacrificed at the demand of those wlo have political Influence This Is the evil of the colonial system, no mat ter by what nation it la applied. ' OCB TITTO TlIE-IStAN'DS. Were the People ThrWera I with the Orl : aataJ Keal Estate .What la our title to the Philippine Islands? Do we hold them by treaty or by conquest? Did we buy them or did we. take them? Did we purchase the people? If noChow did we secure title to them? Were they thrown in with the land? Will the Republicans say that Inanimate earth haa value, and when that earth Is molded by the Divine Hand and stamped with . the likeness of the Creator it becomes a fixture and passes with the soil? If governments derive their Just powers from the consent of the governed it is Impossible to secure title to people, either by force or by purchase. , We could extinguish Spam's title by treaty, but if we hold title we must hold it by some method consistent with our ideas of government. When we made allies of the Filipinos and arm'eJ them to buy, Spain's title we are na.,inuo cent purchasers. But even, if we had not disputed Spain's title she could transfer no greater title than she had,: end her title was" based on force alone. We cannot defend such a title, bat a Spain gave us a qultclalm deed we can bcnorably turn the property over to the party in possession. Whether any American otticial gave the Fili pinos formal, assurance of indepen dence' is not material. - There can be no doubt that we accepted and utilized the services of the Filipinos, and that when we did so Ave had full knowledge that they were fighting for their own Independence, and I submit that his tory furnishes no example of turpitude baser than ours If we now substitute our yoke for the Spanish yoke. Let us consider briefly, the reasons which have been jgiven in support of an imperialistic policy., Some say that it is our duty to hold the Philippine islands. But duty Is not an argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is In any-emergency we must apply well settled and generally ac cepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no matter whether the thing to be stolen is of groat or little value. Every one recognizes the obliga tion imposed upon individuals to ob serve both the human and moral law: but as some denythe application of those laws to nations it jnay net be out of place to quote the opinion of oth ers. Jefferson, than whom there Is no higher political authority, said: l know of but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly or col lectively." Franklin, whose learning, wisdom and virtue are a part of the. priceless legacy bequeathed to us from the revolutionary days, expressed the same idea in even stronger language when he said: "Justice is as strictly due between neighbor nations as be tween neighbor citizens. " Force can defend a right, but force has never yet created a right. If it was true, as declared in the resolu tions of intervention, thai the Cubans "are and of right ought to be free and Independent" (language taken from tle Declaration of Independence), it is equally true that the Filipinos "are and of right ought to be free and Inde pendent." , Who will draw a line between the natural rights of the Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will say that the former has a right to lib erty and that the latter has no rights Which we are bound to respect?'- And If the Filipinos ''are m& of right ought to be free and inuependent" what right have we to force our government upon them without their consent? TH" ARGUMENT OF OBLIGATION, Also the Contention That Filipinos Cannot Govern Themselves. If it is said that we have assumed before the world- obligations which make It necessary for us to perma- Bewaie ol Ointments for Catarrh tf at Contain Meroury. as mercury will surley destroy the sense of smell and completely de range Hie whola eystem when enter ing it through the mucous surfaces. Such articles should never be used except on prtFcriptions from rep utable physicians, as the damage they will do is ten fold the good you can popsibl derive from thenf. Hall's Cattarrh ( ure, munufacturMl by F. J. Cheney & X, Toledo, O. contains no mercury, and. is. taken internally, acting dinctly ujrn he blood and mucous surface of he8yftem. In buying Hall's Cure be 6ure you get the genuine. Ilia taktn inieinnlly and made inToledo Ohio, by f. J Che r.ey & -Co. Test-' imcninls frts, fjold bv Drupgists prk75c per mottle. Ha'ilV F toiily Pills are the, best. The state Normal and Industrial College. OF NORTH CAROLINA Offtr to jrui g v n in ll . ic ih)iuit.iy, c'fttplcal, fcirntific an'JoVU5,naI tdulitn d M'f i''l. Ai iniai xi.iiM-e 59 l' mkJ I- iri.fiM Me, 152. Fauli . 20 immUr. Mre Ihfln 4UOrUlai ULtln !k. Hug ' Biatiictilaitd almoi 2000 fludHitF,i(.r.f(nn; v .curlv in tle.Slie txcepl one Practice nd Oletvii i, ilt)0 of kI.ow.O uj i!s To k. cuie t oai i.d doimilorhs, all lre tuiti. i, plit aiions fchouJd be made before AufcUtt lpt. ' ComP.ondtUce invited from those di siring cmnp-lent trained teactiHT. . , 0 For Catalogue iand other inforroatiou a'drpp until August 15fh. PROF. J. Y. COYKEIDean of Courn CHARLES D. MclVER, Pn ESI DENT. . ' ELLERBE Begins its Fall Term August 6th 1900, ThU school is open alike to BOTH SEXES and is alive to " the demand of TO-DAY. 4Three courses of instruction are offered Litcrajy, Com uter cial and Music- . . ...... .. - aJrs.T. H. Hart, a teacher of experience ha? charge of thft, Depatments ..of Music. N For further information call on or address- . IH313.ea?TDe 1ST. O nentlr tnalntaliTa government In-the Philippine Islands. J, reply, first, thar the highest oougauon o ima uauuu is to be true to itself- No obligation to any particular nation, or to all nations combined, can require the abandon ment of otrr-theory of government and the substitution of -doctrines against which our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that our, obli gations to the Filipinos who Inhabit the Islands are greater than any obll ' gatlon which we can owe to foreigners who have a temporary residence In the Philippines or desire to trade there. " It i argued by some that the Fili pinos are incapable of self-government and that therefore we owe It to the, world to take control of them. Ad miral Dewey, in an oificial report to the navy department, declared the Fili pinos more capable of self-government than the Cubans, and said that he based his opinion upon a knowledge of botb races. But I will not rest the cape upon the relative. advancement of the Fili pinos. Ilenry Clay, In defending the rights of the people of Sotth America to self-government, said: "It is the doctrine of thrones that man is too ig norant tp govern himself." - I contend that it Is to arraign the dispo sition 6T Providence Uimself to sup pose that lie bas created beiDgs -Incapable of governing themselves, and to be trampled on by kings. Self-government is the natural government of men." . . Clay was right. . - Once ad mit that some people are frnpable of self-government and that 4bers are not, and that the capable people have a right to seize upon and govern the incapable, anil you make force brute force the only -foundation of govern ment -and Invite the reign of the despot. Republicans ask: "Shall we haul down tbe flag that floats over our dead in the Philippines?" The same ques tion might have been asked when the American flag floated over Chapulte pec and waved over the dead who fell there; but the tourist who visits the City of Mex4co finds there a national cemetery owned by the United States and cared fdr by an American citizen. Our flag still floats over our dead," but when the treaty with Mexico was signed American authority withdrew to the, Rio Grande. , "Can we net govern colonies?" we are asked. The question Is not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This nation (Continued on Second Page.), A Minister's Good Work. 4"I had a severe attack of bilious colic, got a bottle of Qbatuherlain's Colic, Cholera and Qiarrfuiea Rem edy took two doses and was eutirlet cured," save Rev. A A. Power, ol Emporia, Kan. My neigh borr across the street was sick for over u week had two or three bottles of medicine from the "doctor. He. used them for three or four days wilhout relief, then called in anoter docor Twho treated hm for some days and gave htm no relief, 6o discharged him I went over to see him the next morning. He said his bowels were in a tenihla fix, that they had been running ofl'eo long that it was almost bloody flux. I aeked him ii he had tried Chamberlain's Coliic Cholr.i and Diairhoea Remedy and he said, 'No, I. went home and brought him my bottle and gave him one dose; told him to take another dose in fifteen or twenty minutes if be did not find relief, but he took no more and was entire ly curtd." For sale- S. Biggs CASTOR I A For Infants and Children. The Kind You Have Always Bought Bears tbe Signature of 1883. 1900. Greensboro Fcmole ollege, NORTH CAROLINA. HI llFKElCil'SUlHlllR m I CATALOGUE ON APPLICATION. DRED PEACOCK. President TRINITY COLLEGE Offers undergraduate and g r duate courses. 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