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harbinger;
ORGANIZATION. EDUCATION. ELEVATION.
Vol. I.
Raleigh, N. C. Saturday, March 1, 1902.
No. 8
Family Circle.
THE PLUTOCItAT.
BY HENRY M. EDMISTON.
t
He tows he loves the workingman,
More dearly than himself ;
And to insure him happiness
Deprives him of ail wealth.
For riches oft breed vices,
And will lead men into sheol,
Amidst the fumes of sulphur,
And the flames of burning coal.
He loves the toiler's blindness,
And because he will not see
That when his wealth is stolen,
He must dredge in poverty.
He loves to share the earnings
Of the needy and distressed,
And increase the hours of labor
Of the sickly and oppressed.
He admires, the toiler's dullness,
And his lack of common sense,
In submitting to be plundered
By vile shams and base pretense.
He loves men as the shepherd
Loves the sheep within the fold,
Who sells the wool in springtime,
And the body when it's old.
He adores the patient toiler,
And compares him to the ox,
That plods beneath the heavy yoke,
Amongst the eartn and rocks.
Yes, he loves his fellow creatures
With a love he calls sublime,
And he loves the workingman's dollar,
And he takes it all the time.
New York, January, 1900.
AN EXACT WITNESS.
A descendant of the ancient squatter
who, like his predecessor, has, from
earlest recollection, been living on the
lands whose title is just about as gen
uine as the title of the average colonel,
was summoned before court as a wit
ness. The old man had heard a great
deal of courts, and how it was the aim
of lawyers to "ketch a feller in a lie
and make fun of him," and he resolved
not to allow himself to be disgraced.
"What is your name," asked the
lawyer.
"Which one? I've got several."
"The one that you sign ?"
"I don't sign none ; I can't write."
"Is your name Peggleton ?"
"That's part of it."
"What's the other part ?"
"You guessed so well the first time
now guess again-"
"The summons says that your name
is Josiah Peggleton ; is that correct ?"
"I reckon it is."
"You have known the prisoner a
long time, I understand."
"I never seed the prisoner before."
"Look out, sir, you'll perjure your
self. It is well known that you have
been intimate with Jackson."
"Yes, I know Jackson very well."
"Thought you never saw him be
fore?" "I didn't say it."
"Yes, you did. Your exact words
"were, 'I never saw the prisoner be
fore.'" "I never did, for he wasn't a pris
oner when I seed him."
"Ah, a very fine construction. See
that you continue to be so particular.
Did you see the quarrel between Jack
son and Alrichs?"
"No, sir; never seed it."
"Look out, sir, look out I Were you
present when the two men quarreled
and fought!"
"I was thar."
"Thought you said . you didn't see
the quarrel?" . '
"I didn't see it I heard it." . ,
"You are very exact : We'll see how
far your analysis will serve you. I
understand, then, that you heard the
quarrel ?"
"I don't know."
"Didn't you say that you heard it?"
"Yes, but I don't know what you
understand."
"How far apart were they standing?"
"I didn't measure it"
"How far do you think ?"
"I don't think."
"Your Honor," exclaimed the law
yer, "I wish you would impress upon
this man the importance of answering
my questions. The result of this case
depends much upon his testimony."
"Mr. Peggleton," said the judge,
"You must tell what you know about
the fight in a straightforward manner."
"You're the judge, I reckon."
"Yes, I'm the judge "
"An' you want me to tell what I
know about this fight in a straightfor
ward manner? Well, the fight wasn't
in a straightforward manner, for you
never seedsich a scratchin' and twistin'
around. The two men met, cussed
each other, and fit. They fit because
they cussed, but I don't know why
they cussed. One knocked the other
down, and then the other knock him
down. Then they fit. Arter awhile
the other one fell and got up and
knocked him down. Then they fit.
About this time the thing got sorter
interestin', and I sorter wanted to jine
hands myself, but I didn't. Arter
awhile they stopped, and cussed while
they was restin'. Then they fit again,
an' both of them fell over a chunk. I
could't keep out any longer. The
temptation was too strong, and while
they laid on the ground I gathered a
pole and says, 'here's to you, boys,' and
hit both of -'em at once. Then I lump
ed the fence an' run away, and that's
all I know about the fight. Thank
you for your perlite attention," and
before he could be restrained he had
left the court room.
WHO SHOULD MAKE THE FU
TURE LAWS OF OUR COUNTRY ?
BY H. E. BURNETT, RICHMOND, VA.
This question has grown to be one
oj vital importance. The active brain
is awakened to the study of this sub
ject of our country's future welfare.
Every true American is glad to pro
claim himself a citizen of this great
and glorious country, and ever ready
to offer himself in her defense when
the call is made "To arms !' '
Well may we be proud of our coun
try, and the highest praise be given to
our forefathers, who gave to us a trust
to be cherished, honored and defended
by the present and future generations.
We must not stand idle ; we must
not be contented with what they have
given us ; we must not take her as a
trust, merely to hold in the same con
dition and pass it on. Even if we
would do this, it is impossible. Noth
ing will stand at one thing ; changes
must take place for better or worse,
and it requires changes of government,
alteration of laws, new thoughts and
advanced ideas to keep pace with the
rest of the world.
I venture to say that men with am
bition and love of country would not
care to live forever in the same chan
nel and say to the coming generations :
"Here is the country, placed in our
charge by our forefathers. We have
kept her as she was given to us, and
you must do the same." Every man of
thought man should look to the oppor
tunities of advancement in all walks
of life. The day has come when to
I lag behind is to get left If you wish
to grow old prematurely, get in the
habit of living the same life, day in
and day out, with no variation. You
find yourself becoming careless in your
work, and actually doing less of it,
when you should be doing more ; you
grow more neglectful of your personal
appearance, and your family or friends
note the change in the bright husband
or companion of days past ; you suffer
foigetfulness from lack of brain exer
cise ; in fact, you finally find yourself
lazy and good-for-nothing in the prime
of life, and actually wonder how the
employer, who used to praise your
work, can have the heart to discharge
you.
Cultivate the habit of thinking upon
the subjects which will raise you in the
good will of your fellow-man subjects
that are continually arising for settle
ment in the government of our coun
try. You are a citizen, and your duty
is to exercise . your privilege as such,
and not leave it to others. Don't go
to the polls and vote merely as a force
of habit this is done ; often, too, by
many. In so doing, you often vote
without thought against your best in
terests. Better vote for what you
want, and not get it, than vote for
what you don't want, and get it.
Look at the condition of our coun
try ; read your papers every day, and
you will see the effect of this negli
gence on your part. Read the paper
when you will,, and, as certain as the
issue is puplished, you will see some
thing bearing on corruption- in poli
tics of State and Union. You have
voted for what you don't want, and
gotten it.
It is in the power of the laboring
classes to purify politics, and if they
continue to organize in the future as
they have in the past, the time is not
far distant when they will awake to
the fact that they have a duty to per
form that is national, and a new party
will spring up that will throw the two
old parties that have held sway and
filled the pockets of a chosen few, from
the power they have so long occupied
jointly ; yes, jointly, for the same peo
ple have benefited through the admin
istration of the Republicans or Demo
crats. They are the capitalistic class,
and will ever be so as long as they are
in power. The policy or platform of
either will never be changed to differ
.materially, where the interests of capi
tal is concerned, from the other. The
platforms may be arranged so as to de
ceive the laboring man and cause him
to believe they are fighting each other,
but they will simply stop and think,
common sense will tell them they are
one in thought under different dis
guises. Look at the condition of your State
and city government, and the class of
men who are seeking political honors
to-day. It is hard to get an honest
man to run for councilman or alder
men in most cities. The class that
wins have fooled the people through
trickery, and, after being elected, live
a political life of trickery, which,
sooner or later, is found out, and the
people who elected them are the first
to cry out, "scoundrels l'
Fellow-laborers : Put your candidate
in the field ; make the first require
ments of your man be honesty and ca
pability. Let youicandidate.be one
of your brother workmen, bound to
you through love of the workingman's
interest Put him in office ; he has
your interest at heart ; he has the ban
ner of labor to protect, arid knows the
needs of the majority of the people,
and not that of a chosen few.
What better way can the laboring
man better himself than by placing
honest and upright men in care of the
laws of our country ?
Let us labor, and labor together for
the upbuilding of unionism.
Draw the various organizations to
gether into one united party, and then
let us do our duty as men and patri
otic citizens.
Let the question at the head of this
article be answered, that the laboring
class of America believe in equal rights
to all and special privileges to none,
and in the near future they will take
the leading hand in seeing that hon
esty shall reign in politics, and that
the future laws shall be a joy to man
and glory to God.
THE PROBLEMS OF LABOR.
"Once to every man and nation comes the mo
ment to decide
In the strife 'twixt truth and falsehood for the
good or evil side."
Coast Seamen's Jourmal.
There be times in the lives of na
tions when the services of the bravest
and best both intellectually and phys
icallyare required for its preserva
tion. This applies to all organiza
tions, of whatever kind. That time
seems to have arrived as regards the
present and future welfare of the labor
ing classes of this country. It appears
that a crisis is approaching, and that
Labor will have to call upon its bravest
and best to contend for its right to
exist as a free and integral part of so
ciety. It does not require supernal
faculties to be able to discern whither
we are drifting. With capital stronly
and firmly entrenched in the halls of
legislation, with the institutions of learn
ing bent to the will of the plutocrats,
with church, school and judgment
hall under their absolute dominion,
and the press shackled with a golden
chain, there is no doubt of the inten
tions of the capitalists nor of the fate
of Labor unless the latter is aroused to
a recop-nition of its perils. The diffi
culty is not in misunderstanding what
capital wants, but in a clear compre
hension of what Labor proposes to do.
There are multitudes of organizations
all pretending to work for the eleva
tion of the laboring, people, some in
the political field, others in the indus
trial field; all claiming that they are
doing everything possible under pres
ent conditions of society. There is,
however, an apparent lack of cohesion
and co-operation between the different
organized bodies of Labor, the cause
therefor being hard to understand. If
they are all animated with the com
mon purpose of honestly trying to
work for the elevation of the toilers, it
ought certainly not to be so very diffi
cult to agree upon a plan whereby this
could be carried' into effect Capital
agrees upon all points, and experiences
no difficulties in combining their
forces when confronted with the de
mands ef Labor and the Labor ques'
tion. wny snouia it not De as easy
for the toilers to agree, knowing as
they do that their very existence de
pends upon their own powers of com
bination? Is it possible that the pre
tenses of Labor are false, and that the
cry for liberty is but a hypocritical
vaporing ? The powers and energies
of the Labor movement must be di
rected toward the unification and solid
ification of the organized workers. We
are not pessimists, but we believe in
looking at conditions as they present
themselves, and that evil conditions
exist none will have the hardiness to
de y. The remedy may be difficult
to apply, but it must be applied, a
it is imperative; sacrifices must be
made and old and cherished policies
may have to be abandoned for the sake
of the cause for which Labor contends.
It should not be more difficult to agree
with a friend than to be compelled to
accept the degrading conditions of an
enemv. ine nopes lor tuture im
provement in the conditions of Labor
rest largely upon the intelligence and
loyalty of the whole Labor movement,
rather than upon the intellectual supe
riority 0' a few. Leaders are neces
sary in all movements. What the La
bor movement needs are more leaders
of broad and comprehensive views and
power to grasp and cope with present
conditions, men of sterling qualities
and tolerant in their ideas, who are
able and willing to adapt themselves
to ever-changing conditions. Labor's
success rests upon its ability to agree
and rally round one common standard
and to wield its combined strength as
a single and powerful whole.
UNIONS,
WHAT WE
THEM.
MAKE
To speak of a union as "the union,"
meaning something apart from our
selves, is a misnomer. "Our union"
is more to the point. It is as we make
it, and it cannot rise higher than its
units. But yet we have fashioned it
fairly well. Our union, like any other
human agency, occasionally makes mis
takes, but in comparison it will show
advantageously with any institution of
the kind, either benevolent, religious
or social. Its road has been a rocky
one, but it has grown all the stronger
and healthier for the knocks it has re
ceived. In its earlier days, derided by
press and pulpit, persecuted by mo
nopoly, laughed at by politicians and
buffeted now by panicky gales or bay-
onetted again by militia, our union has
marched serenely on, bringing: down
its tormentors, making supplicants of
its enemies. In the past decade, thanks
to the veterans who have gone on be-
:ore, unwritten and unsung, our union
las seen a mighty change. The col
umns of the press thrown open, search
ing, competing for its coing; academi
cians, science, art, espousing its cause,
the church rapping at the door for ad
mission; popular magazines, dramatists,
novelists adopting its role, courting its
favor. Our union today is a determin
ing factor in all social functions, a
main artery of the pulse of trade, of
commerce, of rociety. It raises wages,
prevents reductions and checks strikes
and lockouts from the mere fact that
it is a union. It promotes fraternity,
sociability, it fosters temperance and
liberality. Above all, it is an educa
tional force. Our union is out of sec
tionalism ; it is the embodiment of
democracy ; it knows no creed, rank
nor title. It scoffs at the cheap snob
bery of wealth and rejects its charity ;
for the self-styled "sets" and "upper
tens" it has a healthy contempt, and
upon the tinsel and brass of their
striped defenders- it bestows its scorn.
Our union is of the people. We glory
in its achievements, and we love its
principles. Gompers.