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TO Tltl .
BEFUBLICANS
OF THE V. shtjLTXS.
An interesting cniis has taken
place in the affairs of your country.
The war which during many years
ha agitated the nations of Europe,
has at length'.estended its baneful
effects to us.' In the course of an
arduous contest, France has acqui
red the absolute dominion pf the
European continent, yrhile G. Dn
tain has maintained an universal
ascendency upon the ocean Im
pregnable and invulnerable to each
other by the operations of anor dii
nary warfare, the high contending
powers have been driven to a con
fiict of policy rather than of arms.
England on the one hand resolved
to interdict the furnishing supplies
to France and her dependencies :
While France on the other, deter
mined to assail the commerce of
her rival, which she perceived to
be the foundation of her power,
and the sinews of her maritime
greatness. A contest so despe
rate in its nature, so peculiar in its
character, rus interrupted .or des
troyed the intercourse of nations.
Laws that have followed the foot
ren of civilization, principles ren-
dercd venerable bv their justice and
antiquity ; rules which during cen
turies had established and confirm
ed the relative right!, and duties ot
neutrals U belligerents, have been
openly disregarded. The .moral
code of nations sternly prostrated,
aad every privilege of indepen
dent states subverted by the arbi
trary will of despotism and by the
power of the sword. .
Far ditant from ths dreadful
scenes of contention and of blood,
parsuing an equitable and peaceful
policy; reposing itself upon the
wisdom, justice and impartiality of
its measures, our administration
fondly hoped, that the disurit tem
pest would not approach, or but
slightly affect our shores. Extend
ing our national hfpiuhry to eve
ry people ; rendering equal justice
ti all ; conferring on none a pri
vilege or favor that has been de
nted to another ; considering them
alike as friends in peace, and en
emies alone in 7Jlr, it was the
only wish of our government to
ajTurd security to the citizen, and
to protect him in those useful pur
suits of agriculture commerce and
industry, which are tqually eeen
tial to subsistence and to happiness.
The " fare wel advice of the great
and excellent Washington should
be deeplv impressed upon our
minds. OnataVE, said that
enlightened patriot,' 4 good faith
and justice towards all nations ;
cultivate peace arid harmony wi?h
all ; religion and morality enjoin
this conduct, c can it be that good
policy does not equally enpin it I
It will be worthy of a free, enlight
ened, and at no distant period a
Great Natiok, to give to man
kind the magnanimous and too no
vel example, of a people always
guided by an exalted justice aad
benevolence. Who can doubt that
r in the course 'of time and things,
r the fruitJ of stich a plan would rich
ly repay any temporary advantages
which might-be lost by a steady
adherence to 4t I Can it be that
'Providence his not connected the
permanent felicity of a nation with
its virtue Thf experiment, at
least, is recommended by every
sentiment which' ennobles human
nature Alas ! h is rendered im
possible by its vices
44 The great rule of conduct for
fcs. In regard td foreign oitiuDS, is,
in extending our commercial rela
tions, to have with them as little
political connection as poitiblt So
fir as we have already formed en
rcmeris, let them bo ftdfilled
vith perfect good faith. Here let
4top. I t
. " Europe has a set of primary
icrcats, which t us have nine
or a very remote relation. Hence,
therefore, it must be unwise in u
to implicate ourselves, bv artificial
ties, in th-j ordinary combinations
and collisions of her enmities.
Our detached and distant si
tuation invites and enables us to
pursue a different course. If we
remain one. people, under an effi
cient government, tjie period is not
far offt when we may take such an
attitude as will cause the neutrality,
weniay at any time resolve upon,
to be scrupulously respected ; wncn
belligerenmations fcnderthe impos
sibility "of making acquisitions up
on us, will not slightly hazard die
"giving us provocation ; when we)
may choose peace or war as our
interest, guided by justice, shall
colinsel. L, : ...
. 4k Why forego the advantages of
so peculiar a situation f Why quit
our own to stand upon foreign
ground ? Why, by interweaving
our destiny with thn of any part
of Europe, entangle our peace and
prosperity in the trials of European
ambition, rivalship, interest, hu
mor or caprice ln
Such was ihe sage advice afford
ed by the man who has been dis
tinguished by the, name of father
of his country, upon the eve of his
retiring, for ever, from public life.
We cannot doubt the sagacity of
his judgment nor question the dis
interested purity ot his intentions.
Such also has been the outline of
the system pursued by our repub
lican ndminiitration with underra
ting firmness and fidelity. t . .
At the commencement of the
war, which, with a transient inter
mission, has so long ravaged the
finest countries of Europe, the go
vernment of the United States, de
termined to. adopt and maintain a
rigid system of neutrality. At an
early period of the contest, Great
Britain, calculating upon the for
midable strength of th- coalition,
openly avowed a war of conquest
and extermination. On the 8th
of June, 1793, she issued her cele
brated orders iu council, ded iring,
amongothcr infractions of the right
of neutral commerce, that it should
be Larrful to seize and detain all
vosels, laden in .whole or in part
with torn or meal destined to any
port in France, or to any place.oc
cupii d by the French armies. Not
withstanding die rigor and injus
tice of this iuterdict ; and notwith
standing the rapacity and spolia
tions ot toe belligerents, captures
during tne fist war were compa
ratively less frequent. Our diffe
rences were submitted to negotia
tion and settled by treaties. Com
merce, though greatly harassed,
continued to flourish and remained
a source of uational revenue as well
as individual emolument;
The peace of , Amiens; which
had promised to restore repdse to
the world, Was of but short dura
tion. In the year 1802, hostility
became renewed with equal aspe
rity and vigor. From that period
until after 1805, American com
merce continued with but little va-!
riatioh upon the footing of the for-
mer war. A change in the Mi
nistry took place. Former Minis
ters were considered to have been
too favorable to the United States.
A spirit of jealousy was indulged
against ourJ trade We werYa
cused withhavincj fraudulently co-
vered enemy's property, and of be
ing the mere carriers of an enemy's
commerce. A system of severe
commercial restriction was, under
that pretext, meditated and avow
ed by the present cabinet.
. While the court and cabinet of
Great-Britain, regardless of every
consideration of national right, had
thus determined to restrain the com
merce of the United States The
decisive victory at Jena conferred
upon their warlike rival, the abso
lute dominion of the continent.
Oa the 21st Nov, 18051 at Berlin:
the capitaj f ctnucrbi 'frusta, j
an imperial decree? was passed, de
claring the British islandsina state
of blockade, and prohibiting "com
merce and correspondence with
them; This decree, however, was
a subject of ep&ination, and re
mained for aconsiderablc period
unexecuted, or "but partally en
forced against the United States.
On the 7th o January, 1807, the
cabinet of England iCied retalia
ting orders, id on'the 1 1th Nov.
following, proclaimed those deci
sive and arbitrary ordeis of her
privy council, by which all trade,
directly from . America, to every
poi t and country of Europe at war
with Great-Bntam, or from which
the British flag is excluded, is to-;
tally prohibited. This prohibition
included every part ot the. conti
nent of Europe, with the single
and precarious exception of the
barren kingdom of Sweden."
The United Srctes indeed, were
permitted to export their own pro
duce, directly to Sweden alone ;
but in every othtr case our cargoes
were ordered to be first landed iu
a British port, a British permission
for exportation io be obtained, and
British duties to be paid. These
new orders, by the confession of
an English writer, were of a des
cription to produce a revolution
in the whole commerce of the
world, and a total derangement of
those neutral rights and relations
by which civilized nations have hi
therto been connected, .
The orders of the British priTf
council were immediately follow
ed by the countervailing regula
tions passed at Milan, Dec. 17,
1807. By the decree of Milan,
every vessel which has been re
sisted by an English ship, or which
has submitted to make a voyage
to Ehgiand, or has paid any duty
to the English' government, is de
clared denationalized, to have for
feited the rights of her flag, and to
be deemed and taken for British
property.
Every vessel or" whatever na
tion she maybe, or whatever des
cription her cargo may be, which
is cleared out in the harbors ,of
England or in English colonies,
or in places in possession of Eng
lish troops, or steering her course
to England, English colonies, or
to places in possession of the Eng
lish 1 1 oops, shall be considered
good and lawful prize. . The Mi
lan decree was enforced by a pro
clamation of the King of Sp?.in,
dated from Aranjuez, the 3d Ja
nuary last. ...
You will readily perceive that
adverse orders and decrees so com
prehensive in their extent, produ
ced of necessity the total annihila
tion of commerce. . We were the
only neutral nation that aspired to
commercial eminence Lit was per
fectly understood and must have
been contemplated by the btllige?
rents, that these decrees and or
ders should behind were principally
d irected against us. There scarce
ly remained a port in the world to
which a cargo could be shipped, or
iPot ."P, the ocean that couid I
be navigated with safety,
J With the single exception of
that of Sweden, the whole sea
coast of continental Europe, from
the Archipelago to the farthest ex-.
'remitv of Norway, the
Possession of France or of her aU
lies. If we destined a vessel to
the continent, we violated the or
ders of the privy council i if we
sent a ship to an English port, we
infringed the Berlin decree j if the
vessel was bound to Great-Britain,
in the first instance, with the view
of landing her cargo arid paying
the duties there, and thence pro
ceeding to the continent; we con
travened the decree of Milan.--There
Was no escape from capture
and from' coridettinatioti.v The dU
rect opcratiou and manifest inf en-,
tion of the British orders were iter
dbrogptc;,everjj ancient- principle
that had been settled by the law of
nations j to renaer American com.
merce dependent upon the, man
date of her privy council, tpjmpose
a. tax 'and create a revenue .-from
ouxtrade..j We could not submit
to these innovations withoqt con
senting to become the tributaries
of Engtancit The decrees of France
on the other hand, being equally
an miracuon or tne laws ot nations,
sought the -destruction of a com
merce which h?r enemy, had re
solved to abridge, or, regulate it in
such a mariner as to render jf sub
servient to ;ts owq resourccfin vTn
a state of affairs thus desperate and
humiliating, a continuance of our
commerce would jhave amounted
to a surrender of our independent
ngnts, equai.y degrading ana rui
nous. Such an acquiescence could
ueither have been reconciled with
-he duties of our government, the
dignity of-the nation, the interest!
of our citizens in general, cr even I
with those vi the merchant in par-1
i nlar. 1
From the stern and arbitrary re
gulations of the cabinets cf Europe,
we 'direct the attention of. a mo
men; to the conduct of belligerent
cruisers on the coast of the U S.
Oir West-India trade had long
been infested by the privateers ol
Iew-Providence,!, and in propor
tion to their means by those of the
French. But wkh reanect to the
((English, to retrospect no farther
Iff 1.1 r
oacK man ib'U4; detachments troai
their regular n vy were stationed
along our shore. Our principal
seaports were closely blockaded,
our vessels watched and intercept
ed, our native as well .as our law
fully naturalized seamen impressed
by violence, and the whole of our
commerce subjected to their abuse.
Not contented with attacking pri
vate vessels, they fired at the re
venue cutter stationed at N. York,
and commanded by Capt. Brew
ster, within our own waters and
acknowledged, jurisdiction On
the 2Tth of April, 1806, the mur
derof Pearce was perpetrated with
in the limit3 of the harbor of New
York. To injure the feeling and
prostrate the dignity of the coun
try, the offender, Capt. Whitby of
the Leander, instead of being pu
nished, is stated to have been ele
vated tm a superior command. Oa
the 22d of June 180?, pur nation
al frigate, the Chesapeake, unpre
pared fpr an attack, her comman
der believing his country to remain
m a state of peace,relying upon,
the inviolability of cur jurisdiction
and the protection of our laws,
was forcibly attacked by the Leo
pard ship of war, commanded by
Capt. Humphries, under the supe
rior direction of the British Admi
ral Berkeley, several of our fellow
vitizens killed,and some of her sea.
men, proved to be Americans; im
pressed by violence.'. Such has
been, and such exist the. state of
Iour affairs. Atrocious injuries
have been aggraVatcH by marked
and' repeated indignities. Each
belligerent without exctptionior
distinction, had determined that
our commerce should be its Vic
tim, but England in particular, ex
ulting in the strength of her navy,
openly discarded every semblance If
of equity and every appearance of if
moderation. She blockaded our
harbors-i-She captiired our mer
chant ships She attained a -na
tional vessel rShe itapressed and
impresses our native mariners, and
by the tenor of her conduct evinces
obdurate and unrelenting hostiUtyJ
in. he concerns oi our country
had arrived to au unexampled cri-
sis,
It was; necessary to deter-
Vnirie .upon peace or . war The
latter was to be sustained with tor
titudeV if rendertrl ineyitable.-f-The
former unquestionably , 'de
ferable, if possible to preserv'e itv:
by policy j by the force pf reason,
or even : by motlerate saenhces,-
M Government wicrnneUeatdUSCt
i between itft narifln nr.rl neutral sVP
tcra, ana an, immeaiate rccurrcui.f
see the libJfiies
interests; of .ojir conCon-
merce rigorouslyinteriljctecl by fasi v
reigners could nofc haVe been pur " : fl
of our citizens A n4uaf w
partial Intercourse with the powers J Jj?
at war,wasr sternly prohioited ; bjr ; U
all ;.a partial intercpse witone Jq
must; have immediately, itermin
ted in an open ' rapturejtvith th
: Fenow-citiieri3feOUr:JthcW;S
and our elder Brothers w6v&& not
submit to taxation by !tKe Britishv
Parliament. . Tn justice,toj th eii r'
memories, to ucariievaiidl lb, ojw?;i---nation,
we ibinnjbt snbmi
mercial, taxation by;jan -English
privy coimf
Fellow-citizens ju We are nc l
a respectable, and in toe tania0ieJ ;
of Washington ; will shortly beir
great nation, htffte Bavceiwcl';
the inestimable and clear fought :f "
prize of independence, we now en
joy its blessings. and shall we nQ ;;
preserve them i ) . : : -. .
. Fellow-citizens i Our fathers
our .elder brothers; wer tstrictly ; v
virtuous. They ypluntanl aban
doned the bosoms of .their familieS
and -every profitable piirsui'tof life .
i uey encenuuy qucuuniceUc vup .. ; , m
dangers and hardshio of a dread lv In
ful and- procrastinated waf ami;
shall not we,-:' enjoyiing ajfee, and
fruitful country, endujea tempo?
rary suspension of trade, swhich
with ordinary rfprtitnde,muit brin
oar enemies to terms ? : Have W
in a few years been rciidered scV
degenerate i V Do we; va!ue the p& .
estimable blessings of freeiofri 'bpA
in de pendence ? Can we e xpect" tp j
retain .those blessings, if we; cease
to strive for, and deseVve;them;
j. We entertain .iio partiality, ' w
cherish ho preference! We jiiia'ulgdt
neither caueks3. judiees ' nor
partial affection towards France-p i.
England. ; Each of those powers
lias, deeply injured lis they havg?
equally violated the laws ahd inva
dtd the sovereign rights m the ha
tion.-.. As it is .ourfijj
be our determined - rpluiibhy to
resist the injurious creiek, of this l '.
one, with as . much eneryj 'as the
arbitrary orders of the other. Th
interests cc the honor of bflut cou
try; demand this course; "Wfe?V.-?
Fellow-citizens I Oar tlohaX j
character and pur;publip: interest ; ;
are at stake.- If we surreaderiadvr :
we may yield forever.,; This 18 the ' ;-
proud and decisive, rhonient,' ia
which we miist determine the ques
tion, whether we can maintain pur;
real indepeddeiice t Such! Hi the
hapless condition of society in that
quarter of the globey; that tiena
ttons of .Europe Jf ill be copstmtljfr j
unnoticed. Sy&wxxh ;-:d.ej!nr:
to maintain our neutralf. stand ai ,
. ' . A"4t - - ' .,': .re
present, or remain exposeu to tneir s
intrigues Jand Tattetnpte.;'tQ Jhyol y .vf"-'.
us in their incessant istrdtf cries; lorit '4
ever;-5hou!ditfeeiso
attempts will be perpefBaUy renc w
edif t&y fail their resaht pri
deter thern from similar fcridfadri
; fnhm imn: In lUth4
j in future times; : In itiintaihin
our own, weateancc
for the heutf al anldS&mmercial
rights of every: &bgltl:
y-mj wawww, UMV Vkl.kt4 V.U jfri
and applittse&4-.i:; ;
ovu: i uuuiKuij? a more umitea ,im
and finierestejd ? eyirldf ii import
tant siibjecti pisregariiin for
moment the cl ignVtvXjf iotr'
tiie honor of bur flag,UbJ perm
nfcnt riphta of eornmrrcei Oils-iitK;
stanuainnterestsncll uMci
rity;iWiu
wpuio uavc uscu our prescju ont:
country hicEadiKitca jffeVfchfe
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