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r-i,. . ' i, . - - . 1 TmiRsnAY. March 23-1869. 7k 1 '" ' . ' . , :- :r'ia
m it iT- t-;
i SPEECH
DEUVERED BY Ma. GILES,
" ftv . .B-V ftM ft.
Senate oT the United State
nw ReiM. medky lm on tU
$tbcftixtnicmb.
.11 .him and rttidi m the
SIw onhe 4:h dxj of March not. ,
,epX7r r.rr Britain ani France, I
rdnaenc i nd til.t proTiiion be
SjTctcxixK with these nation tnd I tbeif
rrv hd the, Dnporutoa of "any
frod.Kt. of QanoTacturtJ of .f.
ciftd runoaJ, o of tb daiaiOBi of citbtt
cfCieia.
The next eiTjrt to disphf this en
ro mnr its aDoearuicc in Swe
dm. A nauon fighting for itt inde-
nendence ttmst Luropc:anu
p:.tected from their lawlcsl power
morr from bc ioacceastalitT
country, its 1". morasses, c.
than by its resources "t; Un
..5r-timitanccs.birJ Moore,
great miUtary chfef. is sent to offer
i ii.,- kim of Sweden the aid of
British co-operation, probabty theH
idmlttloo of the Uritun neti into
Sedih ports. How wa this Cat
tering OTerrure received by that mo
mrrh in the depth of his distress ?
Sir. he instantly saw the danger of
British perfidy, and he ordered the
messenger to be confined to be in
carcerated ; but, fortunately for him,
he escaped in disguise and disgrace.
For this, and other acts, the king of
Sweden has been called a madman :
But, Sir, this act, in my judgment,
serrcs to ahew that .he is i states,
run as well as soldier. The Bri
tish perfidy jowards Denmark; was
the cause and the jutifi.ation of
fc;s conduct. - He had just seen the
Bntlsh, upon false suggestion,
tcixe upon the fleet of his neightwr,
Dvnmark ; and he justly concluded,
that if he sdmitted a British fleet in
to his ports, his fleet would also be
scixed upon, and borne off, whene
ter the conTenience or interest of G.
Britain should require it. Here,
Sir. arc seen some of the fruits of the
per 6 Ikm energy practised upon D e n
raark. And in the month of .July,
1J.13. Sir John Moore returned to
London to gire some mysterious and
oninulligible account of the disgrace
fcl iisue of his perfidious embassy.
Abmt the same ti ne, those gene
rous interoosers in the affairs of o
ther uations, sent a fleet and army
to Portugal, their friend and ally, to
aid the Portuguese in expelling or
subduing a French army, then in
the bosom of their country. These
wretched and deroted people, deser
ted by a weak and impotent govern
ment, left almost without the small
est semblance of internal police, and
trotting against a French army in
their bosom, hailed with acclama
tions of joy the arriviX cf their gene
rous deli rererc And what happens?
In the "month of September follow
ing, acoarention fortb: cracuation
cf Portugal is made by the British
and the French. The Portuguese,
tht principals io the war, and the al
Ees cf .Great-Britain, not errm con
sulted? upon Ulungdowh the French
standard, of de-pothro, the Portu
guese, with indignation and astonish
ment behold, unfurled In its stead,
the British standard of despotism.
I now find, Sir, from the1 London
newspapers, by the Tt accounts
from Portugal, that a formidable par
ty was ristn up ajjalnit the regency ;
or in plain EngUh, tgainst British
insolence and despotism : tot, Sir,
the csrese of the regency is the cause
cf ihe Briiish rand is not this the
ijatural consequence of such con
duct ? Yes, Sir,-that miserable and
deroted people are probably diyided
wojxm.. TrW one half thinks the
despotism Of tbripFrfni-h nnnr,.cnM
.intolerable ; the other half
tf f i .spolura ofUlr Kcrous
Unush dcliTerers still worse.
Spain is now also receiiing the ge
nerous interposition of this energetic
administration. The tragic scene in
this dtroted and cord miserated coun
try js not yet doted, or, at least, not
anewn here. But.I should not be
t ail surprised to hear, by the rcrf
fcext intelligence which shall be waf
ted from that bloody scene of action,
that the generous Britons have run
away, and left the Spanish patriots in
the lurch, and have turcimy Dorne
away the Spanish fleet as a slight
reward for the generous aid afforded
the patriots. And if such should be
the fact, Mr. President, da you not
believe it would b justified in this
country? Yes, Sir, some old rule,
or some rvcw rule, or some "ho rule,
would instantly her hunted out for its
justification; Afterso -many atroci-
lous acts, of Great-Bntaii, utt:ctmg
the - dearest interests of out own
cbun(rr;havei been justified, there is
no act she could perform towards o-
ther T.ations, which would leave her
wtlhout her adrocates here.
I turn with disgust and mortifica
tion from this horrible picture of
wrongs inflicted by Great Britain
upon other nations, to a recollection
and recapitulation of ihe injuries and
insults heaped upon my own country,
and particularly by the present ener
tretic administration ; and I feel de
graded as an American, when pre
view and recollect our patient for
bearance under them, and particu
larly, Sir, when I hear any one of
my fellow-citiiens say there are no
causes ol war : wait tor a lurmer
accumulation of injuries and insults.
I hope, Sir, I am mistaken in the
views 1 have of the causes of war.
A discovery of the mistake might
relieve me from feelings whtcb, as
an American,.! cannot but possess,
out which I am unable to describe.
But, Sir, to call the attention of gen
tlemen with more certainty and pre
cision to the injuries and insults in
flicted on us, I have reduced the dis
gusting catalogue to writing. Sir,
believe that nearly cotemporane-
ous with the determination of the.
British ministry to seize the Danish
fleet, was its determination to plunder
and destroy American commerce.
The principle of that determination
applied with equal force to both na-
w
tions. it was exclusive dominion on
he ocean ; and as one false sugges
tion was made the pretext for seir-
ng'thc Danish fleet, so another sug
gestion equally false, was made (he
pretext t once for the destruction
f our commerce, and for sowing lin
seeds of division amongst our peo
ple. That false suggestion was, bir,
that the government of the United
States was acting under French in
fluence, and engaged in some stcrtt
lecoctation with ihe French empe
ror for some ridiculous and visionary
ivision of the United States. The
success of this falsehood, and the ex
:ent of its circulation, &c. Sec. are
now pretty generally known in all
parts ofhe United States. V ith
nut any further prefatory observa
tions, therefore, let me read to you
the catalogue of injuries and i:i-ti!ts
inflicted by Great brnain on th? U
nitcd States. I think it probable,
Sir, I have omitted some, because it
is a subject to which 1 turn my mind
with disgust, and from it with plea
sure.. -
Catalogue ff Britith injuria and insult.
Impressment of American seamen.
Seizing and confiscating our ves
sels upon various unauthorised pre
texts, Blockading our ports, seizing ves
sels entering therein, and sending
them to some neighboring port for
condemnation
Firing at, and detaining" coasting
vessels within our acknowledged ju
risdiction ; murdering a citizen in
these acts of wantonness.
Violating our neutrality by'des
troying a French "ship of war vithin
our jurisdiction, and thus entitled to
protection.
Attacking a public armed ship of
the United States.
Rifling some, and murdering o
thers of her crew. Refusing atpne
ment for these outrages. Regulat
ing and restraining our commerce.
Colonizing and taxing 3 by order
of council reduced to' the form of law
by an act of parliament.
Interfering in our political con
cerns by inviting our citizens to vio
late our laws, and by publishing u
letter from the British secretary of
state, by way of appeal to the peopk
against their own govcrnme'nt.
Forcing a.contraband ;tfade with
armed ships, leev : " r ; (
Mr. President,' axn I .mistaken in
hew facts, or axe they tru ? 11
true, Sir, is there a gentlemen here
present preparea to ten tne Amen-
can people that all these injuries and
and insults have been inflicted upon
incin vy vjrrcacuruaiu, auu un aiuuc
is ho cause of war ? That their ho-
nor and Interest do not deniahd wah
that they are not yet sufficiently
degrauca, out musi wan ior a lur-
ther accumulation of injuries and m
suits ! But,' Sir, permit me to press ,
this inqury sti:l lunner. its impor-; , ucmcn, paruruiany agncuuur
tance demands it; It is of the last ; i ists, ought tp be vert cautious in a-
iraportance to'the piople to under-1 j dopting it. 'This triistake has proba
stand it correctly : that not "a doubt ihly .arisen from the want of a due
should be suspended over the facts,
Sir, I have saia twice oelore-tnis ses-
sion. and I now say a third time, and
I beg gentlemen to answer me expli-
citiy, yea or nay. i nave iwice saia, ;
and now s'av a third time, that G. !
Britain by her orders in council, now
reduced to the form of law, has a-
bridged the rights of national sover
eignty, that she has colonised and
taxed the people of the U. States.
Here let me stop, Sir ; let me single
oat these acts alone, and ask gentle
men if they are true ? Gentlemen
have not denied them. Gentlemen
cannot deny them.. Well, Sir, are
gentlemen prepared to tell the pjo
ple of the United States that Great
Britain has abridged their rights of
national sovereignty, that she has
colonized and taxed them, and per
severes inVdoing, and in the same
breath, and at" he same time, to tell
them there ;are-no causes of war.
that they must wait for further in
juries and insults ? I have so much
confidence in the intelligence and pa
triotism of the people in every sec
tion of the Union, that I do not believe
such language would be justified or
even tolerated in any part of the U.
nited States. No, Sir, the: people
of Boston, enveloped as 'hey are with
prejudices, would repel the degra
ding expostulation if it were fairly
presented to their view and consider
ation. But, Sir, I promise to press
the examination of this subject still
further. I propose to select two
or three of the most formidable
and intolerable acts of outrage
from the disgusting catalogue, and
to bestow on them a more critical
attention. These will be acts of
the present energetic administrati
on. I suppose the other gentlemen '
cannot understand the orders,of coun
cil as I do : if they did, it would, be
impossible for an American to ;offer j
uu apuiuij aui, ui cicii a paiixauuu ut
them. They shall, therefore, receive
ray first attention : First, as they af
fect our rights of national sovereign
ty. Secondly, as they affect the dif
ferent occupations of commerce, ag
riculture and fishing. Thirdly, the
pretexts upon which they are attemp
ted to be justified.
The orders Of council now reduc
ed to the form of law, abridge our
national sovereignty, in undertaking
coercively to regulate our commerce,
in defiance of our own laws and of
the laws of nations ; and subject
ing it toieavy taxes or tribute.
The power to regulate the com
merce of the United States with fo
reign nations is given by ihe people
io uowgrcss. i oce oraers or coun
cil undertake to regulate it by force,
and in defiance of the laws of Congress.-
Indeed, the "orders' extend
their regulations of it, farther than
Congress is authorised to do by the
people i for they have charged our
exports with heavy duties, which
Congress is prohibited from doing by
the Constitution. Great-Britain mayi
by municipal regulations, lay any
tax she pleases upon the exports of
pur productions, from Great'Britafn,
but she has no right tQ force our
commerce into her ports, -for the
purpose of collecting a tax front it.
nor subjecting H to capttrre and con
demnation, for .'any.departure'Xrom
the rules which she 'prescribes' for
conducting it upon theocean. Sub
mission tb these regulations would
be the surrender of someof the es
sential' attributes of national sove
reignty, and would justly .exclude us
from the family of nations," because
'we should thereby consjent to be ex
cluded f.om the exercisc'of some of
he essential rights of sovereignty,
.vhfch are indispensable fa the e qual
ity of nation. This 'result is so'plaib,
that I dispose there cairfcc but one1
rtrttrttrtrt rv r I mo ,
i. But, sir:!l?am the more disposed
w examine tne operation oi meseor-
ders upon the different occupations
of commerce, agriculture .and fish-i
-ug, uccauc 1 uave laiciy ucaiu ii
: affect the occupation of commerce,
! ;;and, as a 'consequence resulting from
j?! this Interpretation of them, it IssalBT
iuc mercnants may go joui ana iaKe
i care of themselves. This,', sir, is, an
j extremely fallacious suggestion, and
consideration of the subject It has
a"cii iruin inc wani 01 a aiscrimi-
nation between the tight of com'
vterceov rather the right of regulat
f& v-juiuci-f vt-5-ituuig wic
; fl s of conducting- it, and the occu-
: ptton of the merchant, I he right of
commerce is a natioaal right. It be.
longs to the nation collect 'vely. The
occupation or the cxercue of the right
only belongs to the merchant. The
ntrht to carry on commerce does not
belong to the merchant exclusively ;
any other citizen may, if hechopses,
exercise the right; but these orders
of council affect borji the tight of
commerce and the occupation of com
mrrcc 2 they also affect the rights oi
agriculture, and ol fishing still more
They affect the occupation of com
merce by limiting its extent and ob
jects ; but the principle ei the orders
once admitted," it will regulate the
occupation of agriculture, and proba
bly destroy the occupation of fish
ing If submitted to, It would proba
bly lessen the value of every.farm
in the United States, as well the
farms upon the water, as the farms
upon tfie land Apply the orders to
the articles of either flour, cotton,
tobacco or fish. I will select two
articles only for the purpose of illus
tration ; but the Operation of the or-
d rs will apply equally to all. Take
tobacco for example. According to
the orders, every hogshead of tobac
co, exported from the United States,
is to be carried first into a British
port, and then to pay an export duty
of three dollars on evr ry hundred
weight, before it can be permitted vo
find its way to the continent of Eu
rope,' where it. ia mostly consumed.
The value of ihe article to the grow
er,' is upon' an average of six dollars
per hundred weight.-The merchant
in purchasing the tpbicco of the
grower, will -ell him, your(obacco
is worth six dollars, but I can give
you three-only, because I am com
pelled to call at Great-Britain, and
there pay the other three, tb make
up the price to th& B-itih treasury,
and besides to incur all the charges ;
of the port's and circuits of the voy
age, &c. tie. The same observations
will apply with equal force to every
other article of agriculture. And
thus, the principle oP the orders of
councif once submitted to, will ena
ble Gee at Britain as effectually to re
gulate the various occupations of a
gficuhurc as if she wcrepermitted.
to s.ay at once, the colonists may
raise grain, &c. but they shall noi
raise tobacco, &c. If you permit
her to impose taxes at pleasure, on
any ol your productions, on theht
way across the ocean to th$eir' mau
ket or consumption, she can; in that
way, as effectually prohibit its culti
vation, as iff she wei-e authorised io
prohibit it, in the first instance, by
a positive prohibitory regulation. The
effect of the principle in each case
is the same, the only difference cop-
sists in the mode, or . the medium
thro which the principle is effectua
ted. It is not likely Great-Britain
would di3coarage the-cultivation of
grain, because she generally re
quires the importation' of a certain
quantity for her own consumption
But if tho orders 'in council were
to be submitted to, living in a part
of the country where" I have anSe-
L lection to cultivate grain oMobacco,
1 1 should certainly 'abandon TtheJcuT-
tivauon o .ioducco :aitogettier, oe
cause, charged with the presentek
port tax, I am petSuadcd it would
aflbrd nothing td the grower " r
Now, sir, let "mi see how; these
orders are likely Aa operate op the 4
American' fisheries and' American
fish, , I believe no nierieaii fi K ii
allowed'to,$? con6njed1nGVeVi-rV
tain ;" yet. all American fish carriedv
to 'forei pOinUj forcons'un
. j must first call at a British Iportihd
mere pay, a auty,vi ftia no recollect
(he precise amount, -General Smith,
of Maryland, said ninety cents pei::
uiiiu.it a uu uui kdov lie,ptopor
yalue!of the ciuintaU but' it is not
material to . mVjtlUu
mit the' princiIe'. and tKecprpppif
tion of .the tax tn the yalacof the
article can be varied at the lea$ur&
of the British vewmcntyhe
you conie to" recollect; sir, the., exv
rem, jealousy entertained ) at air
times by the British government. of
the Americah fisheries, the import"
II ance they attach to their pwn fisbe
I nes, as ine nursery ui iaeir stamen,
I and as almost indUpensible 'tp ttfe
I prosperity' of the navy, would ;y6uh
n iui vunciuuct mi mai uic lanu up
on the ocean wereh as much dan-
ger trom the operation 61 the orders
m council, as the! farms; upon-the
land ; and"' T'beg-!tlemeii.thote
particularly interested 'upon this sub-
ject, to give these, observations' a fair
and impartial consideration. v - '
Bu1, Mr. President, this surgesti
ion of witholding the protection of the
gove.rnraent from commercet -Ican
conceive wnoiiynaamissaoie f or
exclusively of nfany o'her consider
ations, it must hayfibeen thejresu
of s6me very cursow reflectiohs, br 5
supejrfic.al observations, upon the "at
titude the government ftrfs assumed 1
in relation to revenue, or an entire 4
misconception ot it. air tne occu-st
pation of commerce is as much
entitled to the protection of the go
vernment, as any other occupation 1
and an abandonment of it as inju
rious to the interests, and as derogt
tory to the character of the govern-?
ment, as the abandonment of r any
other. Once allow that principle, ,
once have it understood by foreign
. '! JtJ-.. i -J-
nations, mai your commerce is anan
dpned to its fate, and" Us prosperity
is impossible, its destruction iS in
evitabie ; its very prosperity would .
produce its destruction, by inviting
the cupidity and violence of foreign'
natious. But, sir. the attitude the
government has taken ppbn thVsuii-
ject cf revenue, forbids" the abandon
menf ot commerce. Almost'your
whole revenue is .derived from coin
pierce; you have dispensed With
your internal taxes, and your only
internal resource is derived from the
sale of your public 4ands. . Whatever
may be the pruductiveness of that - ,
land hereafter, it is not now ittbret
than equal to one twentieth of tfte lde- - "l
mands of the government 5 hence,
sir, the government npst either af- ! .
ford protection to conimerce, or re
new thet internal tixes. Can you
doubtsir, which o these,twp aitrnt
tives the eSvern'meht'Voukj pKjs
We are told, sir, there ar,e preju
dices to a navy, I Know .tpre'arei '
sir, and I believe T have Jariken of
thent as miiih as ny ndelnan-inf ; '
the United States.? ''And stand' af
much committed to '( the naon dppit '
that point. But the circumstances
of the countrjvathejtime of dfecpsf:
sing the,quesdonirfcrcahga
formerly arid at-the praslnt time, ateV
extremely different- j Our cpmmercel
then was comparatively smalltovia
it now is the proposed expencii'puV
upon j;the navy, would huve beert
nearly equal to the whole annttpro
ducts of the re venuederi 3d fronx
commerce. The i-eyenue now deitv
ed from commerce is nearly' ititidAi" - j
pldd, and lsidesouixrimrce'w I
at that time, almost" v exempt ffopi !
1 fcVeign aggressions; jLts present pjr6s
hberit v and unprotected sttfa has- fa
thcu aggrcssioiis ;ropT iioriq ina;
unless it is protected, it wilfbe deiy "
tro yed Whatever my. prejudice s py
1 ; ai. s j
opinjons mav have sbeeii' upon4 f his
auujecij 1 ara not &o wea aia ooiu
nater a5 ip suppose tnai riosc prju
diceor cpinions can 6ntrol Viz prac
tical prpgression of hunSarr atpT
that there iV any .invap v
plying tiieiame oAnnsLa '
cnt stateof jcircliimstan ajid .eejf!.
Thgse ? Ust'conl. preju
pponsjMMr.rrl
exp&appmniont that uYfaZfc,
pue -fp draw you.'pvuef
the: mecUpm of coirbrce-1 'v
1com&ei'ce shoul;4birtimie- to. pcfe
dincreSi
lity and violence sliouid 'coiiunu to'
exi&t, yptiWili Mve a &yy"o
t vour corimerce. v I nftftSleft? thfe: tSt'jf,
against .a navy1 now cdriidniT
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