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PTH? ALEi North-Carolina State Ouri re the plana of fail 'delightful Peac, Unwarp'd by party rage, to live like Brother! THURSDAY, MARCH 8, 1810. No. 546 G TT7' itt R AND Gazette. . iaM aia M.iCOX'i Si'ZtCCIl, rm tao ctniMKuriAL iNreucour. WLL. Mr. Macnns.il, 'i was no question ' hcincrihc nation lc in a worse " ', ...n than it ha been if it be in, a ' r,c 'i:ujii-rti lint Mtuation has been rnJu-cd by tnc unjus: jns oi o e.i ...iU ,.,d France, neither ot which . k rnwh charge the n ition or it vcfnmcnt with partially 1 r th other r .nct juy no regard tu her Ire iy usand Greai-Urkatn at acked the r.'-atc Chesapeake, and impr.ssvs our . '.-innn ; P't lhcc oal of ,hc l,sl oi t f :rs'cc in their conduct towards us ; j - ::-ie r li ,n lncn ,or u to decide, j sVhit oufv ta be done in the present j iiite of country, and of the two great j t-,i- -tent of Eur pe ; if we mean to j oi ,,,c at peace -with h th. there can t; n d-J-.ibt bvit we ought honestly t j et;ivr to doth t,whirh shall be right ; . relates to both. This House ha a a t 1 :'.r. fir.inlly resolved, aoM l be- rv rnembr who ha addescd I-v: h is declared that he would not sub- j i . .r t . - J rv. slli-f o tne uccrees m rramc ui ( lrd is in Council of G. Britain. j )t n:h;ng. and what follows I win r: ut ; fiu; the nrw will surely de- t!j?. l'nr bill before y;u hjs never I:;. ordered by me a very strong n.-..rc ; tnough not a v.-ry tPn rrii'c, it i ccitamly very fur from ,i:sionf and such a measure as can ia ni'.io'i be cirried int. compl te trru'.i n , to say the least ot it, il i a f.;r ,r ;.",t against the acts of b tii (J. Evai ail Trance ; and can you tl r re this tine and preserve ;e ice ? ii rira u be preferred, there is cause j 'j :: against both. ' I: the bill be rtjecfed, what pacifi-. ' ! s.i m ill jr J adopt? Nne has been r.tnioied during the lontf lime this ' b: ; nas been debated, it would seem . L e t! re to fallow, that no better had tern yc'. thought of. The tirst objtc-l t'innd- to the bill, was, ih i it would s,v rate vilely on Kngland, but very late- : h i: hs been discovered, that it will K:rccly be felt in Holland, and that it .!J operate slcly tn Fr .nce. Can I i . jrumtnt more s'ronly. lemon- j f-ts tic impar iality of the bill, thsn i i :i corf.ra'hriory objections? If howe-; T r il be liu, th it il will op-, rate ha - i ! c-.rj!i oi thrm than the other ; Mia i ov.,u- to the bdl, but to their dil- rt evictions, with which we haw r. : .! f !u do ; it is their act and no 1 'unto union stUtaiion in wlu:h they i i v -u:vl, ilut have injured us i . t.ccL'.cs to both, that their pub " - i ;rii!r ship shall not enter our !" arul that ihcir prod icc and m ur shall not be brought here, t'-"-;-: in tl. manner p:escri )ed in it. i r : !, r of them may at any time :h irking ihcir unj ist edicts, pi c- the ojcTation of this bill as to thr :ji i "ithJrawin.r : and realiv it ' ' n- a f : le Strang, that tio one hi i- 'n.' id :o amend the bill, so as to ! i. p r:e imprtially, according 1 'H ; ::.:! nt when it, has betn objrci- t s nie, mat it wouhl operate p r-j Xi'y a: Ivl nd, anil by others. I ' it id opTttc partially against' ' The troth is sir, that a fair ' :,,ui,i -.1 it wr. 11 convince anv man, I . -i . Jt f.1r ss.cm will opcr.'r as -tju illy , i j th nitions as any that can be de- ", f ?. . thtir present situation ; and r h. l '- oimrn what wc ouht to do. j t i n t for a momcir to forget ? tt which the one hason th- land, : --. puT hich the other has on s.'. ror onht we to expect t n t 1 c rcLtd the frcnlom of the the land; nor ouj;ht we to ex- j ( rca:-Britain will regard the j c "rn j ihe land when she tloes no? tin f c;dom of the seas. In ex our lort-in rda ins, especial- h ' 'JS lf i I 111 ' I. i.ul . f i Via lf uu I . , 1 ' ' s lo njvt in iew the siiua- o: ta- tw. vT: at belligerents with th' i Wx ;)r diiTicult indeed to p rc nUi neutrality m l p-acr, and vvn think ii u'.wUc to preserve - - y l i-cr. will undoubtedly vote r " the til'. B-,t b f rc they do v :n.n hve at one time or . -r pan in ihe war and slru.r i ! I .., r t - t-r.v ,!: ior irr ur in t-.he - v' 1 g'Wt rnn cnis drstroved. no ... crk,trUrrtpubl-sor monarchies, !'r' h" m.- fa e, and n w -o- prung up m lhirpia- ce Without a single republic among tb-m. I ask gentlemen to tell me, what must have been the condition of thep-oplc during all these wars and rtv , lutions ? To those who talk so ui ich about war I address mys df, and it is a little strange, that not withstand- i trig we have so many war speeches we have no war mo'io is. The U. States are now the only neu ral nation in the civilised world, to them "h ctmimittcd the sacred trust of pre serving neutral rights, ami to no nation rc they more v titrable ; and to those who talk so mu ;h ab nit war, penni: me, sir, to enquire, w hether th -y can e nousJy believe we shall be so likely to do this by wa-, against thoe wiio d not respect llieni either on land or wa ter, as by other means ; if ihey do se riously believe that we can compel France and Knglan.l in any reasonable time to da this, I am willing ta confess thty hive rather mure faith on this point i ban I hfive ; but if we cannot easily compel England and France lo observe our neutnl righ.s ; does it fol low that we should not keep up a pro test against th-.ir vi l,ti ns of therm ? to me it ccnu not ; but on the con rary, that it is oir duty t ) da so, that wh .never the time shall ar ivc, wheti the gnveru men's of civilized na ions sh ill incline 'o respect the pubbc hw and mMrality, til t then there may be a siudard to appeal to, and then if not before, we hall find the advantage of ih plan now prop'js.tl over thjt I war, and then we shall rep a ital a.vmtige from the bourse which th s na.ion has s hono- rahly pursued, and winch it is still her interest to uursue, I mean impirtial ncutrali'y, and while Furopc continue m her present state, no consideration, u -.less we a:e actually attacked, ou ;h: to induce us to io in o the war, either o.i the side of Mngland or France They have both been anxiuus that we should engage in it on their side, and would no d ubt mjke fair promises to persuade us to engage ; but wtien once engiged. you would be caonsidered as !)ound to them a, least for the war, and he fair premises all fn"g t, Thasr who compl in o much ol our presen ittiMiion, and those wluspeak so oilen and so much a!out war, for they both j oppose the biP, ought to cast their eyes over the nations ol Kurope who have h?en olungcd into the war, either to belter ihvir condition or vindic ttc what ; thiy su posed to b-.r the h !ior of their! g ivernment, and compare our -.iujatt n j ,vith that of the nation which thry may ' hinkjits sulfcresd leas, and tluy will j n id cause lo rej ice, that th ir lot has j brcn cast to live under a government j and in a nation, both of which has hid , i discretion enough to keep nut of the ; h vvar which has nearly ruined all that en .... 1 gaged m it. I shoul'l like to be informed, whether the g ntlemen who ink so much aboujl war hae turned their aitenti )n to the existing state of our commerce ? Have they ascertained the nu n icr of sad us now in foreign pons and on the high s-as ? Have they calculated the value of the snips and cargoes now out of the hmi.softhe U. states, so that they can infirm he H -use the number of sea men and the amount of capitol, which may be jeopardised by the adoption of war measures ? Have they as a pre-, p ir.ttory measure, a Ivised that mes-seng-rs sh ul I be immediately snt to Europe, aud to the ports of Asia fre jue ited by our merchantshipsio inf trm our countrymen of their danger and ad ie them to return home as soon as pjss ble? -11 ve ihey even thought of an embargo, to prevent the sailors, the ships and cargoes now at home from leaving the country ? And whatever m iy be said at this dy about an cm bar, I agree to the tru Ii of an obser vation. yqs-erJay made by a gentleman fropi South Carolina (Mr. Taylor) that no administration, w:io act wisely, ever will goto war, without first laying one to get the sailors, vessels and capitol whi h miy be in foreign countries a home, before a declaration of war shall be made. We have been told that we cou'd take the Cmadas ; this is not doubted, but wh le we are taking them, Cireal-Bntain may take as many of our vessels and as much property now with-! out our jimi s as w uld be fjiir limes' their real value, Wi'hout considering: th unf rtunate situation of .he seaman : .vho is made a prisoner, probably before he knows the coun'ry is in war Consi- de ations like these seem to have no! w -ighi ; no m itter what consequences J result, we must hare acr;eiie msa-l jisuTes war pell-mell, to get clear of ; this billwhich is 3aid to be downright submission. This seems to me, espe ciallv in the nresent state of our affairs. I to be a new sort if submission. Is it submission, openly to tell the two most ''l.l IUI UUIIVII J 111 lllw T'Ulltlf J ' a -Juan not come litre ? No it is not. The very prohibition is an act of sovereign ty. Wh !e one declares it to be submis sion Ut France, another declares it to be ! iirvnistiirtn tn '.:iir ,n.i ? th mi i hoth a- g ee iha- it is submission, lh-y disagree ; j as to the pnwer to which it sjimits. , j Iay, sir, it h is been said, that this is ! entirely a mercantile question, and that farmers and planters have nothing to : j do with V. Then farmers and pran j ters owglu not to oay any part of the I expnce, which may grow oat of the ; I present sta.e of o ir aifair. The fact, I however, is, that t ie nation i ma le up of farmers, planters, met h ints, me chanics and professional m n, and all nave a. i interest in the question, and it surely alT cts the pecuniary interest of ; the planter nud farmer, more than it : does that otthe others. Double freight'-j docs not affect the merchant. He i makes his profit, and the agricultural people pay it. From every expence ( at'ending his trade he lays. an addi- tional a Iva ice on hi i goods, and the I agricultural people make all' good to, him. Besides, sir, the Fresidetit i:i his j first message told the House, that he : had au honscd our minister at London,1 to nform the British govennunt, that another minister would be receiveil, un doubtedlv w th a view to adjust our' tifVeretv.es by negociation. What w iuld be thought of our government, if utter makt.'ic: uiis communication to fireign power, we were to do tnat ; which some gentlemen have toid us Wc ought to do - n ike opeii and nun-' iyj war ? Niy, sir, suppose Great Uric- j un should send another mi. over, and instead of his tin ling me administratis mi ready to receive hi n, and to treat .vith hi n as he expected, he i met ' i oy a declaration of war, and told to j reiurn home. This would not be like!! the dis niss of ih- late minis er for in- ; i I cnt exprcss on-. in nis letters, to me it seems th. re w uhl be nothing canuid, noihmg ho ior itile in transacting our na- tional atlairs in this way, it would be atleparture from tne principles which! h ive al way s governed t.ie n ation. There is no h ng in the bill which prevents the Legislature from adopnng any o h r mcas ue he bdl may pass, and iht. House ni iy hereafter adopt su di energetic measures as may be thought ad vise able. gentleman from New-York (Mr. Root) lately told us, that which we have been told I) fore, th it tne bill was resist anre to France and submission to Eng land, He h :s completely proven that ( Napoleon had submitted to England, as ; he did that we were about to do so. H 1 1 Id us that Napoleon by his folly was aiding England to carry her orders in council into effect. If, then, to carry ! her orders into execution be submission, j Napoleon has submitted ; but neither j his folly nor the bill on the table are AitU aw i a r i " r i ' JUI 111 Jai'll My colleague, (Mr. Sawyer) who is for very strong m-a mrcs, seems to think that the friends of the bill consider it a certain cure for every complaint to which tii: body politic may be suojec. None of them nave as yet said so much for it. Ail that Ivjy h .ve contended for, accord ing to my understanding, 13 thi , that in the present state of Europe and of the U. States, they have not been able to discover a better system, a system that would operate less on ourselves, and, at the same time, have some operation on England Sc F. ance. Mycolleaguc said a great deal about war and energy I j have already endeavored to sliew, that j var, under the existing circumstances i of the n ilion, would be injurious, I will only add that by declaring it at this mo- j merit, you would put it in o the power j ofG. Britain to take probably one hun dred mil ions of our property and twen iy or thirty thousand of our sailors. I have not seen the force of the ob-j servaiion of my colleague, as applied to J the question now bef ire the House, that G. Britain enforces her orders on the ocean by her navy. He cannot, 1 am sure, suppose that our little navy, with . land or against both, instead cfthe non all iheirbravsry, could enforce our laws . i intercourse act, we ought to have mad on the ocean, if opposed by all the ma-!, a declaration of war : We then had ri'ine strength of he wolrd, b - ause the lour sailors, our vessels and our proper navy of G. "Britain is able to do this; ty at home. I cannot perceive the it is done by physical force and not by great wisdom and undaunted courage in words ; and when we. talk about mati- ih se war-speech, wha there i tjo time war, we ught t wrapare the f war motiM means we have, with the end to be ob tained. He thinks this the proper time to make war on Britain, because she i- on her last prop and aln-ost reaily to fall. If it be so, there is no occasion far us to give out aid to kick her down. . Le; limaparte have the sole credit and ho nor of putting her down. I understood my colleague to sav, Lhatthe friends of this bill were desirous of having a war wi h B itaiu, bu were afraid to declare it Th-s, sir, is not the case with me I am not afraid to declare my sentiments upon any question, either of war or of peace. Ian not desirous of war with any nation on earth, nor will I consent, in the present state of the world, to en ter the war which has so long ravaged liurope eilher on the side cf France or England. But whenever the national" govern nent shall declare war, I snail bt found as ready to adopt the necessary measures to carry it on successfully, as any man in this House or in this nation. Again, he told us thu this is the verj time to m ike the attack, because all the nations of Europe ar leagued agaiiia her 1 his is noreas ri with mebecaus I am most decided v against joining a ny European league, or having alliance with any European ;ower. I am op posed to j )ini g the fate of this happy cnun.ry to that of any nation in the woild i nor do i wish to have a minis ter at the Congress, which N poleon is to call to settle mariti ne rights and se cure the freedom of the sea. I have no faith that it will be done by him. Give him po.vcr on the water, and he will do as he has done on land. Give Britain power on the land, 1 she will do as she has done on the water but above all, this weak bill produced the second message of the Fi esident of the U. If that message has any bearing on the question, according to mv weak under standing, it is most decidedly in f iVor of the bill indeed, it is not easy to con ceive h w ihe President with propriety could have said more in favor of any mea re before the Lcutislaure uian he has in favor of this i but the bill ought to be decided o.i ns m-rits, and not o:i the opinion ot the President. A gentleman from P. nnsylvania (Mr. Ross) is good enough to allow, tha those who may vote f t the bill, will d. it on pure mo ives. The object of the bill, and of th se who supprt it, is to p tseive the peace of the nation, if possible. The gentleman quite aston ished me, be made an inflammatory war speech, and before he sat down, said he wished for peace, if ware uld be avoid ed. He and those who support the bill agree in thei." wish to preserve peace ; we propose the bill as the best means' of doing this, which he calls submission he proposes nothing if, then our plan is submission, to do nothing wil' be submission also a war speech to conclude in favor of peace is a little strange to me, Were I for war, I should be for making the necessaiy prepara tion! to call forth the resources and the energy of the nation, to go at it tooth and nail. He also said, that a middle ground had been adopted in the bill, and that the middle ground was sob nision Without referring to Esop or to Grb tius, to decide whether it be so or not, it stems to me, that comm n sen e would, in the present case, decide that the middle ground was neither war nor submission ; but the bill contains some thing like old embargo principles . these seem to be quite as much dread ed as the fatal submission wh eh the bill contains. There is not any thing in it like emHargo, tho the gentleman pays me a compliment which I do not de serve, when he says, that the chairman who reported the bill was an embargo man, "and nothing but embargo princi ples was to be expected if hr knew the committee, he would not believe that a ny chairm n could report a bill which they did not approve, and he would al so brieve that they, understood embar go principles. Yes, sir, I am an em- ( bargo man, and hesitate not to say, that the day Congress gave up the embargo for the non-intercourse jf there be sub mission, that day it b.gan ; bat I do not consider that subnission, and the bill isundeniably a better mea -ure than the non-intercourse ; if we wished war either against France or against Eng Tiie same gentleman has brought an other embargo charge ag.dnst rnc : It is this, that I mingle it with every thjncr I say. He ceriamly ought not to. com plain, for he has said twicers much a bout war as I have about the embargo. The fact i, a gentleman from N. York ( lr. Gold) first brought k into debate the present session.; to htm I replied. I have always been willing to defend it, and never ashamed to own that I ap proved it ; and a great majority, of the nation also approved it. The embargo, as well asevery other measurewhich h been brought forward, in opposition to, the decrees of France and the orders of England, have been opposed, while all are saying. they will not submit tu ei- ther to Say the least of the embargo it kept us a year out of the war, and line un-intercourse, with all its imperfecti ons, has' probably kept us out of it ano ther, and if this bill shall preserve, the peace of the country cnlyone year more, the committee will have deserved well of the nation. Il is true, that I was willing to limit the bill to the end of the present session of Congress, under the expectation that we might by that lime completely un dersfand its effect. If it should prove, as I bdieve;it will, a beneficial measure, there would be no difficulty irvcontinu ng it longer, and if on experience, it should be found not to produce any ad vantage, the sooner it expired the bet er. I have patiently attended to the : objections which have been stated to the b 11 ; but is tbe gen leman himself ab solutely certain that he is right ? that he cannot be mistaken ; is he like the French girl, of whom Dr. franklin told the story in the convention, who enqui red of her mother, how lit happened that she always -found ev- r'y body in the wrong and herself always in the right Tne short limitation 'is an objection which was not expected from those who are opposed to every part of the bill and are in favor of vvar ; one would natu rally suppose the shorter the limitation the more agreeable to them. I understood ihe gtnileman to'say, that the friends of thebill had called on him, and o hers who think with hiiii, to join and aid them in passing it. I deny it as to myself ; I call on no man for aid. The bill must stand or fall on its own merits. It has. never been arid never will be my practice to be running about the ci y by day or by night, prowl ing aftei men to support any measures I may propose ; if right, they ought to be adopted il wrong, they ought to be rejected. To have solicited the aid of ine men who declare the bill to be sub- ! mission, and that nothing but war will save the nation, would be, in my opini on, to have insulted them. It is not on ly asking them to give us their opinion, but also-asking them to do an act which they consider submission, and of course disgraceful at. least, Not have I re quested or demanded of them to come out as party men to support the bill. No, sir, I have never asked any man to yield, his judgment to piny. To en deav r to pass a bill on such principles, would be to acknowledge, that there Hvas no reason for passing it in factj that it ought, not to pass. The same g ntleman says the pre--sent discussion will, at the next election, put men who are for energetic mea "sures in Congress, from the Eastern & Sou' hern States. How this may be, I cannot tell, but it is a good .while since these, two portions. of the Union-have been coupled together before. As to the people from the East, personally 1 know but littie about them, having ne ver been among them ; if, howcvei, a judgment may be formed of i hcm, fiom their members here, they will be found i as tenacious of their opinions as most people are of theirs. The -gentleman nas forgot that their represf-nta.ives ad here so clos'e to their opinions, that not very long since, he had lb sit ip all night to get a vote, Whatever may be the decision of those in the Southjwhora I represent, it will be pei fectly agieea kle to me ; but I am yet to learn that . the people in the East and South are more tickle than those of the Middle .' Spates. - ; It is tiue, hat the people iri the Sour h o not make a piaciice of meeting to ass fiery resolutions, which in general oie,.n no hing more than that the first mover f the 'meeting md of the reso ntions wants an offi e. On the day, of lection they pass upon the conduct of heir representatives, and then tell them whtther they have done well or note jCeacltided ia lk last pagej. r Ml :--ti 1 ' I Mi i u i m i Ml a'- if j li it f 1 31 Mi V- ! i i i o; i. 1
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
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March 8, 1810, edition 1
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