Newspapers / The Weekly Raleigh Register … / July 12, 1811, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
-! PI. , j r I. ..;.V..Viii 1 ill Oar 1 arc the of fair icllhtfal Peace, UnwtTp'df party race, to !tvellke Bt6tber. 11 '4 FRIDAY, JPLY 12V I81K 3 polftical. 'A' uXonal IrUeVijrncer. Tbr f"lloinp extrtordintry publicAtVon fr3m ih?Uw Secre'ary of Slate ha appeared in th- frn of a pamphlet, a well aa in roost , ci tic nwspaprn in opposition to the jro irmrn nt. ami prrhapa in some of a different character. It is naw iome weeks since it uas exultingly announced by federal print that Mr- Kobrt Smith was about to publ.sh cn attach on Mr. MckUmu We !md flat, tend ours-.-hes that tbe comlUctors of these journal had suffered their hopes of discord j to deceit? them, and that a regard fof his; ov n repmation and feelings, it "not for the ptibl c Rid, would havic withheld the threat, ened publication of Mr. Smith. Rut the ap pcarnnct of his address has dissipatt d hopes ; so rationally entertained, and piven b;rth to feelinps painful in proportion to the regret; c ftel ai beinff irresistibly impelled, by ee-1 n considerat on of ptfiictp. t pre? s sen- J rnent, in rtlation to its uutiior, serj difiVr ent from those we bv b" n di;poset.l to en-. tertain.. 1 he pubbvation in question is hih- U n-prehens:Me in a vjr-etv rf rcp-cts : as a j j'liani'lui breach of oflTioisl ami pcrs(nJ con-fid-M:ce; 'a an underhand nulinu recur rrncc to cire.ums'ane-ts inhicl he canit he chas'iseil r crntdictiiu. th frtsbfinjf t.,'n only tn'the r-irty attacked.-whosf of. f,t.i-d statton forbids a rtril. even lb the rc fda.ivmof o-inny: as a mal.piant though tV.bir ar rmpt toruUdoanthe governments convolution which he was bmd by eve- ri tic of HonKr and hom sty to suppon. We ivrrt prrsent to our readers the pamphlet ccir.fk-tr, and in our next laimber sha!! f l-. low it with .me strictures. In this task we; shall bnurrcr conhne our. Ives 10 a sinle review vf the document itserlf. aliall pry intonootlice secrets to test tle truth or de- tect the faUity of any or its atatomenl ; we shall not akVrom the President any facts vituin his kwulcdre; since 'he certainly vwaiM not stoop to impart them for the sikej or rrp-.Uinp a pitiful a&ault on h.s personal character. No, e will not even strip the rvcreant pnnluction of this cloak, too sc.int irulcetl to hide its deformity. We take the pi.blication in o our cloaet and da ell only on us inherent character, expose its nefarious principle and notice its glaring1 absurdities. RODLHT SMITH'S ADDRESS To the people of the U. States I owe jrttxpcsitionofhecircumsta'ces, which hx produced my resignation of the of fi.eof Scretar) - f State. This duty, iik :me as it is, it is my purpose now to p.rform. It i unrxpec'tdly devolved upon me by 'he irt.sistable necessity of cbvia'ing the honest misapprehensions of omc and the wunton nnrcprestnta. tions of others. Constrained, then as I re'ii tantly am, to come forth, 1 hive in th outset only to premise ihat chis ex position shall be nothing but a bVicf un Var i hd sta'cmtnt of facts, with the vrper.addilion of only Mch obst nations Cimay ocasionally be ntctssary too ciis tirtct undcratandmgof the narration. My cbj ctis the vindication of mysv If : and if in this vindicat on there should be in volved any seriuv crucsttons as to Mr. Madison, it will only be'bec-nse such a .rtsult is intviuhl. In thi und.-raking I have an eye o he storm that I wi 1 Lave to buffet ; a tom that will be ex cited by the parasites of power; but 1, a; the same time, tnj y the consolation of h iving in my v cw the American axiom, 44 Measures and not mm" the ditingutshing characterestic of the independent people of a representative republic. Besides, it is a truth obvious to every understanding, and confirmed by universal experience, that " in all the exertions of duty something is to be hazarded.- Mr. Madison's offcr to me or the mis sion to Russia, which he allowed' to be of the utmoM importance to the commerce of the United States, and the ir.osi honorable appointmcnr abroad that i i in the gift of our Kovemment," is de Monrative proof of his confidence in tnc, as to fidelity ind a$ to capacity in public affairs. Thiscffer was accompanied with mi ny observations, in appearance respect fully made as to the cuntrarit ty of opihi n that hid unhappily existed between him tnd myself with respect to certain ma surzs and to certain nominations, and in which he seemed to glance particularly ::t the bills touching our foreign rein Urns, that had been introduced by Mr. Macon at. the session ofylSOQ-lO, and to the non-intcrcourie law of the last ses t ir-. Althoyghbls langusge tntheofftr of the ro'wsiim and in the accompany ing obrTauQns, was' not at a'l offensive, ytt th-re were indications ofembairais ircn. Sc awkwardness, that excited in my rmnd a doubt as to his real object. Under the rrp.uenceofthis suspicion, risig from u y eat, I with a decorum due to a Prt s. 'mtof the U. States, distinctly inTcrm t'i him, that owig to our drifcrrDt views of many subjects, I had some time sjner formed a determination to withdraw from his administration ; that I had ac tually communicated to ome of my friend this determina'ion; and to ac comp'isli my purpose I had been only wait nj for an occAsion, wherein it could be fleeted without endangeririR conflict ing agitations among orr respective fjjends and. in retiring from his room, I remarked to him, that I would duly consider whrthcr the offer of the mission to Russia would afford such tn eppor tuni y. With inexpressible astinish roei.t, howt vet Iinu few d y learned, that duiing the last session, certain inenibcrsof Oingress had Ik en enabled, in rcturitre to their respective h'mts( ! to state tha this identical uffer would be made to tTc ui h the view of pu'ting Mr. Monroe intht Department of State. Th s inicirig-u t L of course ment ioned with a becoming indignjtionto Mi Ma dison upn his application afterwards to me f r t'te n suit of my rtlltctions on 1 the proDoed missto:t. lie, immedtaie- i ly, but with evident confusion, proiest j td that he bad not in any manner what , fver authorised such a report, 1 r even jisuLh an idea. I replied that I surely attribute to a Prcs dt nt of " . , g lran.action so babe. '"r ,ul tJ' ta . . ? 15 u us 3 report of o dchca'e a charsc j ter hjd acttul'y gone to:th, my 3 Use , f nonor rou d iot heita e a m' mtJ.l in . vt ,hc offcr of in;mis.'nn. J 7 n;niL -"u,u D"l.,v- r" - al!w myself ui der such circumstances to retain my commission of Secretary of State. I closed the cometsation by remarking wi-.h great composure, that there must h.ve been in this affair a most shameful intrigue. Ai.d, with ve ry great difficuly,I suppress d the in clination I frit, to tell him, thai i f this intrigue he had inconsiderately been the dupe. The power of a President of the U States to remove any officer other than a judge, will not be controverted. Nor will any pretension be st up so absurd as a right to an office. But it is maintained that this poer cannot consistency with the genius of our gov- rnment and with the respect due to the Senate, be exer cised, as under an arbitrary despotism, at the mtie caprice of the chief ; but that in every such exercise of power, a President of the United States muU ntessarilyrcct upon his responsibi!iy to his constituents for the rtctitude of his motives. This brings me to tht ground to be examined, namely, the measure . Ihidcd to by Mr. Madison, upon which has. been founded his con duct towards me on this occasion. Each, then, of the several measures, important or unimportant, in" which there has been, at any time a difference of opini- n be tween us, I will now, unreservedly, in distinct articles, present to the view.t f the American people, with a hope, per haps delusive, that they will therein find an apology, if not a justification in my b half. Art. I. The following letter was not prepared in virtue of any direction, or even intimation from Mr. Madison. It was written and sent by me when he was at his seat in Virginia. Before, his depaiture from Washington, he, howe ver, knew that I had it in contempla tion to make such a call upon Mr. Er skine, and as he had expressed no disap probation, it of course took place. But I have since learned that he was not a lit tlc'displeased that such an enquiry had at all bcenstirred. My fellow-citizens, in reading the letter U. adverting to the de nouement, will, I trust have no difficul ty in estimating the purity of my mo tives, and a little in discovering the ground' of his displeasure. 1 Mr. Smith to MrVErskine. Ikpurtmcnt 0 State, August 9, 1809 Sir I have just received frcm MV. Pinkney, a letter, inclosing a printed paper, purporting to be a' copy of a dis patch to you from Mr. Canning, which states among other things, thit from the report of your conversations 'with Mr. Madison, Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Smith, it appears 1st. That the American govern ment is prepared, in the event oF. his M jesty's consenting to withdraw th' orders tn council of January and N veraber, 1807, to withdraw, contempo raneously on its part, the interdictions of its htrbors to ships of war, and all non-intercourse & non-importation acts so far as respects Gieat-Britain, leaving them in force with respecrto France and the powers which adopt or act un der her decrees 2d. " That America is willine to re nounce, during the prestnt war, the pre tension of carrying on in time of war all trade with the enemies colonies, from vhich she was excluded during peace. , 3d. G. Britain for the . purpose of securing the operation of the embargo, and the bona fide intention of America to. prevent her citizens from trading with France, and the powers adopting and acting under the French decrees,: is. to, be considered as being at liberty', to capture all such American Vessels as may be found a'.tempt'ng to trade with the ports of any of these powers ; with ut which security for the observance of the embargo, the raising it nominally, j . L. - t i . 1 ' J wun respect 10 v. urnain aione wouia in fact raise it with respect to all the world," I hvelhc honor to.rpc;uest you to fa vor me with uch expla aiions as your cand,or will at once suggest, in relation to these imputed conversations. I forbear to express to you, sir, the surprize that is felt at the extraordinary pretensions set forth in thii letter of in structions, and especially at the expec ta ion that this government would, as a preliminary, recognize conditions, twt of wh'u h are so manifestly iircconcde ble to ihe dignity and intrrest of the U S a'cs. I however, would remark th a had you deemed it proper to have com municated in extenso this letter, i' would Ji.ne been impossible for the President to have perceived in its conditions or in its spirit, that conciliatory dispositi n whi' h had been piofesscd, and which it was hoped, had really existed. I am, fcc. R. SMITH. Art. 2d. There was a serious differ ence of opinion between Mr. Mudison and myself upon the bill, touching our foreign relations, which was introduced by Mr. Macon early in the session cf 1809-10. The policy developed in that bill, became at once a sfbject of univer sal disapprobation. Not a word in it favor was to be found in any print. It was, therefore, most fot'onaiely not forced upon the nation. In its phce. however, was substituted the act of May 1810, which. the voice of the people iri the expression of their indignation, in derision, called Macon No. 2. All that odium, which these twobiMs had excited throughout the U. States, was. by a certain management fastened upon Mr. Macon and others. In these. measures, as unwise as humilia ing, Mr. Madison was not at all seen by h s constituents. Not a suspicion was eh tertiirr d that he had any participation in acts so poorly calculate to effeclua e their professed purpose of avenging the insults, of repairing the injuries, and pi maintaining the rights of the U. Stages. To account, then, for the very acute sen sibility of Mr. Madison as to these two bills, it has become indispensably ne cessary to the purpose of this address, to draw the mysterious curtain, that had at first entirely, and yet does in part veil these transactions, and. to, state to my countrymen that the reprbbared bills, usually called Macon's bill, No. !,and Micon's bill, No. 2, were in fact the special contrivance of Mr. Madison him srlf ; that they were hs great and effi cient measures of the session; that in stead of being recommended to Con gress by the President himself, as the constitution wisely required, they were severally, through a certain medium, handed to Mr. Macon, to be, it would seem, by ryni recommended. Of these two measures, which were alike regardless of the prosperity and honor of the XJ. S. I could not permit myself to be the advocate, and, es pecially, as I was well persuaded that the good sense, the honorable principles and the patriotic feelings of mycountry men would utterly condemn therp. Art 3. During the session of 1809-10, certain members of the legisla ure, not satisfied with the policy of the measure, that had been proposed by Mr Macon, strongly and repeatedly urged Mr. Ma dison to recommend to Congress by a message, the necessity of bringing forth the resources of the na'ion for the pur-; nose of avenging the insUlis, of repair ing the injurirs and of maintaining the rights oj the V&tates. V itlding to tntir importunities, he finally sent to Congress the following message. ' Tie President Mctsoge iobt'tbftwtes of Con- grin, itelivered on t&e Slanuarjt 1810. To the-Senate and. House'of.- t)" .Representatives oftfeplSiziet?,:- - x ' TTI act authorising ti detachment of one hundred thousand mVfi from the mi 'i'ia wid Expire on ihe30trt of March next.'. Its early revival is recommended,' in order that timely steps may be taken for 'arrangements, such as tlie act j con templated. v - v ? j v k "Without interfering with the( modifi cations rendered necessary by the de fects, or. the inefficacy'of the laws re strictive of bommeree or navigation, or with the policy of disallowing to foreign armed Vessel sxj the use, of. our waters ; it tails within my duty to recommend also, that in addition to the precautiona ry measure authorised by that act, and to the regular troops, for completing the legil establishment of which enlistments are renewed, every necessary provision may be made,, for a volunteer force of twenty thousand men, to be enlisted for a short period, and held in a state of or ganization and readiness for actual ser vicetal the shortest wartrng, j I submit to the consideration of Con gress moreover, the expediency of such classification and organization of the militia, as will best insure prompt and successive aids, from that source, ade quate to, emergencies, which may call I ir them. . It will rest .with them also, to deter mine how far further provision may hi expedient, for putting into actual ser vice, if necessary, any part of the naval irm.fment not now employed. ..At a period presenting features in he. conduct of, foreign powers towards the U. States, which impose on them the necessity of precautionary measures, inv Ivir.g expence, it is a hepny consi deration that tuch is the s- lid .state of th public credit, that reliance -can be placed on anv legal provision tha may be made Fpr resorting to it, in a conve nient form and to an adequate amount. JAS. MADISON. 16 tbii message I badtbe following objections- 1st. If the honor ar.d inierei of th U. States did in fact impe!i..tis,.y call for war, theninstead of the half-way mea sures contemplated in the mesig'-, the ecommendation ought to have bee-n,tha .he abundant physical resources of the nation should be duly organized 8c bro't forth with a tone that would unrquivo Cdllymanifest at home at d abroad a de termination to take a manly stand, and especially, as such a precautionary mea sure has not unfrequenlly had the effect of averting war. 2d. If war was not the real object, whence was the necessity of filling the public mind with the alarm of war ? -Whence the propriety of expending our ireasures tn calling to arms 20,000 such onen ? Whence the nolicy jf trifling with 'the 'manly, gtnerous feelings of 3 brave, honorable, entei prising people, as are the People of the U.Sates ? 3d. At all events, whatever may have been t.hr real object, the studied ambi tuity of the language of the message, b.rmed ofi sell a sufficient objectloti Of his ambmuitv Mr. Madison was (iulvJ apprised. Ai d as was foreseen, mem bers of Congress, not conprehendtng4 Its meaning, applied, nut in va.tn, tor me re.quisi;e explanation. At length a re publican senator, distinguished by his soukd principles as a statesman, did i a rery abie speech maket among othe topics, the following pirhy comment on this extraordinary message. : ' " The President's message of the 3d inst. has been introduced by the chair man of he committee in suppo&of this bill. Feeble must be the aid which this measure can derive from that source. This message in point of obscurty comes nearer to my idea of a Delphic Oracle than any state paper which has come, und .r my inspection. It is so cautious ly expressed that every man puts what construction on it he pleases. Is he for war ? The message breathes nothing but destruction and bloodshed. Is he for peace ? The message is file re miik and water, and wholly pacific. Is he for the hill before you ? The message calls for its passage. Is he a friend to .a large, standing army ? Why then the message means 20,000 reg'ular troops. Is he friendr)r to the militia? The message does not call for regular troops it means militia. Thus, sir, thU message means anything or nothing, at,the will Of the commentator. Jf this message is ora r ular in ifs meaning, it was no less mira culous, in its promulgation. The news papers to the east of thii stated thai such a. message would be delivered, and sta ted its contents nearly one week belore it reached the two H' ur-es of Congff? To account for this phenomenon, , neither within my' power or province. Art.4. The non-intercourse Jaw of the Jast session was also thtdevjcf. of tVf W Madison. It too was.iritrpducieil hyiPre 5idcntial machinery. Should this-statute be viewed, as it ought to beyifi connecrton with and a e- manatingJrom the Law ot 'May, 1810, . 1 heri will we Save to- lopkfbr Ihe ffic't' ' required by '(hat'ItvVjriam'elyibe' acfual revocation of the Berlin and Mi fan de- crees.,vv:. -... . .. VV'-rfr'-" ' , If this, re vocation did in faef take place, : as declaredt by the proclamation! ftRen, the act 6$ M ty , com municated s it iiad; been by the Executive to thetwo belli gerent powers, did fecbm&pso faClo & 1 compact between the U. S. andFancr, & in that case neither party had a rjght . 10 aisregaruj oruy law to cnange,,ifs sti pulated terms and conditions, as tbfs go vernment confessedly did by thepoirwii tercourse act of the last session. I The act of May, 1 1 lp7 it is a iorro v ful truth, did not provide iforeVal ob vious cases,whe ejn ouriercSrTas necessarily have been much Siljurtd in the event of that law hiyingTsfcen car ried (into effect in thecrude form in which it had been passed. Of this im providence, ourcitizers might, in such case, well have complained, against their Representatives, as weU estu rivers le gislative ; but from it our govt rnment most assuredly cotiUl not have deduced a right to alter of.ijt self the conditions of the compact. Theother- party mrght indeed, frorri a sentiment of companion , ror our artless simp-icryjnayeeonej ed to such a change but witrUsucrV an acquiescence. i coiild hb Bpori any principle of natural or political law,, be .done. . - . . j - v ' . If however the Emperor of the French; ' 010 nui 111 iaci revoKe, asteciaieo pv me. proclamation, the Beilin and Milan de crees,. the act of May did not btcne a compact between-the U. S. and France, and in that case his ImperialXajsty 1 had no claim against this goverriment, I founded on that statute, to '.enforce the I non-iniercourae against ine omer oeui" gerent, - ' J ! . - What, then,'was the evidence which had induced Congress to consider these J decrees as repealed, and which hd ad cordingy, induced thm to pass the nony intercourse. law ? To the President in ''his, as in every eithtr case touching our foreign relations, the Legislature; most n riV have looked for' information and recommendation ;FrOtn hi m itiley I had in due form received hatlthey h magined they werecfficiajly btinct to consider as satisfactory evidence oC tfiej repeal cf these decrees, naineiyVvbis xfiro? carnation and his raessage cordainin'sl( recommend at ion , to ' e 1 i f 0 rce v the,ait ofi May, 18 10. jlpepecti evidence andiri pur mendation, did I ; Congrtrss pass-ihe a"cti -ailed tfie non-intercourse larjof the last sessioot " .: K-S-U'tlik-- vThisllfori-iQtercQurselam diitinctly kepln rnind i Wasrjaised after j' "tfearrlyaatV .hingtoriofltfieA. rieWi-''. ' French JVOnister, yiz cn 2d of ;tarcbj 1 8 1 jf (: ' And-. jt Ka'iaoefvet0 en4- ; ireaf you, vmy cuntren -d;ejijeratc ly and .dispassionately f6 viewTt in coh nection with myvktters to "Gen. "Arm strong of the 5th of June aild.5h:Juy 1810, wi h my letter to GenTTurreau oF: (he 18 h Dec. 18f0, anil with the" infor mation hereinafter detailed in theBthar- iicleof this address. - And, themliVrust V they will have a clear percept ionf t6e real ground otMrrMadison'sqmuy tb me with respect to this measure : . Notwithstanding the precise protest Jj- v iions, solemnly communicated to the French govetnment an openly promul gated to the vvhole woridrji virtue' of the letters from the lS(ate Department of June and July, 1 8 1&, that vaf6tto- ; ry provision for restoring theprbperty lately surprised and seized by theordr Extract of a tetteft 'om tbc. Secretary State " If, however, the arrangement conternptated by the law should be acceptable'; to the French government ybii .will understand if.to be the pur pose of tbe President not to proceed in Riving fr effect iri ease the Jateseizure oFtVe property, of the citizens of tbe V. S. has beeaufolkswed fy an ibsolte confiscation, 'and restpraikTKb finally TefnsedThe ohlytgrpiind. short ,0 a prehminaryKstoration of tbe .property, ;on which the'contemptated arrangement cioi Iw madewill be wiuriuefcstandhngtthat ths cofts-' ation is reversable, and that it will becomeUrti- mediately- the subject of discussion with I ra- sona&te prospect 01 jusuce jo eur inji Extract of a letter Jrom tie , Secretary try vf State . ' to GeriArmsirwx, dated Jufy.lSlO. j f As has been heretofoie stated.to you, a -sa- ; tisfactory proyisibn 01 estbrmtheprcj)e lately surprised ana seizeq tne otaer orj at the instance of 'the Treiic be jebmb ned with a. repeal f jh TrerhjEf diets, vitb-a to. a.'MiToarie twrirjC 'Britatn, sach a provision being: an indit'cuubfe eyrdence of die jyst purpose! ot France towards ifceiUiiiteti?taies. I 1 :r ' h .V 0 mm if- X. -. ' T' i -. i ; '; tf'i-;
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
July 12, 1811, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75