Newspapers / The Weekly Raleigh Register … / March 13, 1812, edition 1 / Page 1
Part of The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.) / About this page
This page has errors
The date, title, or page description is wrong
This page has harmful content
This page contains sensitive or offensive material
; ;" '"':. 1 - '5-.; ;! . - O.M .rtb. vbfii of fair. deHghtlkl Pce, . ' v ; ,s '" " v 'T "v?W " ' jf'V'.'T' ! i . - ' ' - '' i ii ii 'il A I - . V 9 ' ' 1 - 2ongrt0f. SPEECH OF MR- D. R- WILLIAMS. V OH THE MX ft roUinscn JJJititnal JMtary Frte, r : Mr. D. R. Willi ams said, there wai t sottiing rao c natural than a desire lo jus'iff the ote we arc calM upoif to girr on so importanfa question as the present ; even in u-oiwry whj, both naturl and jus iBable ; much more so, in a cae vrhich is of sufficient magnitude, absuactly considead, to ex cite all our solicitude, now btcome in finitely more momentous by the course the argument has taken ; t x the ques tion is not only, Shall the bill pass ? but, Shall there be war After the maturcst deliberation, he 'had been able to gire the subject, ht xnustconies thathewasnot perfectly sa liified with the detail of the bill before the House. He belicred it to be fairly liable to the objections urged against it by his worthy friend from N. Carolina, (Mr. Macon.) Sir, the organization of the troops is new ; it is true it had been intimated to be an imitation of the orga luxation of the French but that is not the fact ; and viewing it as an experi ment, he covld not but distrust it or any other that should be attempted at this time. It puts down the old system, which carried us safe and triumphant through one war, and perhaps might better through another, than to take up one that is new, untried, experimental; besides, It certainly does establish a pre ference in the command of officers of the same grade, in the old and in this new army. He thought the jealousies sufficient already, without adding new causes ; tJut as ic is almost impossible aiery member should obtain his precise wishes in matters of detail, perhapa no one ought kooncr to distrust his own judgment than himself & as the prin ciple of the bill met his approbation, he would vote for it, more especially, as he considered it the first measure of war against C. Britain. To his mind there appeared to be only three courses left for the naiion Repeal the Non-Importation Law, and take a war with France, make war with Great Britain, or submit to the pr.nci pic of her Orders in Council. Which alternatiyc, then, sh ill we accept ? He had no agency in bringing the country into its present situation but it was not therefore lesa his duty to exert ev ry ef fort to rescue her fi omit. The period had arrived whtn he considered ind-.fle-rente as criminal .hat he who was not for the country was-against it. He was not disposed to repeal the non-importa-ticn law at this time ; because he con sidered, no mtter whether he approv ed of the fact or not, that the faith of the nation was pledged to retain it, and that its repeal would of course be a vi olation of that faith , nor did be believe that any circumstance' could arise, so imperious in his mind, as to induce him "by any vote of his to violate a faith, so dear, and heretofore so immaculate. The repeal of that law, happen when it may, must necessarily depend on cir cumstances that are not yet known. To yield to the principle of the or--iers in council, is a virtual abandonment of the rights of an independent nation. He meant not to drivel out this debate by following some gentlemen thro' their tedious details concerning the relative importance of the events of '93 Let us come home to the present time, and inquire what is that principle ? Practi cally considered, it is the exercise of su preme legislation over us, involving not only ail the attributes of legitimate sove reignty, but despotism direct. And when honored with. scats in thi House, while entrusted with the interests, and rights too, of the People of the. United States, shall we baselyy aod without resistance, succumb .to British . domination ? The question then is, ought resistance to be made by physical force ? -' : He could not but rejoice that neither the revocation nor modification of the Trench edicts, enter into the presentdis cussioq. However positive and import ant the repeal or. modification -of the Berlin and Milan decrees may be (o us, they are, in relation to G. Britain, now merged by ber, in considerations of far different chsractercnd 'import. The demands made by that government, through its accredited ministers here, have thrown the repeal of those decrees entirely out of the dispute ; because, - ....... . i contrary to her aoteran and reiterated promises, whether they are repealed or riot, her urdcra are to be continued in force. What now is made the basis of their revocation ? You are required to act within this territorial limits of France ; to pot down her municipal re. gulations to overthrow her whole sys tern of internal trade and manufactire, whereby a channel may he opened for the introduction of British manufactures into French ports, ts if possible that anv roan can mistake the secret object of such a requisition ? Can it be con cealed that it is equivalent to an abso lute unqualified rejection of erery over lure for a repeal on her part ? What pretext of justice has she for such a de mand ? Are Trench manufactures ad mitted into Jier ports ? WW she admit them under any circumstances whate ver ? Does she even permit you who are to procure this advantage for her, to carry your own manufjetures to her own dominion I No. If, then, the re nunciation of the principle of her or ders depends upon our securing to her the introduction of her manufactures m ?o France, what are we to expect ? What other resource than positive re sistance have we left ? We are then brought to a direct decisian, either to submit to the principle, or lo oppose it by force Submit 1 did he say ? He shrunk with detestation from the idea ! Indeed he felt humbled by the seeming necessity of speaking of it but the gen tleman from Virginia (Mr. ShtflTey) Had made it necessary to expose such a ru inous and disgraceful course. Much as he respected, he did not mean to reflect upon the man, but his arguments he ab horred. rTo his mind, every hope that an ac commodation may yet be efTecfed with d Britain, appears perfectly unfounded. If there is a member of this House, too die to examine, or having examined the documents on your table, has not confi dence in their statements, or does not believe that every effort by negociation has been made, such a man deserves not to be convinced to all others, any illus tration of mine is unnecessary. Sir, ne soctaion has been exhausted ; there is ilen-, but conclusive testimony to the fact. Neither within this House, nor without it, to bis knowledge, has any man, however violently opposed to the administration, ventured the slightest intimation to the contrary even the gentleman from Virginia, acure as he Is and bard as he labored against the bill, ilid not suggest a doubt. If, then, nego tiation is exhausted, and it is a fact no where denied, what alternative have we but to fight or succumb I Gentlemen need not dwell upon the miseries, the const quences of war. I dread the curs es of posterity more. But. sir, what are he cau&es of war? Similar injuries with those of which the old Congress complained, and against which they fought. Great-Brifain exercises un bounded sovereignty on the ocean she names the ports and nations, to which alone we should trade" The wanton plunder of our property the unprovok ed impressment of our fellow-citizens ; the assertion of principles and the prac tice upon them, absolutely iucompa.ible with our independence Shall I go on ? No. Gentlemen cannot bear to hear the nauseous catalogue of wrongs repeated, notwithstanding they will not resent them. The. same gentleman from Vir ginia, acknowledges we have had sufli cient and justifiable causes of war, ever since the year-i 1805-6. Indeed 1 what were they I The interruption of a trade during war, not enjoyed in a time of peace. Was the impressment of sea men then, such a cause of war ? If these were justifiable causes of war then, how can he refuse to avenge the wrongs of his country now, increased And extend ed as they are ? To his mind, the in terruption of that foreign carrying trade, injurious as it was, bears no compari son with her restrictions on the exporta tion of our own products. He could not give utterance to the indignation he felt at the imposition of a transit duty on our commerce to any part of the world that Great-Britain might choose to interdict. No the gentleman may reply; the or ders in council do not levy .contribution on oar trade now -they are modified, so as cut to interdict particular places. If one placefVby not every other place ? V But indeed, has that proud unbending nation modified her orders, of whom he declared it wasimpossltle to divert from her purpose h Was it discovered she had taken too rank hold upon the peace able habits: of our people I That the . ' ., ,,,, ' .. t imposition of such a tax, had excited a ferment injurious to hersehVthe cause of which, no sophistry could, conceal f Waa the burning of gin at Baltimore calculated to induce a belief that it might renew the same scenes with v-.the"; de struction of I tea at Boston ? j The out rage, was indeed, too nearly allied to the causes of the revolution, to be borne. The orders are therefore modified but the eVil still exists, the principle is .re tained, and is the same, whether exer cised byher in imposing a taj on our trade, in restricting our commerce to particular places, or in asserting un bounded sovereignty on the ocean. What, at this moment, is the practical operation of her orders I She marks out the course and destination j of your ships, laden with the pi eductions of your own soil if you vary in the j least from the limits she prescribes, jourj proper ty is captured and condemned, ' for contravening his majesty's orders in coun cil I" Shall we be again asked for the causes of war V i The samegentleman ofVirginia asks, what are the objects of the war ? The objects are necessarily involved in the causes of war; and, to his miod, were legitimate, honorable, just arid lecessa ry. The liberation of our unfortunate, incarcerated stamen, is one object ac knowledged by the gentleman to be pro per. The sufferings of this tneritorious description of citizens, who are as much entitled. to protection as any other (no matter how elevated) cannot be pailiat ed, and ought no longer to be endured. The right (not a restricted permission from G. Britain) to a free and common use of the ocean is another. The re nunciation of a principle which exerci ses foreign jurisdiction over us, another. The re-acknowledgement, not in form, but in fact, of independence practical so vereignty another. There can be nei ther securityfor our rights nor! our pro perty, when the power of taxation cca be exercised (it is immaterial under what name or character) without repre sentation ; for surely the produce of la bor is his, who can take of whatever he pleases,' Deprived of thejse great and vital objects, who has a mind to cal culate the result ? And yet, great and vital as they are, they constitute only a part. Will the gentleman reply, they are neither just nor necessary What gave rise to the revolution ? Not a pal try tax on stamps or tea, but the asser tion of the right to those taxes, j What now is our situation ? The principle and practices against which we are cailcd upon to act, are, in magnitude and inv portance, infinitely transcending thoae of thai day. To avoid war, we have re ceded, step by step, until we have not one inch of honorable ground left to stand on. 'Are we not degenerated ? He would be glad to learn from! the gen tleman, which of the numerous outra ges we Ime suffered from G. Britain is greatest ; so numerous are they, it ap. peared, to his mind, almost impossible to determine which is worst, j We are now called upop to assert these objects ; if there is no other practicable mode than fjree, we are bound to make great and cheerful sacrifices to' sustain that force But, suppose unqualified sub mission is yielded, will that satisfy her He thought not. A disposition to ad vance on, a receding opponent, marks her character; your own experience teaches; yield them bat far a cent, or a moment, and ber system is fastened on your neck forever. To war there must be ah end ; to this there never will be. Her system, sir, is levelled at your roost valuable interests : in a pecunia ry point of view, it 'carries poverty and wretchedness every where ; ifi every o thtr, it ought to be spurned vrith detes tation. Indeed, sir, it is fastening a gangrene at the heart of the .nation, which1 will imposthumate in corruption and ruin its life-strings must rot. It has heen said, our constitution is not calculated to sustain a war. It sure ly is not calculated for submission"; if it be, its brightest glories aregone,and his solicitude for its preservation roust vanish with its virtues. He did not be lieve this was the fact. Wat' is this copstitution ? It is a systenY of govern ment which combine a vast variety -tof interests and character in onej great na tional family. Iri this family are ma-; ny peculiar interests ; how, thenia li to be kept? together ? He wished to feel for the people of New-England' ' he ieit toritne,peopievoi!,ine oouio ev have their! . peculiar Sntc&sti.lv That of the eastern section of Vfoid Union Jde pends cean t that of' the southern states, in the possession of a certain . spec its of personal property. . If you withdraw the protection of the general govern raent from either what is there left to cement its attachment to the Union ? Will any man contend that the rights of the one on the ocean are not as dear, or ought not to be maintained, as far as practicable, as inviolate, as those" of the other on the land? But it has been said, by the same gentleman, the peo ple will not support a War fjr any ob ject that does not touch their soil ; There s: ems to be a sort of magic in these words. The British capture Ame rican vessels laden with the products of our own soil, t destined to France the people will not resent this, because the soil is not touched. He would be glad to learn from the gentleman what prin ciple is there, that will justify the sei zure of our produce on its passage from Charleston to Bordeaux, that will riot equally justify the capture of our ves sels bound from' Boston to Ntw-Yotk ? What then becomes of your coasting trade, the most important branch of commerce ? It may all be destroyed ; and yet, according to the doctrines of j the day, the soil Is not touched I But the destiuctioh ofthe coasting.trade is not sufficient to satisfy 'the implacable hatred of the enemy ; the bays, and ri vers and harbors are infested with pi rates ; every thing that floated on their broad besoms is j also destroyed this comes still nearer, the land, yet the soil isobtn.uched 1 Suppose the soil is touch ed, the hostile standard planted on the castle, and Boston laid in ashes will the gentleman be contented to drive the enemy to the lines ? He dare not follow them beyond it' would be fo reign war ! Yes, sir, just as much fo reign war as we propose; to wage the people will not bear it ! This is just such stuff as dreams are made of." The soil, sir, is touched he felt it eve ry man must, feel it in his pocket, if not in his heart, that the soil is touched, is violated. The violation reaches tO: the fire-side of every man in the nation and the violators ought to find that the day ofretribu ion is come. But, it is said, this war will not do, it will not be popular ; that the provoca tions in '98 were gi eater than they now are, and yet the ofd republicans oppos ed the war of that day. Ir was not his intention to follow the gentleman (Mr. Stanford) through his long details of those times. He was unwilling now to excite feelings log since buried. V appeared to him that hm gentleman's opposition- was induced by . a singular cause indeed. It! seems we have adopt ed a new rule at the present session one not prac isid on, in '98 ; and as there was no warUhen, it will be' out of order to resort to jit now. Mr. Stanford explained, that he had not said theie was no war then, but that he had been opposed to the war.) He thought, continued Mr. Williams, it was not material to enquire-, whether the pr vocation was greater in '98 or now; but whether the present causes of war can no otherwise be, removed ; and if not, is war therefore necessary and just ? But if we must look back into the amount of our losses then ; if gentlemen must be met upon their mi serable calculations of pounds, shillings and pence, let us examine the state ments of the gentleman from ; North Carolina ; 5 if I mistake him. I shall he glad to be corrected. I understood him' to say, the proof was indisputable, that the injuries then were greater than the present, because, in the Louisiana trea ty, there was a' stipulation for the pay ment of more than three millions 'of dollars to American citizens, being the amount of depredation on our . com merce by jFrance ; and that this sum far exceeded the losses sustained by the Orders, in Council The gentleman is unfortunate in his comparison." sthQ' there are no documents in the posses sion ofthe House jwhiclishew; the ,nunV ber of captures uncler the order in coun cil, from" the best estimate tlje could mske, and from ttie opinion of practical men in the House, that amount falls far short oPthe recent captures which arc every hour increasing, ': Since the deci sion of ;Sir Wm,Scott, in thecise of the Fox, jninety others (he speke from memo hadbecn1 average value of ; these vessels and car goVsy is tchstdeVejJ lowi Vtjifty ; thousand dollarsand io the aggregate, far exceed the losses' lie has alluded to. 'Whcff ft Uriweniberedtbfc rieahTneiittanwithheld aheirVshih 1 11 : ments to Taefoij ai:er;-theasel of the' Horw1?(BVn9 It Ulvreyidett been as deadly, as . in t such circunistan ess they could bejllsher prpfre quired I j -Lk .to t he 'tHeywiitrnot;a : under the orders in council for less than ' awar;preMjriii -',;:y-j Wj ?keo Iheentleman gihiaVxMrShie,iEfey army nowy j wbjTwe ir efused totdo itiiri '98? Was it because we'were xktn out9 but aft now: iri 4The sheer bolHicianl' the : man! who; seeks ja' seat in this;:Hciis(fe "'f for what ' he, cagetjSo one can mbre ;,V . ' heartily despise .thaif jiimseiSticjb ard '.'..vJ.1 the circu ntstaicfe of t and out ; : huhq v men who' comeiiere to tepiresenjnind pfbmqte the intersv of, the country r w ho ask, yfho aeekJwhO; visnf ;fbif;no thing for thcmseivesi cnnof) lejihflti ; enced by any'sach unworthy cohsidera ; tions. Argument upon this point ts;su perfluous: Hp appealed tdhe gentlest man himself for the facti - He Sjufd nqt i but consider the inducements to avoid the war of '98 to be ve r y different frpnn such as present themselves now. v What was our situation then DoesVibjsar the least reseSrcbl&nce We then enjoyed a rbspfercus 'trade with G. Britain which the gentleman, states o be to! that of France as32;to 2. Neutrality was then : practicably:, we were in fact reaping' the golden .fruits w neutral trade, were poprmg vy niie aiiiis jicn aijcaiu ino ouf country from 5 very part of he world ; we were then growing rich j arid' great ; ; it surely wa inexpedient to go to war ;w;ei could gaui nothing by i -it was madness. Dp these circumstances exist now ? But the people Avere -jealous of t lie army in '98. He wisheaVJvB iouldipealc of the transac :ions of those day s without alluding to facts calculated to exciteiin pleasant, feelings. This was not his ob ject. W by were they jealous ?V They saw that the army was palpably Useless, or worse. I It! was impossible ,to employe it against France not so against them sclvcsl The alien and sedition Iaws- the doctrine of the necessity of humbling y in dust and ashes a great jdemocratic state, filled them with; alarms ;lthey; feared thbir then rulers intended ch an ge t h e gc vern men t, and that the aj my was, the instrument to effect th,atv purpose. Tf e yolii nt eers too werfc op posed their Pretorian bandsbecause the ' ppwri vej tedV id' the;tate5f in;: rela tion to thern , was contravened. The states were robbed of the absolute right .to ofBcer them ; he said robbed, as that power which is wisely, given to the states, as a counterpoise to the physiCalfoVce ; of the, general govtrninenti -Was uncon stitutionally taken frprri them and givert , to 'the Presio'ehV alone. -V; iN'iv J; He understoodi the gentleman Trpm Virginia, (Mr. SheffeyX to say i We wer e going to war for- iamcle0')' i' if the orders were repealed to-mbrrow the trade to France; was not worth hav ing. What are tle orders oh said ; he. Not hing a they were cyT paper arid ink. The deep inroad that horrible sys-'. tern has made on the character and in terest of his country, ought bet to he so. considered. Is it possibley here shbuld be one man left in the nation, whoxaa thibk the revocation of a principle Vhich - not only snuts tne continent or iurops against your cpmmerce,,but warrants '.if extension ! through : every specie and grade of inj ury and insuit," only paper and ink l it may be easy, for the gentle man who estimates! national honor as a bubble, to cbntenlpla4heClers in Countil with perfect; indifference ; ;but ior nimsen, nc cuuiu nui see in mcni a- ny thinglthalt was tibt petfiecitiyO loath- -some Sir, Jveavejtaljked so long a- bout trade ; about ; what ought, and what bughtot tolb reard had fbrotten Let us Jobk back Tittle ; pet haps wh; n . we are sensible of what we have lost, we. may be wUlin lo forts to reniitijla that.;ihev theory of, rthe balance pf trade ' between ,n hpue' b&ks( we ritv has cobstantlv. and' berhabs will Continue c to ecei ve vine wisest states- men ; but,Vo far .as our reports from theTjr1eum if - relico omfgWbatitrV w as the -stateii of our commerce m 180 t r Upon ari a- Verage of the years 1 802 , 3. ; itf stood, i. . thus :;p.iKt.firiti?b '.. i -if ! V-' 4" f jjr-- it' vf i f - -mi - 'Sf 4 ::t A, ; - 'V ..3 "4 :4 m . 4 v,,,. i .1 ii. 9- vV.;3 m astern section : of the, U nion de is remerooercu. "wmou5 lur I " - 'upon' the right to navlfte tho fell of the Berlin" and ltlan decrees, e-J,; Cwc . - ' t y' :t-f.'' ' -y'' " i T"-5r'"" i' ""; '1 i-i- "' "' i ' 4 , J !-V"' b ' ' - . Oj! . , w.y '', J --v ;' ' " I'- "' ' A , . tA - '-y - " , - r ' ' -. 1 s" '' J t -v ! - t ii .-o-'-v--'-4'- ;--:v.,A';
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
March 13, 1812, edition 1
1
Click "Submit" to request a review of this page. NCDHC staff will check .
0 / 75