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vm . FRIDAY, MAY 1, 1812. ' ' : , ' J . ' ' :rXo::6sb,-,
Vol. XiII. 1 - i - : ' "LL.'C'"
(33g autljontp.)
X.in' Of TUB ITXtTBD STATES.
AV ACT to authorise ; detachment from the
MUuofthc t'nited Sutct.
r Trt. 5toe flfk ff.tueof
I ca. i Grns autmlkd. That the Preijdcnt
of the Um'.eti states oc, ami u is utic
b) authorised to n quire of the Execu
tifescf iheTcral taca and uniiories
fo take effectual measures to organize
irm and equip, according :trx Uw, and
hold in readiness to. march at a mo
ment' warninet their reactive Pfo
portions of one hundred thout ant mili
tia, officers included, to De apportioned
by the .President of the United S ates,
from the latest militia return in 'h- de
pattmen(bf wrar ; and, in eases where
such returns hate not been madr, by
such other data as he shall judge equit-
ob!e.
See. 2 JnJU it furtbe enacted, That the
detachment of militia aforesaid hall b
officered out of the preseDt militia offi
cers. or others, at the option and dis
cretion of the constitutional au'horiiy in
the resrective-states and territories
the President of the United states ap
Dortior.incr the treneral officers among
the rcsoectire slates and territories, as
he may deem proper, nd he commis-
lioned officers ot the mlitia, wnen can-
ed into actual service, shall be en tled
to the the same pay, raffons and emo
luments as the officers of the army of
the United S.a'es.
Sec J. JnJ U it further ncctrJ. That the
said detachment shall not be compelled
, to senre a longer time than six monthsj
rf erthey arrive at the place ot rendcz-
tous ; and during the time oi tneir ser.
tice the non-com missioned officer mu
sicians and privates shall be entitled to
the same pay and ra.ions as is provided
by Uw for the militia of the U. Stales
when called into actual service.
Sm 1 iaii further enacted. That the
President of the Unittd .States be, and
he hereby is authorised to call into ac
tual service any part, or the whole of
said detachment, in all the exigencies
provided by the constitution, and the
officers, non-commissioned officers
musicians and privates of the said
-
detachment shall be subject to the pe
nalties of the act, entitled w An act,
for culling, forth the militia to execute
the laws of the Union, suppress insur.
i t r i . "T
rccuoos ana rcpei invasions, uu io rc-
Deal the act now in lorce lor those pur
poses, pasted the twenty eighth dav of
rebruary, one thousand seven hundred
and ninety-five ;M and if a pa-t only of
said detachment shall be called into ac
tual service, thev shall be. taken from f
such part thereol, as the President ol
the United States shall deem proper-
Sc 5. And U it Jurtber enacted That in
lieu of whipping, as provided by several
f the rules and articles of war, as now
Used and practised, stoppage of pay, con
finement and deprivation of part of the
rations stull be ubst'ruied io such man
ner as hereinaftrr provided.
Sec 6 And be it further enacted. That any
non-commissioned officer or private be
longing to the aforesaid detachment of
militia, who shall, while in actual service.
be convicted before any court martial of
any offence, which beiore the passing ot
this act might or could have subjected
such person to be whipped, shall, far the,
first offence be put under such stoppages
of pay as such court martial shall ad
judge, net exceeding the one half of one
month's pay for aqy one offence; but
. such offender may, moreover, at the di -cretion
ot suh court martial, be con
fined under guard, on allowance of h Of
rations, any length of time, not exceed
ing ten days fir any one offence, or may;
at the discretion of such court martial,
be miblieJr drummed out of the armv.
Sec. 7. And be it further enacted. That the
r i r. J - 1 1 . L. l.i .
sum Ot one mutton oi uouarj uc ana inc
same is hereby appropriated, to be paid
out of any t monies Jn the treasury not
otherwiscappropriated, towards defray
ing apy expences incurred by virtue of
the provisions of thin act.
Sec. 8 And be it Jurtber enacted, That thia
act shall continue and be in force for
the term of two years from the passing
Ihcreof, and no longer.
HENRY CLAY,
Wm H. CRAWFORD,
Pttdri f tW Su, pro i cm port.
April 10, 1812-Apraovac .
JAMES MADISON.
May be had at J". Galea's Stoic Price 7
PRICE k STROTUER'a
MAP ofMRTH-CAROLWA
Oa Caavaaa and Rolley '
THE EMBARGO.
. From the National Intelligencer.
The following is a copy of a letter address
ed to Gen. Robert Browjj, a Representa
tive from Pennsylvania, together with a let
ter of reply from Jonathan Roberts, Esq.
from the same state, to whom Mr. Urown
was requested to shew the letter. We are
gratified at this opportunity of exhibitine; the
weakness of federal sophistry in vivid con
trast with the strength of Republican truth
and argument.
LETTER TO GEN. ROBERT BROWN.
Philadelphia, JprU 6, 1812.
Sir I address you at the request of
a number of your constituent, Millers
at Easton, in order ih3t you may dis
tinctly understand that the Embargo, as
imposed f r ninety d.ys, is productive
of very injurious consequences to them.
ard if followed by war, as is expected,
will occasion their ruin.
An Embargo merely for one mon'h,
at this season of the year, inasmuch as
i: delays shipments until their arrival
in Europe is so near the European har
vest that the prices arc affected, would
he highly detrimental ; continue it ninc
;y days, you produce mt serious loss ;
if followed by war inevitable ruin results.
You will do me the justice to believe,
that in this address I have no intention
to question the propriety of any vote
y:u mar give j my intention is soltly
to point out to you the consequences to
your constituents. When they shall
find themselves precipitated from the
iights uf prospeiity to beggary, th.y
will question. You will no doubt have
fortified yourself with sufficient reasons ;
it may however not be i l-timed to for
warn vou. that nothing known to the
world will answer. Being bound in ho
nor to France, is a veil of gauze distinct
ly seen through by the blaze of the A
merican ships on the ocean: The am
bition to possess Florida will have but
little influence on persons dispossessed
of their homes by the Sheriff.; Tell
them the Orders in Council are not re
scinded, they will reply that tho-e or
ders neither diminish ificir profits nor
their happiness, but as boih were involv
ed by a crooked insidious policy pursu
ed by M Madison in the face ol truth
Sc supported by a majority in Congress.
Mystery will avail nothing. The wretch
ed are clear sighted, and they will soon
discover the depth of any pretext. They
cannot be deceived, they will not suffer
without complaint.
To you, sir, they lookup at this cri
sis ; they call on you to save from de
struction one of the most extensive of
the manufacturing interests of the coun
try ; that interest essentially connected
with the agricultural, which is the vital
inttrestin the country. I allude to the
milling which is emphatically, what I
havedescr.bed it, of primary importance.
I am aware that you may think I use
too mut h freedom, but, sir, I wish this
letter thewn to Mr. Roberts and to Mr.
R:dman, fr it is intended for all. 1 do
not pretend to question or impeach your
mo'ives. I wish you to lay it to you un
derstandings and to your consciences
then do what you think right before God
and man and shall conclude with re
pealing, that on you the welfare or ruin
ot thousands depends, and that you are
warned of it at the request of several of
your anxious constituents.
Your fellow citizen,
P. HOLLINGSWORTH.
"
Wabmgton, April 13, 1812.
To Mr. P. HoLLiNGawoRTH.
Sik A letter ad dressed by you to
General Brown, of date the 6th inst
which you state to have been written at
the request of a number of h"i3 constitu
ents. Millers at Easton, on the subject of
an Embargo and War, has, at your re
quesi, been put into my hand. You must
be aware sir, that your letter bears on its
face something like impertinence ; not
withstanding which, I am disposed not
to question the legitimacy of your com
mission to address us, nor the right of
the Easton Millers to appoint you their
attorney in the business. The fidelity
with which you have executed your trust,
I concern not myself with.
It has however become proper for me
to pass", in review the soundness and
consistency of your 'strictures, your cen
surcs and your admonitions. This, sir;
I shall do with equal freedom and can
dor ; as I believe neither the time nor
the occasion justifies any other course.
Personally.toyou, I aman utter stranger.
Judging of you therefore through the
medium of your letter only, if I am
forced to disclose- imoressions which
may not flatter yqb, you can easily dis
cover the cause why I shall have been
thus unfortunate the misuse pf your
pencil. !'!'-.
You remark that an embargo will in
jure the Easton Millers followed by
war. it will inv Ive them in abolute ruin.
If such shall be the result, you cannot re
gret it more than I shall. As far as I
had it in my pqwer they have bee fur
nishtd with information in due time df
what was likely to. take place, and stood
ddvised of the necessity of caution in
their dealing. How far you 'may feel
a. quitted of pursuing a like course, I
presume not tp jdge. j j
The minon'tym Cogrss have obsti
nately persistedindenyingthe sincerity of
the majority in making preparations for
war. If theIillers at Easton have be
come the victims of a delusion thus pro
duced by this illiberality in the Congres
siopal minority and their friends, with
them lies the responsibility, not with us.
That an en.bar.go artd war wilj-be pro
duct ive jof private embarrassment, is cer
tain ; but a view of the circumstances
which will result from a failure o resort
to war tinder the present-relations be
tween the U. S. and G. Britain or a re
sort to war without a previous embargo,
will show that this latter alternative
would work greater evil. Had:, war been
declared without warning to mer
chants to arm or forbear' roaklngv ship
ments, (heir ships must have been liable
to ruinous depreda'ion, while neither
they nor the nation would have had in
opportuniiy of retaliating the injury on
the depredator. In such an eve, t, the
cfamors at the coffee-house would have
been louder at this time. An embirgo
therefore became an indispensable mea
sure preparatory to a state of war. Af
ter a lapse of near four months from the
adoption of the report of the committee
of foreign relations by the House of Re-
pres nutives, taken toge. her with the
subsequent transactions of Congress, a
strange blindness, to give it no harsher
name, to the current of events, only,
could have induced the involvement of
those engaged in the manufacturing of
flour in deep losses.
I presume sir, you will hardlyaccuse
Congress of precipitancy in the com
mencement of a war, or the Executive
of an improper solici udc to hasten that
event, j If you are prepared to aver hat
America has no cause of war with Eng
land, which your letter seems to infer,
you are! the only man I have found who
holds such an opinion. Almost all a-
gree there are many sufficient causes of
war, and that the cataloguers daily in
creasing by a repetition of injuries, any
one of which calls for resistance with all
the energies of the nation. Let me call
your attention to the period when these
utrages commenced, and to their cha
racter. ! :
The impressment of American sea
men into the British naval service, has
been an outrage endued so long that it
is as painful to the American mi rid to
recur to the time of its commencement,
as to contemplate the atrocity of its cha
racter, or to behold the utter prostration
of national independence in this most o
dious of all species of personal enthral-
ment. The seizure of our vessels in
our own waters, and on our 'own coasts,
is another wrong which to overlook
would be to disavow one of the most va
luable of our national rights. This too
is an injury which we have so long
sought to avert by negociatfon ineffectu
ally, that some politicians may have far
gotten its nature. But the1 interdiction
of commercial intercourse betwecp this
nation and others in amity with it, in
the produce of our own soil and industry,
which has existed since 1806, either in
the shape of paper blockades or orders
in council, and against which this Go
vernment has remonstrated, negociated,
and even supplicated, withoif obtaining
the least mitigation of the injury done
it, has completed the climax of aggres
sion. To the ab ive cited effrns to ob
tain even a forbearance on the part of
Britain from further injuring! our com
merce, restrictions of a pacific character
have been applied with as little success.
Under such circumstances, when the
essential principles of that independency
which was achieved through tremendous
perils, rather than pay a j three-penn)
duty on , tea, is violently and pertina
ciously attacked, by that j very nation
whose shackles were then gloriously
broken ; arc the councils of the nation
to be influenced by 'any consideration
less than one that involves1 the vital in.
terests of the whole American people
F trust not.
In the contemplated state
of war, the coffee-house may not ave
jits present influence ; particular branch
es ofbusiness, perhaps, must suffer ; a
considerable amount of industry mav be
taken into military pursuits ; some sa
crifices of profit and convenience the na
tion must make, but they will be offer-
ed on the altar of public good and
na-
tional independence.
4-The administratibn with long conti
nued and unceasing effort 9 has sought
to avoid war by negociation and pa
appeals to the interest of the British: na
tion, until oppression and violence fjave
by turn incorporated themselves to
the permanent policy of her government.
In the recent debates of their P-liarnnt
the ministerial speakers did not confine
themselves in their defence of the Or
ders in Council to the principles ol re
taliation on their enemy, but assumed
the ground that they were a part of an
obvious policy to weaken or at least pre
vent the growth of a commercial ifival
in the United States. .We then have
no choice but open war or submission
to a doctrine of absolute recolnnization.
On such an occasion there can be no
doubt which of the alternatives will be
chosen by the high-spirited people com
posing the American commonwealth.
I value the spirit of enterprize of our
merchants as highly as any man, end no
one could feel , more disposed to foster
and encourage it, could it be done with
out a surrender of that proud spirit of
independence "and high sense of justice
which would be ill exchanged indeed for
the commerce of the world. The Ame
rican people I feel confident are incapa
ble of bartering virtue forgainf and that
now, as in 1776, in their estimation no
thing is valuable in the absence of the
dear-bought gem of independence.
I shall now, sir, notice more particu
larly some parts of yotifr letter,. You ask
it of us as a justice, that we should not
consider you as questioning the propri
ety of any vote we may have given, anrj
in the sequel of the same paragraph you
observe that the orders in council have
neither injured fche interesTsnor the hap
piness of our constituents only " as both
have been involved by a crocked and in
sidious policy pursued by Mr. Madison
in the face of truth ahd supported by a
majority in Congress." Let me request
you to piuse over this sentence and ask
your conscience if a man of truth and
candor could have penned it ? Y u com
mence with declaring you do not im
peach our motives ; you conclude with
saying a majority, to. which two of those
you address are proud to belong, have
involved the interest and happiness of
those f r whom you act, by pursuing a
crooked and wicked policy in the face
of truih. Twice in your letler you say
you do not impeach" our motives, and yet
you charge us, being of the majority of
Congress with pursuing a wicked! poli
cy in the face of truth, destructive of the
interests ahd happiness of those whose
interests and happinessit is our official
duty, as it ought to be our caie, to con
serve. This charge lies particularly a
gainst Cen. Brown, supposing ytu to
refer more particularly to4fme'past. It
would be an unnecessary task for me to
defend Gen. Brown's character against
your criminations. H s whole life has
been one continued di'play of amiable
and- useful virtues. The bitterness of
party asperity- cannot fix a hhmikh on
his character Ihtheresent disputes
with Britain he d-ffers From you in opi
nionso would he have done, very pos
sibly, at the sera of independence, had
you been mature enough To have form
ed one. His virtue was then tested by
dn'imprisonmentiunder the British at
New-York, incurred by his being found
iq arms in aeience ox nis country's
rights ; .ahd not a single act of; his pub
lic or private life since has been at vari
ance with his conduct at " that time.
We utterly disclaim your assumption
that any obligation; to France either
ought or does Influence u to We for
measures preparatory to a war with Eng
land. ' To France:the United States owe
nothing. She owes them much indem
nity for .sfMliaticti :mtihlon their
commerce, which-she has 'rtherto juh-
juslly . withheld But 'whence,' sir, tbi
solicitude to brand a( majority or
cress 4 mxiidlui P artialtt ifLi
Con-
to a-
pologizt for. their bcing-tfelt Somewhere
else Fur thereto press IhisT pirtjoj
your letter I' forbear thaust 4odd
serve that your charge of wickedness.
on Congress and on, the President, as
attccting me interests or me citizens,
while yoii dehylhat the orders idjcptin
cil have produced such an affecty is-
ciose something like foreign partiali
'ties, not for one, foreign- nations more
than another, (mt for a, foreigti govern.'
ment in preference itqiour own.r 'In ypup
insinuation that an- ambition , .to-posseas.
Florida actuates us toiorkrntJ :
England; ybU jCut up ypwr own argii-.
ment. In seizing F(oridawe sficruld be
a,s likely tojneur a dispute with France
as England, if not more so. Tp suchi
arguments, sir; we shall not recur i de
fence of otir votes. I'Beassuredwe have
neither acted without consulting our con
sciences nor without a due regard to
our responsibility to those who have Con
stituted, us their representatives. We
at all times hold ourselves accountable
for our stewardship to them, yen oa
very slight evidence of your authority
'o act for any jof them, we do not plead
irresponsibiijiy' to you. '
It, will be obvious to. you that in this
reply I have not sought to be over cour
teous with you, -your letter released
me from that obligation I trust you
wiH 'not accuse me of a failure to fulfil
my promise to deal freely and candidly
with you. f
In taking leave, suffer me to intimate
to you, that to the very doctrines set
forth in your letter', held and promul
gated by a few who thing with you, we i
owe vary much, if not entitely, bur ne
cessity at this t me to go to war. A be
lief on the part of G. Britain, which she
has sufficiently disclosed to the worlds '
that she had many partizans in Ameri
ca who are able so to divide and paraj
ize our councils, as. to make us unequal
to self-defence, uas invited andencourag-
ed her aeeressions, and still enco'uracres
f r . J
a persistance in them ih face of the most
imminent hazard of a wan, f , ! -; :
While your letter, sir, proves that
there are a few persons but of Oohgress N
who are ready to succumb to British do--mination-and
outrage ; yet. from the ac
ceptance of honorable and reponsible.
military commissions by the" most re
spectable members of the federal prty,
it must be manifest that the nation is
assuming an attitude for a resistance as
formidable as its wrongs have been mon
strous and long continuing.
In your own words, I wish you to lay
these things to your understanding and
to your conscience, and then act as you
think right before God and man.
With American feelings,
Y cur fellow-citizen, -jONAril
AN ROBERTS.
AaMaMaaMaaVMMMMMMHMMMHnaMaHHHBHMHN
PROPOSAL . ;
By Thomas DcMon 2d South St. PbUdeipbia
For Publishing by Subscription, ..
. l' ' i THE V .
History of North-Carolina.
B Hugh Williamson, M. D. L. L: D. ;
Member of the Holland Society of Science, of the focjy
of am and science, at Utrecht, and of .the Anie
can Philosophical fociety, 8tc. &c. &c. r
CONDITIONS.
The Work is now in the press, and will be -comprised
in two handsome octavo volumes,
printed on superfine wove papery with an ex
cellent type ; and will have a Map of N. Ca
rolina, engraved on purpose for the worki pit .
fixed to the first volume.' It will be delivered
to subscribers at four dollars for the two vols,
neatly bound "and lettered, pajable on deliver
of the books No copy yrill be dehytred with
out the .money ,;or such" copies as may not
be subscribed Yor ; when the work is finished,
the price wfll be four dollars and a half
CCj Subscriptions received at ,7 Galea's Store
-WILt BE SOLD
Atthe Court-house'in Asheboroujjh, Randolph
County, pn the 20th May next,
THE following tiacts of land, or so much
thereof as will pay the taxes and costs--for
adveuisinsr. for the year! 1810. via.
360 acres on Deep river,' boanded by Rat
chft's lines.:--' ''- ' '
700 dodof Juhen'l Ho lines.
SCO
do lido UfnderhilTs do
- . ?do -'ttdb -"do'-"" do
da;7Wdo' Henley's ' do "'
k 7;gdo''- ! j do Dollarhkie's do
do ,: Little River do Craveso
500
500
500 .
930
410
560
500
500
do
do do, do v
do : Brookshier's do.
ido Xkithim's do
do .r1' i'dai?l do ;
da
:do
$00: do Hannah's Creek do Brooksbier da
500 do Betty MGee's Creek, Balfour's do
- The above land ia supposed jo be the projjer-
ty of one O'Daniel of Baltimore, and was hot
given in for the year 181f. ,
K JSAAC BANE, Sh'C
April 5; 1812. ? : 43t S7
. - WILL BE SOLp . . f
On Saturday; the 16th of ,May next, at the
Coorf-house in Elizabfth, Bladen county;
THE followiBgairds lying !7 in the said
County, or so trnch thereof" as will d is-.
charge the. Taxes due thereon for the year
1809 : :,-.'..?: v' ,
- 4000 acres the property of Jacob Rhodes .
, 300 do the property of Robert Gibbs. ;
625 do the property of Stephen Starling.
, .MATTHEW KELLY, Shff,
March 10. - 54r
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