7
- V ;
MAI
AND
NORTH-CAROLINA' GAZETTE,
Ooriaretbe plant of fair, delightful Peace,
UnwarpV! by party rage, to lift like. rothcri.M
Vcl. XVIII.
FRIDAY, AUGUST 8, 1817.
No. 933
6
-1
4f
V
AGRICULTURE.
To the Editor of the Raleigh Register,
I propose communicating to the pub!
lie, through the medium of your pa-j
per. such information on the-subject j
or Agri c u 1 1 are as I m ay be abl e to ob -j
tain,ithcr from my own. experience,!
that of others communicated personal-1
iv to me, or from the most approved
works written on the subject !
I shal I avail myself of either, or a
combination of the whole of these re
c ou rces , i n writi ng each number, ac
cording to the nature or importance
of the subject ; with regard to the
latter resource, to wit, Agricultural
Eooks, I promise that they shall be
diligently consulted, and that all in
formation scattered over many volumes
which ma v be valuable to farm ers, shall j
be faithfully collected, properly arran
ged, and presented to them. This in -.
for matiu n , perhaps, wil I ile.se rve some
attention, when it is considered that
it will be drawn from books that
are expensive and voluminous, and
some of them scarce, and therefor
oouy oi l--T- - . n
ft hr, 1 also be clothed in language i ;
plain and perspicuous, so as to be a-,
d a ptcd to th e capacities and attai n -
merits
euort:r m tne pursuits
it is not to ne supposeu, mac l sna.u
reamimend practices them wh
are at variance with oun common m-
Xeresrs. me on.y iw u w.wV .m
- rr-i . . i i ...k:i. t
desire, for the time and labor which jj
must necessanlv be bestowed in ac-
cuiiing and communicating agricultu-l
ral informatio!! to the public, is, that,
it iuavhae a tendency to awaken our j
fin me is to a better sene of their inte-,
rest, to excite in them a spirit of en-1
quir v and research, and a thirst for
. acqturitjg better information than they j
no w posses s u n the sudj ect3 oi ineir
pursuit. :;vr:v'.'-;:;7--
Should such a tendency be effected,
may we not confulentlv hope that pre
judice, the great bar to improvements '
in agriculture, wil i be destroyed , and j
that farmers, when convinced of their
present imperfect nudes of husban
drv, will be disposed to euquiic after
and adopt metier. "'.-
v r . j. ir -x ' : societv, to be made perpetual and de
radicate these jrtMi( ives as well writ-. j .. -. 7 . .
v ' , 4, ' . f- nmn ! finite bv organising its possessors into
ton hooks on th' su :: t ot agriculture. , ; . .,- p, r
.t ii.it lim; ii L.sii hnr.ks ni-p in Iip m
f-.iind in the house or li br a r i es of m r '
fanners ; perhaps we may find in their 1 1
vovo-sion a well written work onme-1 1
t i.-tnn 1:1 nmi Qfirtii-nt tup 5rifnr-
but not one on the subject of agncul- j j '
ture, the most important and interest-! i
l.f ..I.-,. K-.f ..'!,.;, ,A.1t..r tr J
UU L tl IW Lliai UI llll.II liujium Tt I '
. .
is from an ignorance d ancul-,
ture, that farmers in general take so ; i
little interest in and ieel so little emu-l i
mtr to them -'jif all "-temporal pursuits,-1 1 , , r. - '
- r , - t ?i ,k '. t sut ceeel very ditieiently in the same i
one upon winch notoatv t.'.eir '.atiDtst- ! , , . . ...
1 . i , r. j , I pursuits. A part ol tins dilierence
t-nce, comfort and liapLti.tvs depends, , , 1 . . . ,. .r
,i:. 4:.w,; ; f , M
Bv many
or -distinction m their i)iirhuiti. I r T i, r'
v it is supposed, that agi icul-!r;thflutheac,luls.,tlou .jects
ihe only profession which it- however, i certain, that a
1 II T"f tfi
a farmer as soon as he enters on the
possession of a farm. Hence, without
doubt, arises the miserable state of a
f i iculture ainon; us, and the mnny
nnsuccessfel attempts by individuals,
who have fai!el from no otiicr cause,
Than the want of butHcicnt knowledge
ar.-i experience.
In North-Carolina, the stafc of a
gricult'ire is at the lowest ebb ; I speak
not tlits with rcpo;ch, but with the
dirpr-t reiret. lint I am happy to
behold ;t spirit fr improvementand
impn-.vp -.I'lits-makir in some secti-
r, i i...c State, which I hope wll not '
i i t t 'in . i
Ae-it.cai, nut will i:r time extend to
overv part of it.
T': e is :i wide space between the
pieMMit ar.d a more permanent st.ito
and
ff agriculture. Much' is to be done to! I
arrive at this desirable state. Our nrp. ll
quires little of no skill or previous 1 j P;t evnry community will be more
LiouledM-. and that a man la'comes!hI',e a:itl 1lustnous -d ill acquire
I sent, is a land-killing sviior.i, which
ore
must be altcret! tor the better : for if
persevered in-it must alternate v isue
r.t, nu?ciy a..il deporr.lation.
Agriculture, as a;i art, consists notirJ.
t.a- impoverishment, but in the conti-i i
!i.:al iniprovement of the soil.
i : tdect these imj l avements, it M
beiioves men of liberal (ortuncs and i
:jterpri7.e (whosemeans and 'vrhos'j : j
int'dl'iQncs enable them to seek after;
alio a:ipt improveii urn
;les of agricul-'j
d them to thz i
U!-v Hud t fecoir.mcnd
attention of their fellow-citizens, by
teaching their utility & practicability)
to step forward in so laudable an un
dertaking. Nothing can be more wor
thy of the liberal and patriotic mind ;
for improvements made in agriculture
are not only io affect those now living,
but descend to future ages, and dis
pense hap piness and wealth to gen e -rations
yet unborn.
AGRICOLA.
ENGLAND.
FROM THE BOSTON CIJHOXICXE WTMOTV
'Sixth Letter on the present state of
-.- England.
Further "'enquiry' into the value of the British
Constitution. Conclusion that it is radi
cal!)' faulty in sacrificing the interest of the
people to that of the privileged orders.
In my last letter I entered into an
examination of the value of the Bri-
! tish Constitution, and endeavored to
shew that it was defective, in the first I
! place in not providing for the welfare
j of the extensive and populous depen-
dencies of the British Islands ; and
ire of the great mass of people at
, . V, r
ner s;one of the svstemi-that
; this inequality was first introduced by
era
actual- j
exist pn'r i
ieu iri favor oflt were not conclu-i
If ; not sn!hit. h.vovor: I
t in defending the cause.
I shall now
tm th nbiPrf n littlo m,-P nt
. 1 , "i , ;
K rr . j;, r i
cies is altogether ind e i e n si ble. It will .
be found tliat Montesquieu has not ur
ged his own arguments in all their;
i force, and that the additional reasons '
on v. hit h his system lias been defend
ed are also insutlici e n t to prove it.
The consistent advocate of heredi
t a ry ran k a nd for tu n e w ill endeavor
to maintain these two points.
1. That in every community there
is a natural aristocracy that is, a
natural inequality of talents and in
dustry, which in the progress of socie
ty, will grow up into inequality of
wealth and influence.
2. That this inequality of "wealth
and influence, ought for the jrood of
. o .
The first of these points it is not
necessary to contest, and the ex peri-
. ii en- . 5
ence ot 'what is passing around us eve-
J . .. .. . . . -
1
see that individuals placed in nearly ;
same external cu cumstances and !
.vimv-u uiiu ..-w.in.
J 1 . - . . . .-
o-trill r.fkfi'arc 1 Oil .i i-iiir itir t in rtl
. . . , - . .
,ot eif operat.ng upCn the
leve (.ent of original powers by e-
"uiauuu umi uic suticssuti exercise
more wealth and inHuence than the
rest, and those who like the term may
denominate this portion a natural a
rhtocracy. The second point, there
fore, is the one deserving most atten
tion, whether it be proper to erect
this natural aristocracy into an here
ditary and privileged class.
Now it may be observed, in the
first place, that this is naturally im-j
possible to be accompliued, however
advisable it . might be. It inav be ad
mitted, after making all proper allow- ,
ances for extraordinary good fortune
and even for successful intrigue, art !
and villainy, that the personal acnui-.
sition of wealth and inlluence, does, '
generally speaking and upon an ave-
rage oi cases, prc-suppose talents and
some iegree of virtue such virtues I j
'nean 25 activity and industry. Now !
if - anv - political regulation could be
maue by which the possession oi these!
gootfqualities should be made heredi-j
i ta: v, as we!! as the wealth and influ
euce whicli they confer, and a very
considerable share of power should be
given to t!ie owners of this joint stock,
1 c institution would probablybe very !
beneficial. What state could be bet-1
tci" governed than that iu which ta-j
'e:ts and virtue had contracted a per-:
petual alliance with wealth & power ?
t'niortuaatcly the effect of hercdi.
..Ill . ll I.I O I
, tary distinctions is the reverse of all
this, and tends directly to unite wealth
j and power with imbecility and vice.
Suppose the real natural aristocmcyi
the possessors of talents and virtue.to
; be ennobled and invested with here
ditary rank and wealth, and suppose
them, which is itself very doubtful, to
possess so much virtue as to stand the
shock themsel ves and avoid corrup
tion, their children, the very next ge
neration, i n stead of being Corn to in
dustry and action, and trained up to
wholesome temperance and self-denial,
are nursed in th? L:som of indo
lence and luxury V hat is the con
sequence r They 're weak and vi
cious, and by the continued operation
of the same causes, their characters
degenerate from generation to genera
tion -Meanwhile the entail of wealth
and power goes on unbroken, and the
care of the state falls into the hands
of a heartless, effeminate and vicious
nobility. They are of course incapa
ble of transacting the business of the
state themselves. They have quite
deferent things to think of from mak
ing themselves statesmen or warriors.
They must act by deputy and their
deputies will be taken from the num
ber of those who are mean and depra
ved enough to obtain their favor.
Thus we eee that in attempting to
perpetuate the natural aristocracy, by
making wea I th and power hereditary
in families, vou accomplish the direct
-a . - - A
reverse of votir object. Nature her-
self has a tendency to continue the nos
hands of talents and virtue for no
reason can be given why the same cau
ses which effected this union in the
first generation should not effect it in
the second. It is trua that they would
all pass from family to family, but
thev nould still exist together. But
by giving to vice and imbecility near
ly all the power in the stuteVyou make
it impossible for talents and virtue to j
obtain it. Instead of perpetuating, you
destroy the natural aristocracy and e
rect an artificial aristocracy on pre-!
cisely the opposite principle. I have
thought it proper to dwell at some '
length on this point, because it has 1
been either an art or an error with '
some to confound the cause of the Tza-'
iural and artificicd aristocracy, and
persuade themselves of others, that be-!
cause power and virtue migh t concur
in a natural state of society, the pos
session of the former would in all ca
ses suppose the possession of the lat
ter. 1 conclude that it is im m possi
ble to erect the natural aristocracy in
to an hereditary nobility that is, to
make talents and virtue hereditary.
' But, say the advocates of privileged
classes, since we cannot confer here
ditary nobility on talents and virtue,
let us at leasrhave it some way or o
th er in the state, a n d that for two rea -sons
-!. To defend the distinguished
few, who are in' dauirer ffm the vio-
j lence of the jealous many; and this is
j the reason given by Mou'esquieu. .
lo defend the people from them-!
j selves to have a fixed and perma-
nent body in the country that may ar- j
rest the rash enterprises of the fickle '
and changeful people who are their j
own worst enemies. Jet us examine
both these reasons.
1. Who are this distinguished few
that require to be protected r Do we !
mean the nobility themselves the ar tificial
aristociacy ? That would be !
absurd, since it would suppose them
to exist before their institution. Do
we
mean the natural aristocracy
those who have acquired distinction
by their personal merit and talents ?
It has been shewn already that the ar
tilicial aristocracy instead of protect
ing this class of people, are their worst
enemies. They take out of the field
of competition a great part of the
wealth and power that woujd other
wise be accessible to all ; and thusdi-
m i n i ii v e ry much the number ofpe r
sons who can acquire these objects and
thsir influence in society. In addi-
tion to which there will always bean
active and inveterate opposition be
tween vice and imbecility invested
with wealth and puwer on the one
hand, and the influence of the honest
and active part ofsociety on the other.
2. But the people must be protect
ed from themselves from the effects
of their own rash and unthinking re
solves, and for this purpose, if for no
other, we must have an hereditary no
bility wc must have something firm
and stable -w a must found the state
upon a rock, that the storms of sud-j
den passion may spend their rae up-j
on it in vain we must have a class of
men that may be able to say, in the
language ot the beautiful fragment or
Alcaeus, V
From side to sVle the waves of party roll,
As pass on prompts or interest sways the
" , SOXll . "' ... . ;..'.. J
Rut we, regardless, grasp the helm oft
.;''. state " " !
With steady hand and laugh at chance and
" fate.;-,. .
If, however, we analyse this reason
ing a little, we shall find that instead
of securing the people from the dan
ger apprehended, this scheme of rc-
lief delivers them over at once to the
very enemy we wish to avoid. Your
object is to guard against themachina-
tions of unprincipled men of talents,
. .
who may aim at exciting popular com
motions or acquiring power for sel
fish purposes. Now nothing can be a
better engine for such persons to use
in the accomplishment of their views
than a body of men, powerful in the
state bv circumstance and accident,
but efiemmate and weak, and liable to
be duped by every artful intriguer
that cliooses to attempt it. In a state
where equality of rank and fortune
prevails to the degreethat it natural
ly will, where no positive regulations
arc. introduced. to the contrary, a tur
bulent man has very little stufl'to ope
rate upon. As there is no very great
i number of overgrown fortunes, so
there is on the other hand no starving j ! sate for society, and you put them in
! populace ready to take fire at the j tne. hands cf hereilitary possessors
smallest excitement. Industry is ne- ! ow in truth it i only the artificial
i cessary for a living, and almost everv j splendor that these public offices re-
body has something to attend to more jtceive from being associated with the
important than joining in a popular i hereditary possession of rank and
commotion at the solicitation of an in -
terested individual. But after all it
is said popular governments are sub -
ject to fluctuation; and there is really
a greater stability and permanency in
monarchical institutions. We find by
the histories of the ancient Republics
that they were hardly ever quiet. -Rome,
for instance, the most power
ful and distinguished of them all, was
constantly harassed by civil dissen
tions, till her liberties sunk under mi
litary despotism. From the last of
the kings to the first of the emperors,
the interval is filled up without inter
ruption by a series of disputes between
the Patricians and the Plebeians and
so of all the other Republics of which !; ,n'e tne la w, yhen tlie government
we have any historical record. ''.-These jv-"as entirely military, and when it
examples, however, properly under- was so ar from being thought necessa
stood, are directly opposed to the es- rY ctnsult the good of the who!e
tablishmerit of hereditary orders in-1 that the people at large formed in rea- -
stead of being in favor of them. The
existence of such institutions in the
stlte has been the unfailing cause of,
i all these troubles and disorderj.' It is i
j natural and necessary that the people
r citkitifl Ik A'lYi? a Mtitt!Amifl Vk..? f
(iivcaiai vvilu vusiiiiciitMis aim u.u van
tages to wliich they have no personal
claim. Such a thing is in ;fself a just
and reasonable cause of complaint,
and it needs no argument to shew how
ready ami fine a topic it is for a po
pular declaiiner. You may indeed,
rejn'ess in a great degree the public
expression of such discontents by
strengtheuin the arm of the privileged
classes, till they are able to beat down
the people to thz dust, and till public !
opinion itself is debased to the level
of the general degradation. Such is
the state oi things in tlie deipotisns
of the East, but unless such a sys
tem is iutroduced.there is no other sc-
j curity from popular commotion and
discontent, but givfng to tlie people
their just and fair rights. Thus you
remove the source of real complaint as
far as it exists, and with it the preten
ces of demagogues and declaimers.
It may be shewn indeed by labori
ous induction that no government e
ver existed, at least in Europe, in
which there were not hereditary dis
tinctions of some kind or other. In
stead, however, of drawing from this
induction of facts the conclusion that
such distinctions were necessary, and
that no government could get along
without thera, 1 should be disposed to
argue very differently. I should say
that as all the European governments
had admitted these distinctions, and
as ail of them had evidently failed in
securing the rights and happiness of
the people, and as this system of dis
tinctions was almost the only thing
they had in common, if was fair to
conclude, that this was the principal
reason why they had failed in securing
their objects, and that it was at least
worth while to fry the experiment of j
.1 government whetevcr'no such fra
tu re should exist.
The approbation which has been gi
ven to the idea of a balanced govern
ment seems to be the effect cf that
sort cf error, by which we make .
mere illustration" conclusive ar. to thte
; principles or facts a mistake Terr
co;r.mon, very dangerous and very
carefu'ly to b"e avoided in all abstract
reasoning. The 'ruth i, that in a na
tural stae of society, the interests of
all are the same Of course there arc
no clashing and contending interests
tf be weighed against each other.
The obiects of invernincnt are vcrv
! simple To make and provide forth
i enforcement oi the few reIatunii ne-
ceasary to secure inoiTiQuai ns;hts,and
the more natural the state of society
the fewer .ind t!:e mere easily e.ifr-
1 Ml .1 -
ced w ill these regulations be. It is?
j by setting up artilicial interests that
you introduce into society a chaos of
clashing views and passions, and iu
their train ambition, intrigue and fo-
j j reign ana domestic war3. l es, poll-
j TICJ' amoition,he great source of na-
tionat evil and the nrincinal thin?
; whose operation you wish to neutral
ize by introducing hereditary distinc
; tinns, is itself occ9ioned by the effect
i of t'jese distinctions. Yuu talk of
j taking the highest prizes out of the
lottery ol lite, because thev are tod
dazzling, and the coir petition for them
! l0 daiigerous and troublesome to be
! wealth, that makes them high prizes,
! A public office is in itself, in a natural
!510 society, a burden it is nei
ther profitable r.or arreeabfe. It af-
j fords a situation where activity and
j talents united with honest intentions
J may be very useful but this we know
j is not the sort of situation that a;abi
lion covets.
The fact really is, that though here
ditary f distinctions have found persona
ready to defend them on principle,
they were never in reality instituted
on principle, or with any view to abe-
ineficial result for a society at Iar.
rrJ ... il rt . r- . J . o
iuey are tne enect or aDaroarous and
,' ""natural state of society, when force
hty no part of tiieb?dy politic. Tlrese
1 j harsh tyrannical systems have been
softened down into the forms whicli
hereditary power now assumes in Eu
rope , and the prejudice which natu
rally arises in favor of old establMi-
jments the danger that would proba
cy attend rash and hasty attempts to
abolish them have engaged individu
als lo undertake their defence on prin
ciple. But as far as they still exist,
uiey appear to me to be ?. great posi
tive evil without any counterbalancing;
good, moncpolizinjralarge proportion
of the wealth & influence which "would
otherwise be a fair object of competi
tion for talents and industry, misrul
ing countries, as far as they have a
!j connexion with thiir government, and
r intend ti repressing the tendency to
! popular cotnmotion, acting as a perpe
tual sumuius to uneasiness and tumu f.
Nor do I believe that any collection of
enlightened statesmen employed in v
ganismg a government de nwo.Zf
leu fairly to themselves, won'v'
I i.nuA. ui luirifu'icing mem inr
iciai system. Letanvbody
i this, ask himself, w heV
i enlightened Englishn
be employed to arran
Iitical institutions o'i
would begin by givr
jiauu. aim ucariy hi-
( now er to a nrivifniri fV
idemningthe body c!'.,
tual bondage ami pf i
But it may be ask
Constitution a pro'
like an aristocracy i
lutely necessary to g l
pular tumult and ditt
not the. Senates in all oi
stitutions and in that ol'
substitutes for an. heredi'
and to certain degree, jl
character? This notion,- !.
itself inconsistent with fief, .
probable in, the dew of an act
observer, is, I believe entertained k
man 7, and may therefor be vrcrtH
r
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