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J f 'r -4 'r i ... " 'Si' V f -ft v. PLANS FAIR DELIGHTFUL PEACE, UNWARP'd BY PARTY RAGE, TO LIVE LIKE BROTHERS." t 1 jt THURSDAY, E2ARCH 24, 1831. NO. ia 9 i 7 ' ' OUBS ARE THE I 1 rtri,allllllllll'l ,''" ' " ' V is ' it; J :r rt if is ie ta :V -.1 i i i BT'nt.TSHED EVERY THURSDAY, gt aosrjjtj SJalr4 & Sou, Raleigh, North Carolina. . ..m o n ii m rn half in kdrfinCC. 'HSU 11Q1.1. H- " Thnse who do not, either t tue time o sud- scribiiiR. or .subsequently Rivje notice of their wish to have the puper disconitmuea at the ex piration of thu- year, will be jpresumed as de sirinjf its continuance until countermanded. ot exceeding sixteen Itneii wm De loseriea three times for a Dollar ; and fweptyve cents for each subsequent publication : those creater length, in the same proportion. the number of insertions be Itot marked on -them, they will be continued until ordered out, and cbaxred accordingly. of If ttEBTf POLITICS OF TtlK DAY. (V'e copy from the new Admpistration Organ, th Globe, the subjoined artiele intended as a reply to Mr. Caihocs's statement published in our last Register. Althqugh it appeare editionally, In that print, jthe circumstance that the President is uniformly named in the : thirfrperson, leaves, as remarked by the Na Monjal-Iniellifencar, "no doubt on our mind that the substance of the publication was au thorised by the President himself. rtve ofTenca to Mr.Monroeias tras mainfested by the correspondence on tne suojecj wmcu c ongrinated with Judffe White, pf which General Jackson was advised. l oe expression was 'p pvblic, and common soon after, that vlr. Mon- roe vas engaged in tne composition 01 a duo. the tendency of which Would confirm the preju dices SO industriously circulated against Generall Jackson at that tune, for political purposes. About tbs period a membci of Congress en closed to General Jackson a copy of ,a letter numortin? to be fcom Mr. Monrde to Mr. Uai- houn, (contidential) iae object ot wnici -was iu induce Mr. Calhoun to enter into a inenuiy correspondence with the General, and draw from him an acknowledgment that in.ms opera tions in Florida he had trans;icted his prders. ThU letter declared, at the same time, that the Reneral maintained that he had not transcended his orders, and that there was nothing on record in the Ilenartmertt to show that he had. It also adverted to a confidential letter which he, Mr. Monroe.proposed to address to General Jackson on the subject, and which Mrl Calhoun was au- th'irisedf to lorward i he approved it mts received. Thp mmi" nf TVr4rn-r 5who enclosed to Gen. Jackson the copy of tlVia- letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr Calhoun, at the same time in formed him that he understood it was done with the consent of Mr. Calhoun and that the origin al would be placed in his hands by the same nr son. who hid handed him i the cony. Gen eral Jackson afterwards received the br'gina from the hands of a friend, as be had always understood, of Mr. Calhoun, ;as advised in the letter of the member of Congres. General Jackson havinsr alwavs understood Mr. Calhoun to have been his supporter through out the proceedings of the Seminole war, and believing him a high-minded and honorable mac, naturally inferred that this disclosure of There was, however, no explanations or conver j It is not the object of these paragraphs to en- sations with regard to .the causes which bad sep- J ter into the merits of the questions raised by the arated them. The meetincr wasin the nresenoe I Vice-Preidents nublication. anct its numerous of a number of friends, and marked, on the part I answers and replies. We are little disposed to of Mr. Crawford by' the deepest sensibility. J meddle in this family quarrel. Our purpose on Bf he fecent letter, reaeived by Gen. Jack-1 the contrary, teto suHtrest that those who have sop from Mr. Crawford, a state of facts was pre-1 opposed the Administration, & who still oppose senied, going to snow on tne onejianrt, that tne i it, nave no concern; in this dispute, except so General had long conuemned in his heart an in-j far as its results xdslv affect the public interest. nocent man for the efforts made to destroy his These results, it is probable, will be various in character as a patriot, and tarnish his laurels as a j their character, and in their "tendency. So far soldier. On the other hand, one whom he sup-fas internal dissentions mav h likelv'to weaken posed always to have been a friend, and his most j the momentum with which the dominant oartv zealous vindicator in titis particular instances, has, proceeded in a course so threatening to all stood charged with having been the man who yhe great interests of the country, the effect will impeached him in the Cabinet for a violation cf unquestionably he good. Siill beti r will it be, orders. If this were the true state of things,, if this disclosure of the predominance of merely thr General frit that he owed to his own and the oersnnal and amS!tinns mntivea nvpr aII nihp'r feelings of Mr. Crawford, reparation for having j considerations, shall open the eves of the cim wronged him in his opinions, and felt bund also munity to the real character of men, and the o reject from his mind any conclusion as to t:e :-( al character of the times. On the other hand. co duct of his long professed friend, Mr. Cal- it certainly given a still more formidable appear- uoun, iinni lie nau an opporxunity tor expiana. i ance to tne iangerjs which threaten us, when uon. For these reasons Mr. Crawford's letter we see what their objects are, unless we may was submitted to him by the President. There- hope at the same time that the public will see suit is known to the public. ' them' also, and take care for its own safety. mere is one circumstance, However, connect ed with thr course pursued by Mr. Calhoun in the Cabinet, wliich has not been presented to tne public and which has served to embitter the regrets felt by the President on this subject.' At the moment when he proposed to call a court of enquiry to blast the repuiation of the Gene ral, Mr. Calhoun Jvud good reasons to suppose that he had sacrificed his life in giving effects to the objects of the Administra'ion. It was known that his constitution had sunk under the fatigues Their publications afford a striking example in deed, of the nature of these objects. There is not the smallest reference in any of them, to any public principle, or public measure. The ge nerawelfare, the good of the country, consti tutional principle, political .'expediency, these things, none of them, not on?, is that about which our men in hih places write letters ; about which .they express solicitude ; about which they difffr. Not at all. Gen. Jackso and Mr. Caihodw, choose to quarrel, and yet and privations ot the camn&isrn. and that insl thev nut then- ouarrel on D-mimd nwrtU- r.nn troops were bearing him towards his home,which j sftreo? with the fullest approbation, on the prt of Mr, Calhoun, of every one of Gen. Jackson's measure!. The ruin of political prospects is -:pokn of, .but thev are th political prospects Mr. Cafhoun is endeavoring to suppTy, by hi iihtleties. something to take the place ot proo r,ve nrobabihtv to the fottt onrt corrupt con pu-acy wnicn ne nas cnrgeu uu mc iwci. nd his mends, mat ne may nimsen tscape c(u Tf. Mr. Van Bur en was accused, without .Karlntr of oroof. of hsvincr procured the sub iii6n-of Mr. Crawtord'sle'terto ine rresiaeni u Vjh Rmen has solemnlv declared that he npw hot bin? of the circumsi.v. , v:.h pro iKed this result, and has given the most) jj . ve assurance that he had not! the leaat know- fdtre of the efforts made bjrthe friends of Gen- rai JaCKSon to ooiain iiuornia,iion in mau'm w w proceedings of , Mr. Monroe's Cabinet, or nv subsequent participation in' the matter. He tppeals fearlessly to the President to Mr. Ham ilton to Mr. Forsyth to Mrj Lewis 10 an rhohave heen ac;ors in the admitted transac tions," for the correctness of his declaration: iiid he is sustained in his statement by every Tian connected with th afiairi Does Mr. Cal- oun come out then with proof to 'meet a decla- Auon neTplicit, so ( unreserved, : and so sus tained Not an atom." Hei comes out with hothinfc but hardihood and bold assertion, pro of an individual, not the political prospects of the country. the mercdes? proscription tor opinion, which has stalked over the land : the violation of national faith to the Indians ; the he never expected to reach, through a wilder ness whichiurnished neither succor nor slielter to him in his enfeebled and worn down condi tion. The rapid decline of his health wms known Mr. Monroe's feelings was made as an act of at Washington as well as in Tennessee, & from justice, and intended to guard him against the j the circumstances in yjdjich he was placed, it was ettects ot the book which Mr.? Monroe was aoout not expected, bv any or his tnends, that nit writing. As there never had been an intima-J could survive. What must be his feelings when I mad project of a paper-money Treasury Bank ; tion from the President or Ihimself until the I he now reflects that the man in whom he pu ajHithe war on the Tariff; the w- r on the Judiciary ; campaign was ended, that tie General had trans- j his trust, did, at this time, originate a secret po j the war oo the Constitution ; these are not sub cendedhis orders, it seamed to Gen. Jackson to position, for-political purposes, baz,l on a charge J jects which have drawn forth the controversy- be perfectly inconsistent with the claims ot against him, which, if be had died, 'would have friendship andbonor, that Mri Calhoun, in 1827, j left a blot upon his fame, and handed him down finding that new view- were taken of the Smi- to posterity a one regardless of the ordr rs of j.js nole war, and that .e tair inte.rpreTation ot his i.overnmenc, ana reaay to violate me cons(,ty oHf- wjut to be errosslV evaded, felt him tioa ot his country f self at liberty to defeat the object of those who were thus employed, by exposing the letter which had been referred to. . Some short time after the original letter just spoken of was handed to the General in 182T, he received a letter from Ml. Calhoun, stating ; that he had been informed that a confidential letter from Mr. Monroe to h'm had been placed in his hands, and desiring to know, if such were the facta, through what channel it had been re- ceived : well assured that ta person near him could have given this information to Mr. Cal- howju Gen Jackson replied to him, tnat sucn a iHCJI Wa III 17U30C934UII IM 11 C WUUV and afterwards the original, as has been atated, fhe Adhk8s which folio vvs, we copy from the National Intelligencer. The E litors of that paper say in relation to it, that 'll is the pro duction of an abler hand than theirs. It can not fail to be perused with deep -interest by all who can enter - into the feelings which prompted it. TO THE PEOPLE OF THE U. STATES. houncmg authoritatively that ! the disavowal oj i ... ... E Van Buren can be considered in no other that it was i done witb the consent of Mr. Cal Ld than an acknowledgment of A eonsfttrocs n at, if he wou.d inquire of those u- 1. .MU.onw;.n who miormea nimuiat sucn a le-iier was in nis Mccone, and thai the object W to desiroy Mr, nanas, tney couiu give mm more inrormauon -n-i- m n anl JttsTc, nr fi nan ne mew oi ine cnannei in wntcn u came. h. -l. f7rf.'Mr. uamoun requesieu a return ot me iviier, ay we not be permitted to ask Mr. Caihoun toluc,'J'" l'al " " "! " xohnn how the ignorance of Mr. Van Buren oil "cr wnreu.n uUl u ... .n,t k;aUa.l.ntmn f that proiesun? mat ct, can have the etlect to make the " transac- it would haVe been dishonora ble in him to have violated the confidence re- all is personal crimination and r ecrimination. And what a spectacle does this contest ex hibitr Whodoes not see, in what an aspect ot MisR-ri'-e u noiQs up tne l.iovernment ot the country ? What honest man does not feel shame, as well as indignation, at the picture upon which he, whole world is here invite.d to look ? The second -iftiCv-r of the Itepublic openly declares that the first officer is "THE MOTIM OF A POLITICAL 1NTUIGUK." Is the fct credi hie in itself: and is the w tn ss entitled to be lief? On the nther hand, the PunsiOEfT char--?s the Vice Phksioent both with ingratitr. le a id duplicity. Here, aai'l, is the witmess a good one i Shall we consi ier the c'. ge prov ed ? We say nothing of the language of Mr. CnxvyroRD's leiler; but we earnestly put it to she Recent occurrences, manifesting not merely I whole American People to s-iy what they think the future prospects but the present certainty, j of this controversy between their two highest of a wide division among the Party which has f puhlc officers : aod we put it to them to say, hitherto supported General Jackson's Adminis-1 ioo,nct onlv what the public Uo ior but the pub- tralion, are too important not to awaken a great I Safety also requires, when the Vice Presi- degree of attention. They are entitled to a deep dent public.lv declares to all the world, that the flection by the opposersof the Administration, I President of the United States, at the moment and the Public. The ViCK-PittsiDKjr'j s late I when he is discharging the highest functions of publication was but the ebullition of a political I his office, ianot an independent asrent, but a ferment, well known to have been secretlv I nrere ere-lire of others the ' Victim of a Oo long at work. It was not the origin cf a schiSm Utical intrigue it was only its avowal. Prom the moment of the There rmains. evidently, for the friends of original ' CombincUion! '.(so it was admitted to j the constitution, administered in i:s true spirit. he) against Mr. Adams s Administration, it was J to stay the progress of this administration, and foreseen that the parts composing it, held toge- J to save the country from the effects of its nu as- I lUICSCtt nun shwiiuuj v. v Krti.;iMhlini1ihiK:m pu p-0 lu- I l,,er ,or ni" uuie j common oject, ineLnope i ures. nut one course. i nav course nes niu Mr. Van Daren's ignorance" of the matter iJ StiaJJcT tm iJ ?Il. of Power) would essarily fly asunder when straight forward. They will turn neither to the l"9:" houn. unless the statement of the member of !?" Per rtr.ha ob.tHmf d wflen riht hand cr to the MU K; r. r,..ft,- i ?f h. th. vUw Congress accounts for if, whose situation was 111! II III MB IUlIKOTII4ai.1T 11 WV. w WW m m . ft Ith They are destined it: should come to be decided who should enjoy J yet to save the country and the constitution. ... iv . . . nn.l, .cfm,V. ii Rm!v,M. fhot h- l esciu, ami wiiu expeci ineni mey are lUTiOMt nEnuLiu; uiey arc wys the Telegraph) there is, no, necessity lor ""'"Jrj. Vw. :. .k.-.u. fr the future. Nothing but the powerful chy- friends of Union : they are the great p-.rtv of he disavowal." Called on a Mr. Van luren ".I1 " "If'1.. r'VV81 mistry of thb common obiect. it was easv to free Americans, without doubt or Question.- or a mere receiver. 1 nis axemeni ib oesinesK , , . . . - -. i i , ' . . , ii.,.ii .flm.,i k (i,. ft ,uof ucitcnc, iuuiu kcc i 111 union suC'i ouposiie i ii me mere cnarm oi a name wer- winurrwn. on UJ1:.J VI.I.II I1.VVJ J LtH JAWi, 11101 IWi. IIC I - , ,1 X"J r man who handed the original was well known as the friend of Mr. Calhoun, and possessed too much character for justice and honor to be sus- tas been, there was a neceasity that he should tell the truth ; and his statement of facts on the Rrt of Mr. Vm Buren averring that he had no linowledire of the transactions alluded to, is call- M--r-y" Kt 1r CTilIifii.nMjQ madf to in 1" ".ouv,.,.. " j " - I .,! r . : t i . r guilt upon innocent enquiries prompted bjM . ,cu,..mK lM ..Hr.i ...ca3 luvuvm W.e solicitude of General Jackson's friends to or eve,,,unuerny circun.siar.ee -, o use n, U.feml him against anticipated attacks, and. if wttnour naving strong reasons to Dejieve tnat l -. . " I ' ! , . . I Ir. nulhnim himsplr had aiithrnl aurh n nruaih a tA -tAmnc rff al r Otnirn PTIMIPfi I v ...... v . . . B. k' v 1 ' V.l.ILIIV.J V W l IJUUIVV4 T. W . tr i ...r ' I . " 1 ,l uciwoen mm anu ir rMwio-u. ia siiiijiic uc tail stMiwin? the state of circumstances immedi tely before the last Presidential election, will make manifest the honorable motives wb'ch in- 4uctd Mior Lewis (the near neighbor and friend of Gen. Jackson, and the most efficient member ofthe Nashville Committee) to seek in formation with regard to the jprocieediigs of Mr, Monroe s Cabinet upon the beminole campaign materials as the friends of General Jacksox in ! Pennsylvania and those in South Carolina, and the followers of Mr. Calhoox, who had been called Prodigals, and the iwllowers of Mr. Craw- 1; 1 I VI a n a ford, woo naa aeen cau.-a naiticais. Mien a jumble of politicians eould have no na'ural co hesion. It Mr. Calhoun sc. Mr. Raxpolph could they are at this moment a (Treat mojoi-ity of the Union. They will take courage trom tluse proofs of dissatisfaction and schism mong their opponents, and go forward with m re assured hopes of ultimate success. They have a point of concentration. The public sentiment runs strongly in a direction towards onenever yet It was the controversy with Mr.South--,d,& the act long in harmony; if the highest notes of charged with ingratitude ; never yet guilty of Consolidation and the lowest p-runihlincr mF tiit,-t dnnliriti- never matt?, nor to he made, the subsequent correspondencebetween Mr.Monroe Rigrhts ccuid be made to chime in unison if victim of nv noliticd intritrue. Let us beseech & judge vvDite, connected with the intimations the Tariff and Nullification could walk hand in all friends of the Constitution, ll real lovers of contained in the comments-o: tlie Coalition papers I i,-ndthn- inrlpd. the ii w,v,u,1niau,,.iiiai;u,v wi.imicmwi ed.to uava Hrnved when the Lion aad the Lamb I state ofth ners aenouslv. and then do ti,eir duty would lie down together. As to the Secretary of State, his affinities were well known to bft easily drawn towards a iy po litical elements, and again easily be repelled. He mingles with every thing by the slightest at- iracnon, ana again is auengaijed trom every letter ol Gen. Jackson to Mr. Monroe in relation to the Seminole war, would be published that suggested to the friends. of Gen? Jackson, tlie propriety of ascertainincr whit had occurred on Sometime io the year 1826, General Jnckson the latter subject in Mr. Monroe's cabinet. This was furnished by a member qf Congress with a suggestion could not have been dictated by hos- SUtement signed by Dr.-Wallace,1 of Fredericks- j lihty to Mr Calhoun, because none of General mirtr, Virginia, in which Mr. Southard, the Sec- Jacason's conuaentiai tnends had ever entertain retarv of he Navv. was represented as having ed a doubt of the part he acted. 1 The minds of It becomes us to raise the alarm, not at pretend ed, but real, portentous and imminent dangers. It becomes us earnestly to implore I Hh PLO PLE to save themselves. Let us rdly for the Union of the States, for the Constitution, for American Liberty, s it was while every man thinjr by the gentlest solvent For Mr. Kino, was yet free to speak his opinion, and for the agctnst Mr. Kig ; a(fnend to Mr. Ci.ixtoit and an enemy to Mr. Clitoi j an Ant'-Tarifl" man; remarked, at a wme drinking at Fredericksburg, n were nrmiy impressed with the belief that out 0f COurtesy (or oui of subservience1) to some ; :.ad ne oeen the advocate St friend of the General to other5 a Tariff man, by virtue of instructions.; tliat General Jackson deserved no credit for the defence "of New-Orleans'; that he had left the j throughout. army: without orders and was returning home. hen he was met by a positive order from Mr. Slonroe, then Secretary of War, to return Forth with to his command ; that ft was owing to his flrrler," and the active preparations made by Mr. Monroe for the security' of that nrtion of the .j - - i country, that General Jackson was able to make the (lettuce he did ; and therefore that the mer it of that defenC.e was due to Mr Monroe, and sot to General Jackson. These remarks were so injurious to the character of the General, and unfounded in fact, that he felt himself bound to fupmit them to Mr. Southard, and if they had Jtpf been erroneously stated: to inouire resnect- folly on what authority he'had taken the liberty to make them. The Secretary replied in a very long, labored, and diplomatic letter, "admitting JuSstanti.dly the statement of Df. Wallace, and appealing to what he called the history of the times, -written, vrinte and verbal, as his author- y lor making it. 1 he General having never icu the army commanded by bim at New-Or. l " - " 'tans, or slept out of his camp when he had one. E've Mr. Southard auch an answer as he thought truth and justice warranted ; it exposed him, however, to the bitteresf assaults in the coali- ll,n prints, and in connexion with the conduct j i he Seminole War, became the text of denun ciations against him, as having violated his or uers Hd the constitution )f his country in both cumpains. a confidential letter which he had v mien to Mr. Monroe, had Iso a place in the w r preservation of those preat interests for which the Government was established. Hut it was otherwse with Mr. Crawford, who was almost as generally believed to have taken the opposite course.notwithstand- ing Mr. Monroe's declaration that no move ment had been made in Cabinet eouncil to arrest or punish Gen. Jackson for a violation of his or- a friend to the union, yet groping after lost rights of the Statea ; and on the great .question between the constitutional powers of the Gov ernment on one hand, and the absurdities of Nullification on the other, hanging precisely up on an exact poise. I he foresight which tnticH To the Citizens of the Thirteenth, Congressional District of NorthrCdlilina. continue the duty on salt, because, as' they alleged, the amount of revesiue de rived from customs, could not be exactly foreseen. But whatever force or plausi bility miftt have been in this argument, in 1816, it has unquestionably ceased to be applicable or to have any weight at the present firae. Government is now in no need of the money derived from the duty on salt, and it must be entirely abolished at no distant day. This result I regard as certain, notwithstanding tWt; indica tions of an opp ite character, which may have been recently given. Other acts were passed at the last ses- . a - a . " sion, reducing the duty on molasses coffee, tea, and cocoa,' which promise re lief similar to that experienced from a re duction of the duty on salt. Now if to those should be added a reduction of the duty on brown sugar, the amendments in our system of impost would-be considera ble. The great and warmly controverted points of the Tariff, are not much, if at involved in the policy f reducing the dutv on the articles above enumerated. Suirar, it is true, is raised in the United States, but if it should be imported free of duty, the culture of the article at home, w.o'uld still be the most profitablfrbusiness in which our planters could enjrae. They probably could not makesucha per cent, on their capital, but the emolument would t-3 great enough to pay them well,, and insure a regular and constant in crease of that species of agricultural" la bour. The alarms expressed by the sugar-growers, are to my mind perfectly ideal, fir whether the duty be removed or not, their business would continue profit able so long as the production shall be less than the consumption of the article in the country. In the annual message at the opening of the session, the President informed us that "the receipts into the Treasury, during the present year, (1830,) will a mount to twenty-four millions, one hun dred and sixty-one thousand and eighteen dollars, which will exceed, by about three hundred thousand dollars, the estimate presented in the last annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury The total expenditure during the year, exclusive of the public debt, is estimated at thirteen millions, seven hundred and forty-two thousand, three hundred and eleven dol lars ; and the payment on account of the public debt, for the. same period, will have been eleven millions three hundred and fifty four thousand six hundred and thirty dollars, leaving a balance in the Treasury, on the fir t January, 1831, 6f four millions eight hundred and nineteen thousand, seven hundred and eighty-one dollars." From this condition of our impost revenue, the President infers, that the public debt may be extinguished soon er than was anticipated. In the docu ments that was submitted to Congress at the last session, it was estimated that the whole debt would be discharged in 1834. This policy of first paying off the National Debt, in preference to any other applica tion of the public money, U exactly that which 1 have a! ways endeavoured to main tain. You fellow-citizens, will be able to bear testimony to this fact, and will remember that while I have been the ad vocate of stich policy, other have dissentr ed from it, and exerted themselves to con viuce you of its impropriety. With me it is no new doctrine or recent belief, but it is as old a3 my political life, having urged it in all my communications to you both oral and written. Nothing has occurred to change my opinion of that policy, but on the contrary, ,! think, it should be persevered Ln, till every cent of the debt shall have been paid off. which, as before stated, will happen in the year 1834. After that time, if any surplus should be in the Treasury, it may be ap plied to such objects as are deemed ex pedient and constitutional. But insteadJ ot continuing the aunes in ortier to ac subsequent array of authority, written, printed, n V aainst him. . Under these circumstances, the presses stil cu-i with abuse against him, Gen. Jackson . tcd al th- celebration of the 8th Jan. iorrt ' 7 republicans in , the ciiy of Wash Iihu u- uuugc : v line, . or iuc ac " a or ir n e . Vtiiii i . .' rose and 1 "KS u tiie meeunif, added a few U,,:.., "lon u,e "fiharactep and lT'.W w u Pc to the favorable notice ca taken ot ihe.jp. Xlww remarks dcrs. For the purpose of ascertaining, therefore pateti lnis n)p1ure 0f the Party, was not deceiv ed. The fulfilment has trodden, indeed, very c'ose upon the heels of the prediction. Itefore the second year ot Gen. Jackson's Administra the, justice. of the imputations or the charges made against Mr. Crawford on this subject, was the inquiry made of himhich being answered was submitted to Mr. Calhoun, and has produced the correspondence between him and General Jackson, which.has been recently published. Gen. Jackson had no wish td excite public feeling, or produce political effect through it, St I respect for his talents or character. Fellow Citizens, Subsequently to the date of my letter to you at the last ses sion of Congress, an act was passed to tion has closed, a wide, deep, and impassable educe tne duty on air, imported into gulph already separates the leaders of his legi- the United States. 1 he law provided ons of followers snd feudatories. His own in- that the duty should be fifteen cents per fluence over these leaders not founded in their KaLa, frnm tuQ K;,.f t..firc lWVmhr LfU3ilvl, Vi IV villi v vfc. v. iliuyi , but mainly did not, therefore, drsirei that publicity should Jin the.conviction that there is a great, though a be given to it. But he felt it due both to Mr. j vague and indefinite popularity attached to his 1830, till the thirty first December, 1831, and after that time, ten cents per bushel, and no more.' At the time I wrote, the hope of effecting any change of this sort had almost Vank int. despair, but before the close ot li.e session, an opportunity Calhoun and Mr. Crawford," and' also to himself, j name, is now no tomrer sufficient to repress their that an explanation should take place, and the I contentions. They quarrel in his own face, for difficulties arrising from conflicting statements, his own seat, while he yet fills it, and means to become thorough Understood. Gen. Jackson & I till it longer it he can. Mr. .Crawford had been alienated in friendship! We have heard much, heretofore, of the Pre- before the Seminole wan Mr. Crawford had Jsident's independence ; of his lofty elevation J was presented for carrying it through the preaicatea an article m an Indian treaty, ana i aonve, an innuence near nis person, and of his l House, and raaiurin"- it into a law. JNu made grants to the Indians, upon the , suppbsi- fixed resolution to be himself every inch Presi- thi g imported into the country uni- Hon ttiat thev had iteen nnoilen or thir aron- I rlent. nntf fh tenhrntmn. 'nnH mini 1 O. -r . ... . ertv bv the irmv rnrnm-nfi hv Rn JacWnn. fstntinn nf these nuaiitips , uP kKu h.m h.iv versallv' used, or so i nd ispensably neces No such injustice ha been committed, & Gen. in the first sbcres of a controversy, the origin. of I sary as salt. Every citir.en whatever Jackson resented the wrong done to himself and! which l.es in motives and objects, connected. ! be his circumstitrces ; whether he be rich tne army by n treaty implicating their character, first with bis own re-election, & sec ondly, with ; without, as he thought, sufficient care being ta- the succejion of uhoiher to his office, when he ken to obtain proof of the real state of facts. shallhave'donewitb it. We were assured, too. When the Seminole question arose, Gen Jack- by his supporters,4 that no aspirant for for-h?r son was the more readily induced to attribute promotion would ever be in his Cabinet, or par the attacks made on him to Mr. Crawford be- ticipate in his .counsels. K, We perceive how this cause of this previous dirterence. N twithstand- assurance has'been performed. iHut this is nit ing this, the wife of Gen. Jckson had still main- all the President has repeated! jf expres 1 his thined an intercourse of kindness with the fa mi- own opinioniand his own purposes, in words ly of Mr. Craw ford, and after the election of borrowed from one in whose mouth they meant 1825 in the House of FLmresentatives. for Presi what thev seemed to mean. He has dec! red. with the expres-l dent, had taken place.laud while Mr. Crawford j over and overagam, that he : neither sbugUt of- was prostrated by disease. Gen. Jackson was fice, nor shunned it. , If the public are not u6w prevailed upon to pay ayisi: to him, as an ear misinformed, a recent occurrence has fully ex neat that be was willing to forget the discussion' 'founded his meaning, and explained hhi aiaceri whicai kad produced entity between Uaem. ty in this deabration or poor is obliged to have more or less of this article, and, hence all outies upon it should be abolished, if not absolutely re quired for the purpose ot revenue, Iti Mr. Jefferson's Adnjinistration, the duty was taken off, and so continued till July, 1813, when it was laid on a sain to enable the government to prosecute the war in which we were engaged; at:r that time After peace was restored, when money was wanted to pay off iheJCfctipnal Debt, which had been accumulated bjr;. war, it was thouglit politic bjrjaia IiBi j,l8l6, to cumulate a surplus, 1 would prefer redu cing them, so as to lesen the surplus, and by that moans, enable the people to keep the money in their own pockets riie idea of collecting a large revenue tor the purpose of paying it out again, seems to me delusive, it not absurd. At all e- vents, the expense of disbursing, will be a clear loss to those who originally? paid the money into the Treasury, and must so far be to them a positive injury. What ever schemes mav therefore be devised for disposing of the surplus revenue, after the payment of the public debt, should be adonted with "Treat caution. I have heard no one which is not liable toobjec tions, on the Score of expediency or con stitutionalit y. It will be time enough to solve these difficulties, when the full au entire payment of the debt shall have been accomplished, and the revenue of the country perfectly disengaged, lhe agitation of them at so early a period, is premature, and causes unneces9iry ex citement, especially when ail the money on hand can be applied to.an object, (the payment of the debt) the most useful and valuable to the country y I should be chargeable with neglect to omit calling your attention again to the subject of the public lands. On the sup position that North-Carolina is of an average size with the other States, he would be entitled to, bet ween forty and fifty millions of acre?, which would give to each of her citizens, more than half a quarter section of land. I ask If it is prudent or proper, that we should aban don this vast-possession and give it to o- thers who have no claim to it The' Go vernor of Illinois, in a late messageto the T Legislature, has pat forth some of the' most extravagant, not to say licentioits opinions, ever promulged by any Execli tive Magistrate of any State in this Union. He claims, for Illinois, all public lands within that State, and denies to Congress", and of courseto North-Carolina in com mon with the other State, the right st6 hold any part of it. The time hasrriv ed, when it is incumbent on je very citi zen in tne old States, to look we,lj to this matter, and guard with vigilance! the in'- , terest he has in issue of this qdestUm. -On this account, I was glad to see a read lotion offered in the Legislature of North Carolina, at the last Session, declaring ; our right, at least, to a distributire share of the National domain. While the new States are forward in laying claim to the whole of it, we ..should not be backward in asserting our just title to a part. It in perhaps, the only way in which we can defeat their unfounded pretensions If the present land, system be broken down and the public domain divided out among the new States, one of the strong cements to our Union will be dissolved. In this view of the case, it is of the first impor tance that the system should be preserved,. In some of the old States, there are symptoms of discontent, much to be re gretted and highly alarming. The doc trine of nullification, as advocated in S:utWGarolina and Georgia, has a mo9t dangerous tendency to the peace and hap piness of our country. I stated to yoil last ypar, that I was opposed to itin evrrr, shape in which it had been proposed, it it means any thing, it amounts to this : that any one State has a right t resist a law of the United States. . In other words : that the minority can control the? majority, whenever they shall think pro per to do so. This'ys manifestly absurd according to any principle known or prac tised in the United States, and is wholly subversive of the Government The fun damental fnxim of our institutions is, that the general good mast prevail ; that this is to be ascertained only by giving to the will of the majority, paramount infiur ence over that of the minority. Such a rule is the dictate of natural reason, and ' ! il . I I . . is in accordance wun me ueciaraiiun oi till higher authority, kthat in, a multitude of counsellors there is safety." But in opposition to it, the Nullifiers contend they ought not to be bound by the majo ity ; that any State has a right to resist whenever it' shall be deemed expedient or necessary. This, I understand to be. the practical effect of the doctrine, and it requires little foresight to perceive. 4" that if it should prevail, the union of these States will be destroyed, and with, it. all our hopes of freedom and happiness will be blasted forever. I cannot believe the people in any part of the 'country, will seriously approve of nullification, when they see the consequences to which that doctrine obviously tends. An attempt has been made at tht3 Ses sion, to repeal the twenty-fifth section of the act to establish the Judicial Courts of the U. States, passed on the 4th of Sept. 1789 " This section gives to this Supreme Court of the U. States, supervi sory jurisdiction over the State Courts in qucstions.growirig out of the 'Constitution, treaties and laws of the U. S. Without!1, such authority, the Government of the U. States would be annihilated. During the ate, war and the restrictive system jwhiclt preceded it, violations were committed in the Eastern States, of the laws passed by Congress. When the olfenders wen brought belare the State Courts, the were not punished, but rather protected in their violence. To remedy this evi!, it was necessary to bring up the cases by wnts of error to the Supreme Court ot the United States, where the questions were fairlv tried and the. majesty of thn laws properly vindicated. The politi cians of the feouth, then mane no objec tions to tlii.5 exercise of authority by the Government ot the United fetates, but tho't it was just & necessary to the being of the country. At present, hew- ever, since houth-Larolina ana uisorgm have assumed a menacing attitude to wards the General Government, .it. is contended that it is dangerous for the Su preme Court u be invested with suc'.i powers. It is indeed remarkable, thai, amidst all the conflicts and convulsions of party, no discovery of the kind has ever been made, till this late day. Mr. Jef ferson and Mr. Madison, whogwxrre rs Ibold and fearless advocates for Statt? rights a? any of the modern champions in that cause can nrotess to De, ner thought it wiie or proper to repeal tlr twenty-fifth section of the Judiciary acft Many ol tlvse who framed tne Lonsutir-t tion, were also an embers of Congress in 1789, and were engaged in parsing tir4 law. It is not reasonable then to sup pose, that Congress in 1831, after tttr?. lapse of forty odd tears, could know more of the Constitution, than the very persons wj.o founded it and were n t employed it giving in practical effect. - It is further rr.kahie, that hosUlyj the Soprerpe Cottrtj f ajt fb cr .4 4! i .1 4.
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
March 24, 1831, edition 1
1
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