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SPEECH OF ,
MR. WAL B. SHE PAR D,
pn a motion to strike out tht section of the Tariff"
Hill imposing a -du'y on 1 ea ant. Cotti e, ra dc
in the.llouVe' of Rcpiesentatives on the 29ih
ultimo. . r' .
Mr, Chairman : I moved last night that
the CoDimlltep should rie, not because 1
hail anv thin-: to say, "that could no! be as,
well said then as now, orihai I had nut an
i:-f ci thr-n as now, but because I an
iaii i
o he physicallbility, after a session of l '-an, uueuceu oy ine w,
rix hours togive coherencv.fo the, few ?n caprice of the moment, or tne vary
x nw.r:, ...K.:-.u ...v inf.ntian tn ii- S Pl'cy and interest of rival political
t!.!Sl'f.m:r.ittee. Iam wU aware !
i,u" ' i - -
w vprv frentleraan here 13 Uesirou ot
T.Llnn this tedious subject, with()Ut
more debate ; none can De more tired of
it than I a in.
Man Has been denominated by some en
thusiastic admirers of political economy,
au animal that makes exchanges he has
here been called a plundering animal ;
. T ..:tf ail in fulfl nn in tlio irl'inir
were l , .... 1 . , .- I
ilefinit oris which nave een given Dy pin -
nnhersol that singular creaYure,! hduUi
(tl) )I CI9VI U"Mioi
r . . .1 I m ' rr
say
he is an aniniai inai; maxes larin
sr.pecoes.
I
The definition would undoubt-
edl) characterize him, as be is k-own in
tbeUn'ted States, more particularly on
this fluor. here ' docti iudnctique," we
sll speak on this subject ; I shall, there
fore, make no apology o the House for
indulging a national propensity" 'tis no
sin fur a man to Ikbor in hjs vocation'
I am not, howevb, one of those gentle
men who believe that all knowledge on
this subject is derived, like Fallstaff's
knowledge of top tryc rnnce, irom in
Stmct : it IS to me, vieweu in any way k
am capable of viewing it, a subject of great
JdllCUlty. 1ITS pecuiiiiiiy ai iui time a
gutject of .Jearlul interest, arm requiring
for its adiustmeht, ail this House possess-
es 0 iiitelligcDCi;, lniegruy anu pairioT.sjn.
Sir, I most solemnly believe the times re
ruire each man should speak out Candid
ly and freely, his real sentiments upon
the subject of this. protective policy, tat
a great responsibility rests upon the mem
bers of t'hU House, a. responsibility which,
if ive fail now to meet, we base it abandon
the high trust committed to ou if care.
The United States exhibit, af this titnr.
a spectacle hitherto unseen and anknowrv
upon earth, one that for the credit of hu-
rnanitv. it is to be hoped viil never, occur
aain ; a people ; .enu-ow-eu wiin an mat
ifeaveu r earth can bestow to make them
. V ' . . I -.1 11 .
happy and contented, abounding ift every
thing esientsal to prosperity, ana : even
grandeur, among the. nations ot the world
it tlie term w not onensive to some arounu
v . . -i ..11 x 1 1. 1
.. . rt a 1
me) and yet, amniii an uiese uiessings,
we daily hear it proclaimed in high places.
we are on the eve ot Involution. A re
volution to-nut. down what ? Some usurp
er living on the vitals of the conununity r
Some conquerorirevcllingon the spoils of
vanquished provinces, snatching from
wealth its abundance, from penury its pit
tance, to swell the, pride, the pomp and
power of an individual r JNo, sir J a re
volution to nut down, the power ol the ma-
oritv of (he people themselves a revolu
tion which I can compare to nothing in
the history of-the madness and folly of
mankind; but the itlfidelfury of the anar
chists of France, nlio desecrated the tem
ple of, th only trlieGod, to.erect what they
calh d the ttatueof reason in Usstead. The
nations of Europe are novy contending for
self sovemment : we -8eem to be gettinir
tited of it ; they are contending against
the will and dominion of one man ; some
here complain of the dominion of many.
hat on the other side 01 the Atlantic,
l calletl, by an admiririg world, the beau
ideal of liberty, I have heard on this floor
pronounced the perfection of despotism.
ucn, alas, is the unhappy, the miserable
toinlitioii of pour human nature !
Whatever may, he'the final action of
;ngicjiupon the subject orthe revenue,!
' hing ii) ou Id be done without, caution
U 'leliberdtion, and after a careful in-
pfctmn of our copiioercial, agricultuial
1 lanufiicturitigsituation, as upon ourde
tm yt of this question rests the prosperi
ty (,r every niacin the comhiunifyT look,
r, wiion the man who would, (iissevei
Uy .1 . . . . . "
'cse inree irreat interests, inilicoliil:
may moiuvntarily. irffuse vigos
' tlre.t natural aftinhies, andjsssehtial to
the nr. ..r ... M.y
pvi i-niy ut every jrreai naiioii. as a-i
"re eiAoinc, a political quack' wiW
1 ..-.,- .:.; '. if- '- . 'jiut,i , : . .''-1
into the body politic, but eventually leave .
it naffsaru an aenrsieii nu times
1- - '.. I . I 1 i ,1 A I I
the tickle legtslaiiotf of Congress is to be
the reproach ofour institutions, land the
curse of the people of' this country, we
oujht to place this piatter oji such a basis,
that hereafter, every man tn'dy ret secure,
himself and hi. property being under the
protection of equal, jut, and permarien'
laws. For, if there is a-tyranny morepecu
liarly hard to bear, more harrassingrto t!e
spirit than any other,it is that of fluctuating
legislation j its oppression is more severe
from being unexpected, no industry can
obviate it, no saaacity can foresee ir.
When the Tariff law of 1824 and 1823
were under discussion,: it was conteixlol
with great force and justiee by 'he anti
tariff party, that all fret1 government.
hpuld interfere cs Iitt!.as pos-ible wit'i
the domestip arrange lie nts and industry
of it3 ctiizn(?, that all; in terial change
in the policy nf a nattou,the object of whiciv
was the transferring capital from one uc
cupation to another, shpuld be made .with
great caution, and only o:i great mergen-
cie.s. If these proper iona are true, of
such governments generally, they are still
more worthy of attention in a government
Ilk.- o'.irs, which is of strictl? enumerated
i powers, and lependent for its stability on
public opinion in a government here
the fashion of'to-day may be reprobated
by to-morrow, and an investment of capi
tal made under this sanction of the nati
onal legislature, may be prostrated by a
, - r- -j
Parlus: was upon uch principles of
mnar!i rpsennimr tinr;l a m nnvv. n r I -
b " " T .
ways have been, opposed to the pohcy o.
the tariff laws.
I thought such a system ought not to be
forced on the country, but that every man
should be be .permitted to follow such pur
suits as were most congenial to his hibits
and disposition. That if by this policy,
the people advanced more slowly in the
rrtimnlntiiin iif nrnnorlv. thv would he
-r-v' . -
'n0.re rtuous, less exposed to the tern p-
tationi 01 extraorqinary weaitn, a state 01
.'hings but little congenial with plain re
publican institutions. I thought likewise,
ihat if the policy of protective laws was
les doubtful, the tariff of 1828 was ill
judged and inexpedient, it attemptedUoo
much, it embraced subjects 01 Opposite
characters, while with one hand It gave a
bounty, with the other it imposed a tax
upon the same thing, shewing, as hasben
justly observed by theianti-tariff memori
al, that where there was an avowed
want of information, on the subject, it
have been a wiser course to wait
until that information was obtained. "
lu fact, sir, the Tariff of 1828 was not in
tended by mauy of those who assisted in
making it, to aid peculiarly any species
Of manufacture except that of a President,
and we are now reaping the bitter truits
of such legislation. ?
Tin act, however, Jias passed ; it was
imposed on the country for weal, or for
woe : ft has disappointed in some measured
the hopes ot its friends and the predicti
on of its enemies ; it i recorded among
our laws, and, no human power can place
thp country in the same situation it was
in, prior to its passage.
Tte question now,: however, is not one
of laving' 00, but of taking off duties ; we
are enquiring how we shall provide for
the p'-esent posture 0 affairs, our nation
al debt is about to be paid off, we shall
have upon our hands a large surplus reve
nue, how shall we relieve the country
from the anticipated danger of this alarm
ing plethora ? ..We are told, by some of
our statesmen-A-i begparoonor tnesnauea
of the illustrious meij who once bore
that iiame, I nieant some of our politici
ans, that the national legislature cannot
be trusted with one dollar more than the
bare necessities, live stern exigencies oi
the government require Bargain, intrigue
and corruption, we are fold, will staik
barefaced and uncovered throughout this
hall, unless speedily prevented. I have
not yet, sir, lost all confidence in re
publican institutions ; I do not believe
the people of this couptry are yet suffici
ently corrupted to send members to this
House, base enough, either to barter away
their liberty .or squander their money,
when I do believe it, I shall think repre
sentative governments a mere delusion.
I have, however, no objection, that gen
tlemen should estimate their power of re
sisting temptation, by whatever standard
they please.
It is impossible at this . period to dis
cuss this matter of the tariff exclusively
00 its own merits, it has become o inter
mingled with ail the pnliticat questions
of the times,has been the cause of so much
excitement, that it is thrust into every
ouestion and relation in society. In the-!
few discursive reaVarks which I intend
making on this subject, I hope the com
mittee wilt pardon me, if in following the
examples of others, I talk abcrat that sub
ject most interesting to myself. It uiay
vervfproperjy be asked, why this i nordi
hate- desireat.this; sess6n of Congress, to
hurry : throughthe.House'a bill of such
vast importance as tjiiV evidently Is ?
The bil l of July 1832; has not "yet gone
into operation tnq man can teU its pre-;
ci se eff c t u po u: th e te v e u u e. o f A e cou n-
tTr. - Has that bill been 'found to deceive
4 its friends iaf reducing the' revenue ?
will trouble, the committee with a feHr
warns in relation to mat measure : i tim
more inclined to do ijo, because f perceive
it is about. to be murdered in the womb,
and before the final blow is struck, I will
do it an act of passing justice. Having
voted for 'that bill,; in company with a
large majority of my colleagues, and a
majority of the southern delegation, as a
bill to reduce the revenue of the govern
ment, and to relieve the people from the
pressure of the tariff system, lam sur
prized to find endeaVors very industrious
ly made to circulate; a belief, ihat so far
from alleviating the burdens of the South,
hey are aggravated by that bill. . I aw
an article "in the Telegraph, of this City,
published a few days a. go, addressed to the
peonle of Georgia ' and bearing among
other thp signature.. of a gentleman on
fhii floor, (Mr.'C'iayton) containing the
following words; '"The character of the act
o f 1 S 3 :2 i s I i 3 1 i nc tl v m arked. I ts d i vii n i sh ed
'credits, its requisition of cash payments.
its increase ot the value of the pound
sterling, its ifcscriroinating duties, vilS
show, that the burden imposed upon you
are decidedly increased, vet you are told
that this art is a concession 'an effort
to moderate- the -burtlf-ns of the South.'
that like the trave!Ird dove. 5 it comes
with f ie olive branch, to giv- you future
security. The treacherous kiss of Judas
i not more deceptive ; a concession with
the odious principle of protection retained j
as the permanent policy of the govern
ment ! No, it is no concession, its ob
ject is rather to lull you into fahe secri
ty." This paper, although addresed to
the people of Georgia, i evidently intend
ed for the whole South, and conveys an
imputation upon the intel 'igence or integ
rity of Souther anti-tariff gentlemen who
voted for the bill of 1832. As one of
thoe individuals, I am not disposed that,
the slightes taint of inconsistency shall
be attached -to any vote of mine to gratify
any man, or any set of men, or any par
ty whatever. Upon the subject of this
tariff, I have acted upon but one set ()f
principles, and upon those same princi
ples, I intend t continue to act.
This is a repetition of a charge in an
address published by the Sou'h-Carolina
delegation shortly after the close of .the
last session, a .d circulated very generally
throughout the southern country. 1 hese
loving appeals to one's constituents, are
not generally fair -objects for criti
cism, they are intended for the. partial
eye of friendship, some of those names
attached to these statements are, however.
so notorious in connexion with this tariff 1
matter, that thev carry great weight with
them, among two-t'hiids of the peoole
south of the Potomac, it therefore becomes
necessary that even small errors, such as
great minds inadvertedly make, should
at once be corrected. It is very idle to
say, that the tariff bill of 1832, recog
nized the principle ot protection ; it re
cognized it no more, and no less, than
every act. for reducing revenue,rilii!ig
revenue has done since the organization
of the government, the allegation thereof
is merely gratuitous. As regards " di
minished credits and cash payments,"
the impolicy of tlfe existing law was
so satisfactorily shown, by the memorial
of the anti-tariff convvn'ion, that I vo
ted to repeal it, in compliance with the
unanimous wish as expressed in the -memorial
of tlie southern people.-
Another source of lamentation is, ' the
increased value of the pound sterling.''
I?y tlie law of 1799 regulating the value-
of foreign coins, the pound sterling of
England was estimated to baworth 84 44
of our currency ; owing to the fluctuation
in the relative value of gold, and silver its
real value hail become S4 80 cents. I
voted to put it at its true and real
va I tie, because I like to call things by
! their proper names ;jL have, however, a
still better reason, when I vote for a
bill laying a duty of 10, 15, or 25 per!
1" r 1 I I A
cent, when 1 assist in puunning 10 tie
world that such a duty has been laid, I
am desirousof dealing candidly and fairly
with he public. I would not assist in
granting a boon in the first part'of an in
strument, and insert a condition in the
latter part rendering the grant valueless
To have pursued a different course
might have evinced more political cunning,
but would not have, added much to the
reputation of the American Congress; as
one of the humblest of its members, -I am
willing to share the odium of that mea
sure. The bill of July, however, jt is said,
makes discriminating duties ; it releases
luxuries from taxation and throws the bur
den of supporting the government upon
the necessaries of life, it oppresses the
poor, this is pitiful, 'tis wondrous piti
ful," and doubles has been tin lound ac
tion of manv a. moving address' and elo
quent harangue. : It may have 7eetf said,
in the furioso language of the day, th it
gFtndtng, cruel, and unrelenting majority
of Congress, iuseasible to the. onsene
and sufferings of: an oppressed people,
have had the unprecedented,, en irinou,
and daring effrontery to. grant t. a high
toned and chivalrous people, their tea and
coffee without tax. Huribie' as this
charge seems to, be, and alas olng as it is
to a conscientious man, it ii very easy to
show that k comes with a very bad grace
from the source it does ; and as applica-
Tjhle to the state, of things la tlie South,
SB. Ti-
has little or no foundation. It is diffi
cult in a coufitr ' so prosperous cs every
part of the tUii te5 States is, to draw a
distinction between luxuries and necessa
ries
, in every 'cqforVunity,' they are nierw -
iorrelaiive. terms', in'rude and savage
ly correl
tates of sqcietj necessaries are sucliar-
ticles as .sustai existence ; a society
advances in refit ment,: what was former-
iv a luxury becomes a necessary. I wouit
here remark, tfi?tthe..argument of the hon
orable gen4lemh near me (Mr. Cholate)
that the southeiti people, in proportion to
their wealth anf population, are non-consumers,
is literally true.
It is perfectly well known to every gen
tleman familiar with the domestic arrange
ments of the mass of the southern people,
that two-thTrds of them" arf clad in their
own domestic rrianu facta res: Ihdveknown
many planters, the owners of large fami
lies' of slaves, who purchase nothing from
the stores but iRiri. altv tea, coffee, sugar
ard a lew other? trifling articles of luxury
or conyemeoce !Nov.' fa it not mre im
portant to ili-vsf 'men that tiiev should pur
chase such articles as tea and coffee
cheaply, wiiichare of daily and constant
use, than the 'Inroad cloths of England ;
the larter snrely re not so essential to
their comio; U the want of them is
not (leprivinp; -them of an article upon
which they.set-fjr.qch value ? Tbev pre
fer theirown djta?tic manufactures, ami
I hope tiie. day:)i yer. wil ! arrive when the
loom anil the $ kindle are to be silent a
round the hearts ot our f.tthcrs ; to me
there' is no sight : more cheering, than that
of a family clac!; Wtirely by if own labor:
it presents a sp icthc:e of substantial com
fort and sturd v iiVdependence, not to be
surpassed in aijr quarter of the globe. I
confess I. 47 ever visit such scenes, with
out returning ft.m them elevated and pu
rified in feeling I go back in imagina
tion to other imes, when the men of
homespun fVer; ' legislating in your trails
of Congress; an ) fighting the battles of
the revolution. S l ng as the Federal
Government's tlxfgatherer d.es not cross
the doors of thi-j worthy class of society,
tncy are irtdepi ndent of its legislation :
S' cnre in th. f.tioiseleas tenor of their
way," tiiey :n;e rr'.p.y, unmoleted by the
vision of av.trii f.r the dreams f mibi
tion If this d it?ictLon between the ne
cessities and ln'iuHe were substantially
true, who has artyf right to complain ? If
luxury tends tujeievaTe man in the seal'
of social existei cei ; if they follow in the
march of civiii-jafcion arid make a part of
it, why, in a government ot equals, hould
not every thim 'that-tends f-i refine our
natures, to smiytli the 'asperities of life,
.ind elevate nai iia the-scale of animated
beings, be place5 j 4'ithin reach of the poor
est individual i society ?
Having dispu ted ot t,he morality of this
matter, let us uw look to its l-gic. I
will not take u.the Tariff bill of J 832,
and comparing- Jt ;w;th . the act of 1828,
ask gentlemenif , a reduction of the du
ties on iron,1 at cotton goods, on sugar,
on woollen cloi is, ort negro clothing, on
blankets, ,&c. ias not a reduction on the
necessaries df fe, this would be confu
ting them by th fplain rule of subtraction,
a species of gyuieut utterly beneath
gent'emen, 'whVU'al in the sublimes of
metaphysics-: llf take the rule they
tnetnse'lves hav 'furnished.
The theory '.which has produced such
excitement in oiie portion of the south
against, the Taiff, and -which I presume
is believed 6. 'illhuose who condemn the
actft832 itAyti include the ultra tariff
men, who by , hXir ass icjations it that
vote,? illustrat, fie truth of the propositions'-'"
t!;at tli;4xiH?mes are sometimes
nearer toge'he;; f nan tiie means," is thus
expounded by jne of ifablest supporters,
(report Co:Tnnftte'e of Ways and Means,
by XL. McD'vie "February 8, 1832.)
As the'reirrctlonw jmposed upon the.
production of southern i'ldustry are af
fected by the. aitjif.-'1cy of indirect taxes,
the burthens i,;iv:itsed uponthe planting
States by the rrecting system, are not
very i:iaccur'atciymea'Ui ed by the amount
of taxes levied o?pon their productions.
And when the .quality of the govern
ment dUbtti$e'jk .are added to the in
equality. of coi i.butious exacted by im
port duliesj' j ipay be cotjfiilently af
firmed, t hat. tfc'jjj burthens imposeil upon
the planting; by t.e taxation, prohi
bition and dKhl demerits of the federal
government a iv? panose than equal to the
amount of taxej. levied upon those imports
which are ()btfnpd in exchange for the
three great agricultural staples of cotton,
tob.icco aid rij el;. Toat a duty upon an
import is .equiV Vliit to the. same amount
of duty upontie, export which has been
exchanged foflil, is but a self-evident
proposition toillr woo correctly compre
hend its imporiV 1 Tav planter is as inju
riously ailect? I .by the o ie duty as he
would by th'i'. tpifer, with.-jt any reference
whatever lo hih &hn tmsumpfioH."
H-; re is a- dfct and unequivocal ad
mission thai th Vconsumer of an articlt as
such, has m ;Vere t at . all in the duty
I paid by that atiile ; it is ihe.-efore U o
ttuportauce -tapMUi wliether tne duty is
ten, fifteen or InWty per centti-n, nor fro o
what article 4h e reveniie is collected.
N" . v, if v- s,prlpoliti6ti is true, an I I ad
mit its truth f&v the present occasioa.the
growers of riceV3Kttin tniL tobacco, which
articles coastitjtirp-triTrda of the A.-ne-
'
rican productions exchanged for foreign
goods, pay two-thirds o.f the gros amount
ot iuties charged on foreign importations,
1 1 . . .
or as has been estimated forty , per cent.
lni - what below the true amount, let us
apply thii rule to the reduction of duties
by the tanit ot 1832, to ascertain the re
lief yielded to the rice, cotton and tobac
co men ; if the reduction; of the revenue
by the bill of July, 1833, amounted to
go, isr,078,' 'as was estimated by the
treasury department, the relief to those
individuals exclusively, was S2074,83U
Is this no relief to this class uf society f
They must know otherwise, if they hon
estly believe they bear so large a share ol
the burden ; and if we take into conside
ration the small class of individuals even
in the ?outh, directly interested in fhe
production of these articles, the relief to
thetn, under this view of their case and
by ttiat bill, vas of vast importance. But
sir, what becomes- of this oppression on
the poor ? Are the poor the growers of
rice, cotton and tobacco, or was it intend
ed as a mere figure of speech, a pathetic
appeal, -
Spargere ambiguas vocea .
In vulgum. :
Had I voted against the bill, believing
this modern doctrina, I should have felt
myself bound, as a consistent man, to have
gone home and told my constituents that
a proposition was made in Congress to re
lieve them from two millions oftheir bur
dens, which I had rejected with scorn,
butt that I had brought- them the glorious
remedy of nullification. I knew the tem
per of that people too w"5ll I knew they
were devottdly attached to the union of
these state3,as the last hope of liberty
upon earth, and they were not inclined
to jeopard it, upon a doubtful point of po
litical economy. Whenever, sir, I per
suade the people whom I represent to re
sist the laws of this government, it wiii
be such resistance as freemen should make
with arms in their hands, and not a petti
fogging .chicanery, through the courts.
But sir, if the bill of lS32was radical
ly wrong, the same objections apply to the
bill on your tabie, it has a!so the mark of
the beast upon it. This bill does not re
store the credit system, it does not re
store the "false valuation of the pound
sterling, it has likewisedicriininating du
ties, it only carries out the principle of
the bill of 1832, and reduces the revenue
nearer to the wants-of the government
Its discriminating duties are of a more
partial character than any bill ever pre
sented to this House ; it protects some
species of iron (the most oppressive part
ot the tariff.) by a duty of 76 per cent,
while cotton goods, a manufacture nearly
acclimated, are protected by a duty of
20 per cent. When however, the contest
is for ,pi inciple, I will not do any one the
injustice to suppose that money will an
swer, should it amount to thousands and
unless that principle is yielded nothing
has been gained. 1 do not know how gen
tlemen will vote oh the final passage of
this bill j all that I am anxious about is,
that if hereafter there should be any
ci.atge of inconsistency, it may rest pre
cisely where truth and justice demand.
Thisact of 1832 was no favorite of mine:
I was satisfied it would not answer, the
purpose for which it was intended, aud
that it did not extend its own principle
sufficient for the occasion. During all
tlie discussion on that subject, I watched
tne scene with a great deal of anxiety :
I was'deairous ot seeing a deliberate ex-
pression of opinion between the two great
antagonist principle in the country, pro
tection and no protection,' or if there
were a third principle that .would satisfy
all, parties. I listened in vain for the lat
ter principle : I heard, day after .day,
speeches upon crude and ill digested the
ories, but heard notff'ing more practicable
than ihe mode of concesaiou proposed in
the bill of 1832.
The principle of collecting the revenne
of the government fro 11 one set of articles
in order to give incidental protection to
the manufactures of the country, estab
lishes nothing nev in our legislation, it is
a doctrine a old as the Constitution, and.
in 18 16 when this matter of the tariff first
began, it was distinctly admitted by the
ami-tariff party. 'When the tariff of 1 S 1 6
(the cause of all our Woe,) was-. under dis
cussion, Mr. Telfair of Georgia, .a stren
uous oppbser of that bill, said he would
not deny that in the imposition of duties,
for the puBpoae of revenue, it is wise to
select your objects j.that while the'origi-
nal intent is secured, the interest of the
manufacturer is regarded as au inciden
tal consideration." It is not, 'however,
necessary to go so fir back in our history
for a legislative recognition of this prin
ciple. The present President of the Uni
ted States, 10 his message to thi$ House,
of December 8ih, 1823, sai l looking
forward . to the 'period not fir distant.
vhen a sinking fund will no longer be re
quired, the duties on those auticies of im
portation, which cannot come in compe
tition with our productions' are the first
that should engage the attention of Con
gress in the . iitic.vtio.i of tin tariff. Oi
tnese, tea and coffee are the mot pro.ni-
nc it : they e iter largely into. tlie coo
nun, me, c 111:1 laici t imu. villi v'u- - - . -
J ,, ...-if- ' this iwirum.-.n consists m confontKiiOs' toe aaeaa
sumpnon, and nave Decnie articles olng-- .:y fAi, v , Tirer!y 1
citv to all classes. A reductio-i there
fore of -the esUtiog daties witl oe felt as
laxoHjmijm. benefit, bit tie an o(uer e-
4
gislation connected with commerce,' to be
efficacious and not injurious, it should
be, gradual and certain." In Compliance
with this executive recommendafioni the
chairman 'of the committee of Wavsi aTuL
Means of t'at day, (MrMcDaffie.) re
ported a bill to this House; reducing the
duty on tea aud coffee, . which .becaraet sv
law, and wnich I voted for, with, greafc":
pleasure. . ,
The address of the an ti -tariff conven
tion, of Southern people, assembled!!.
Philadelphia, in 1831, ."likewise, admit
the constitutionality of a tariff, for inci
dental protection. ..That' address, said to
have been wjritten by one of. the gentlmaii
who Mgns this Georgia manifesto agal nst
the act of July, 1832, (Mr. Berrien) con
tains these words: "They admit the pow
er of Congress (speaking of the opinion it
the South,) to lay and collect such dd
ties as they may ileem necessary for th
purpose f revenue,- and w ithin thee li
mits so to arrange We duties as incident-'
aihf and to that extent to give protection to
the manufacturer. "
It seems to me, if we are to raise a" r
venue by imposts, it il a matter of but lif-f
tie consequence to the community genef- '
ally, upon what articles it is raised, take.
for example sugar" and coffee. Can its
make any difference to the consumer ot
these two articles, (I take it for granted
he is the onjy person concerned) Vhethec
he pays 2 cents a pound on 'sugar, and-iv.
iialf cent on coftee, or three bents' on siu "
gar and nothing on coffee ?, I contend i&
does, not ; the drinker of a cup of coffeo
neither feels or carcii upon , which of the
two articles he pays the duty." It makes ?$
however a vast difference to a large anil
valuable interest in the nation, for by one
process you injure the sugar planter,
without communicating a benefit to any
interest whatever.' If it really make
any difference to. the mass 0? the commu
nity, 01 such vast magnitude, upon whaC
articles thexev.enue of the country is nils-" i
ed, I confess 1 cannotjerceive it, and SI
presume it is only visible to our political
metaphysicians, ;
" Who have optics keen,
Enabling them to see things not to be seen.J"
One assertion, I presume is as good ffa '
another in this matter, I have therefore
no hesitation in saving, that under all, the ,
circumstances oflhe case, and consider
ing the situation of the country, the act of';
1832, was a great atid valuable concess
sion of the majority of this House, to ; the
alleged grievances of the minority. FHT
if there was a principle-which should be
held sacred in the legislation of this conn
try, it is "that an interest created by the
law should not be wantonly destroyed by
the law, If, moreover the bill of July
was not as beneficial "to the South as it
might have been, it was in some measure; -the
fault of the South. The' bill -as origt
naily reported, contained a clause giving,
partial relief to the shipping interests of
the country, from the excessive burden
laid on that interest by tne tarjff of 1828,
this clause was 'struck out by Southern
votes. It requires, I should suppose, no
argument to prove, that a free trade peo
ple ought to encourage the shipping inter
est, and if the pecqole are? as we have .
been told, industriously engaged in manu
facturing British woollens out of Southern
cotton, they ought, as a reward for their
ingenuity, be permitted to carry these ar,
tlc'es to market in an untaxed vessel.
Did I believe it essential to the pros"
perity or welfare of the. Southern Slates.,
that the manufactories of the North shpuld
be levelled with the dust, it would be an
unpleasant duty to vote, a be,nfit to my- -seif,
which would be the entire ruin of
another. A few summer's ago, ! while fly
i .-vg from the demon of .ill health, I visit
ed New-England, I found her towns; and. .
villages crowdt-d with an intlustrjousand
enterprising population, her hilU and val
leys redolent with health,, prosperity and .
contentment : every inind Acemed ttr bd
intent, every Jiand was occupied ?the
world does not contain a more flourishing
community. There the advantages or
education are extended to the poo pest in
dividual in society, anil that society re
ceives its remuneration in his sober,indu?-'. ;
trious and iccotuvmical habits. If the fi
vine Piatt, were alive, 4ie wouhl no Ion
ger draw upon his imagination for a spe.
'i'lra;aSlt9ion;wil be onintellig'rjle. to those
nersojjj .Vho hye'nvttten'ded to'the discove
rlt which have bn mi le in poiiticil science
Within the last three ye4rs at Vf asttiiijrton ; it U
vyrv: fjr.ively cooteoded ia J; tie Ucprt of the
Coirrtiilee o. W iys m iw I Ma:is Mhovecn -ntUned
" thatBheths4 tli dmy ,hjSj, Ia.l the ''export
or I helm port, it is"cquilly ltul. inooth case
opjn th.; proiocfeon of t!e plotter. There can
not b( a ut)rc.piriWtf an;I lr.iOive iTrr tii.a
tlie vulvar notiwu thav sioirHxttd rnaniiFactofes .
wind luvt beeo p'trc'usvd by ihe nrKUltural.
'st:ileat"lti-s coii'r.rvj ;ire foreign product oas.
Touk i.re as s'ricify a. id exclu-.ivejj' the.pjro luc-.
tniii of domestic iftdv.v as if they were matnt
faclnr jd in th fJii ted St;:te.' IokittI'thrDtr' -,11
lbs p:airhjr-ud nci-nofitcturiitg' SUiea, DrittY
th? eV.- vf HO voIi 'itv-n-d po'dosoohv, Uef lw
ijreu" diVTwod l':rte U.000 roosi be rejfSitl'-'l
is' d. votin ther -tJ.,-irjl and labor, t the ptC
drictioos oi the oie ai-ticjes far the very same
nuirkei. Plie Soothe.ti States m uiufaciut-e Oy
te iffency ofpioun, nd h:.- and buriies, what '
the JWth'eni Ht iefi rn ftuf.Mtil-e by ;h a): ncy
of mictiiirerv." &c. i he . wltoU.- Mi'ent.v ot"
prod'iction, hu 10 .liiuictiKi-'.j pttccpiio w urfi
n occasitH:dty t.ie
uv--i ot mai!ya;HenjovM
i:rlc;nirj.:
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