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1 j -T jv y - 4 , 'i,i otjRS A TIE THE PLANS OF FAIR DELIGHTFUL PEACE, UNWARp'd. BY JAUTY RAGE, TO LIVE LIKE BROTHERS. 5 TUSSPAY; APRIIii ! 1833. NO. 24- i i " v? . ' ' : : i 1 1 1 I if : tty 4 1 1?? 1 4' "..4 a A, Ft TUT, UYifcISTT.U is prBtisiiED EYEnr Tussn vt, ;t Xiy JosftU OaVe & Son, . RakiK Forth-Carolina. TERMS. Tans Don.tnper anmim;one half in advance Thoe who (To.not,either,at the time of ?ub scrfbih,or iihseqe'htl.v, Rive notice ftftheir wish tohave the Paper discontinued at the ex piratioh of their year, will he presumed as de airinjr its continuance until counti-rmanded. , ADVERTISEMENTS, .Sot exceeding sixteen Hues,- will be inserted three times for & Dollar; and twenty-five cents fr feli snhspnnent nnblicatiou : those of V. w " n-i'ntpr Ipnirth. inthe same proportion. If h .--- - the number of insertions be not marked on : thenftthev will be continued until ordered out, and charged accordingly. THE TARIFF. f . I J .111 I III ! . Jfter giving Mr. Calhoc ahd Mr. Webster a full hearing on this subject, we think it U due in justice to Mr. Clat, (the efficient Mediator on this perplexing, and lately threatening question) to publish his Speech also ; it being ihe only sketch, tjie Editors of the Intelligen cer say, of what he said on any subject during the Session, which underwent his correction- This done, we shkll ndeavor to give our rea. ders in future a greajter variety of m tter. Tle Cill to modify the TarifTbeing under con sideration Mr. Clat rose, in reply to Mr. Webster, and sa'ul : Bemg anxious Mr. President, that this bill should puss and pass fhLi day, I will abridge i . ..I I as rr.ucn as i caTh nc nuscrvaiions w hich i am called upon to make. I have long, with pleasure and pride, co-operated in the public service with tilt- Senator from Massachusetts ; and have found him faithful, enlightened and patriotic. 1 Imve not a particle of doubt as to the pure and elevated motives which actuate him. Under these circumstances, it gives me deep and last ing regret to find myself compelled to differ from Vim as to a measure involving vital interests, and perhaps the safety of the Union. On the other land, I derive great cehsolation from finding imself, on this .occasion, in the midst of friends -ith whom I have long acted, in peace and in war, and especially with the honorable Senator frotrf Maine, Mi Holmes with whom I had the happiness to unite in a memorable, instance. It was in this v ry chamber, that Senator presiding in thet.comm'iVee of the Senatef1 aid I in the Icommitteee of twenty-four of the House of lle presentatives, on a Sabbath day, that the terms were adjusted, by which the compromise was enecico oi mc miwh i juruuii. i urn uie dak clouds that hung oyer our beloved country were dispersed-; and now the thunders from others not less threatening, and which have been longer accumulating, will, I hope, roll over us, harmless and without injury.' The Senator from Massachusetts objects to the bill under consideration on various grounds, Hj argues that it ipiposes unjustifiable restraints oii the power of future legisltiinn ; that it aban dons the protective policy ; and that the details ofthe bill are practically defective. He does not object to the gradual, but vt-ry inconsidera Mt reduction of duties which is made .prior to the year 142 To that he could not object, Wcause it is a species of prospective provision, i) be admits, in conformity with numerous pre- cedents.on our s'atute book. He does, not ob ject so much to the stale of the proposed law rjrK.r t Ibi'J, during a period, of nine vents bu', throwing nimseil rorwaru to the terminati on of that period, ha-contenJs that Congress will t:ien find Uelf under . inconvenient siiackles, imposed by our indiscretion. In the first pi ce, I would remark, that the bill contains no obliga lory pledges -il cotilu niake nyue ; none are at tempted. The power over the subject is in the r.oTist'rtition ; pnt there by those who formed it, aiid li.bie to be taken out only by an amend ment (i tbeinsiiun.e'.t. ' Tin next Congress, and every sue . ed'uig Congress, will undotibti d- h h; r ' he poivtr to repeal the law, whenever? tlic) may thuik proper. A hetherthey will ex- ercse it r not, will depend upon a sound dis cretion, applied to ihe st;te ofthe whole coun try, and tstimating fairly ihe consequences of ihc repeal, both upon the general harmony and the common interests. Tlu-n, the bill is found ed in a Sitiiit of compj.iri.isc. Now, in all cnrrjiromi.es mere must ne mum i concessions. The trie n Is of free trade ins st that duties should be laid in lefience to revenue al.iiie. iiiends-of American industry say that another, if. not prirumount ooject in laying them, should oe o ilnn.nis'1 the consumption oj' foreign, and in crease ih.it of domestic products. On this point 'Je parties divide, and, between those two op pojte "opinions a recui.cil.atiun is t heeflVcted, il itrcau be accompl's!iel. The bill assumes, as a h ir.i, :id quale protec'ion for nine years, and i"ss beyond that lerm. I'he friends f protecti ishy to their opponents, we are willing ti tukc a lease of nine rears, with the long chapter of accidents beyond that period, including the cli .nee ot Wur, the i t s or.tion of concord, and along with' it a conviction, common to all, ofthe utility of protection ; anilRju consideration of it; in 1812. noi.e of tin se' conlingencit s siiatl ave bren realized, we a t- willing to submit, as, '."".f as Congress may think psoper, to a maxi- "'tun rate ot 2U tier cent. Willi me powei oi dis- ' t' li iii.tion below i', cash duties home valua;-- and :t liberal list of free articles, .tor the be. tit'tii of the manufacturing .interest. To these c,MuVit ions the opponents of protection are. ready 1' aci eile. The measure is what it professes to " a compromise ? bijt it imposts and could im-V"-i' no rcsti ictiotys upon the will or power of 'hi'.ii'-e Congress. : Doubtless great respect will h l a d, as. it onrlit to be paid, to ihe serioti-1 ' ' 'idiiion of the country lhat has prompted the age -t this bill. - Any future Congress, that disturb tins .adjustment would act under gh ivs.oiisibilitV, but it Wouhl be entirely v.'iiliin i-s compet.-i cy to repeal, if il thought Pr,,pfr, the whole bill. 1' is fir from tht- nSifert nf thnu who snnnort 'His ) in W..I1.L.. to I't'otect ing AmeriCfwi indus rj. lis protection Cir viicomaiiement iniv be accomplished in vari . ... i '. - . ' .- .' . V 'ls W.iVS. t -t IH-Jii ..i,iti..c i a llr ua ''diin the const itutit power of Congress to r them. 2d. By j rohibitions totally eXclu UiO Ultigii liiul ti-.iclc. uu. By liigh Ju- ties? without regard to the aggregite amount of revenue which they ; produce. 4th. ,13 v discri minating duties, so adjusted as to limit the reve nue to the economical want1! of Government. And 5thly. Rv ihe admission of the raw mletul and articles essential to manuf ictures, -free ot duty. To which may be added cash duties, home valuations, and the, regulation or auctions. A perfect system of protection would comprehend most, if not all these modes of affording i". There might be, at this time, a prohibition of certain articles, (anient spirits and co irsc cot tons, for example) to public advantage. If there were not inveterate prejudices and confficting opinions prevailing, (andj what statesman can totally disregard impediments of tiqat character?) such a compound system might be established. Now, Mr. President, before the assertion is made that the bill siirienders the protective po licy, gentlemen should understand perfectly what it does not, as well as what it does propose. It impairs no power of Congresi over the whole subject ; it contains no promise or pledge what ever, express or implied, as to bounties, prohi bitions, or auctions ; it does not touch the pow er of Congress in regard to them, an I Congress is perfectly free to exercise that power at any time; it "expressly recognises discriminating duties within a prescribe I limit ; it provides for cash duties and home valuations ;and it secures a free list, embracing numerous articles, some of high importance to the manufacturing a' t. X)fali the modes of protection which I have enu merated, it aflVcts only the third ; that is to 'say, the imposition of high duties, producing a reve nue beyond the wants of Government. The Senator from Ma6S ichusetts contends that the policy of protection w as settled in 1816, ami that it has ever sir.ee been maintained. Sir, it was settled long. before 1516. It is coeval with the present Constitution, and it will continue, under some of its various aspects, during the existence of the Government. No nation ran exist, no na tion, perhaps, ever existed, without protection in some form, jrnd to some extent, being appli ed to its own industry. Tiie d-rf ct and neces sary consequence of abandoning the protection of its mvn industry, would be to subject it to the restrictions and prohibitions of foreign Powers ; and no nation, for any .length of lime, can en'duie an alien legislation, in which it has no will. The discontents which prevail, and the safety of the republic, may require the modification of a spe c.fic mode of protect on, but it must be preserv ed in some other more acceptable shape. AU that was settled in 1815, itvlSil, and .in 1828, was that protection should be afforded bit high duties, without rcrfird to the amount ofthe revenue which they might ifittd. During that hole period, we had a public debt which absorbed all the surpluses beyon 1 the ordfnarv wants of Covernment. Between 1816 and 13.2 4, the re venue was liable to great fluctuations, vibrating between the extremes of nineteen and thir-thirty-six millions of dollars. If there were more revenue, more deht was paid : if less, a sm dhr amount was reimbursed. ;,Such was s imetimes the deficiency of the revenue, that it became necessary, to the ordinary expenses of Govern ment, to trench upon the en millions annually set apart, as a sinking fund, to extinguish the public debt. II the public debt; remained un discharged, or we had any other proper and practical mode of appropriating the surplus re venue, the form 'of protection, by high duties, might be continued without detriment. It is the payment .of the public; debt,; then, and tl.e arrest of internai improvements by the exercise of the veto, that unsettle - that specific form of protection.' Nobody supposes, or proposes, that we should continue to levy, by meaws of high duties, a Irge annual surplus, of Which no -practical use can be made, for 'the sake of the inci dental protection .which thy 'afford. The Se cretary of the Treasury estimates, that surplus, on the existing scale of duties. And with the other sources of revenue, al sis millions annually. An annual accumulation, at tliat rate, would, in a fewiyear., hring into the treasury the whole currency of t!ie country, to lie there inactive and dormant. .' This view ofthe condition ofthe country has impressed every public ircjan with ,Iie necessity of" some modification of .the principle of protec tion, so fit r as it depends on high duties. The Senator from Massachusetts feelsjit ; and hence in the resolutions which he submitted, he pro pose to reduce the duties, eo as to limit the a mount of the revenue to the wauls of the Gov ernment. With him, revenue is: the principal, protection the subordinate object. If protection cannot be enioved after siicu a reduction of du ties as he' thinks oug.ht to ht.made, it is nottobe extendvd. He savs specific dutief. and the pow er of d scriiniuation, are preserved by his resolu tions. So it hey may be under the operation of the bill. Tlie only difference between the two schemes is, that the bdl, in the maximum which it movides. sutfirests a certain limit : whilst his resolutions lay down none. Bellow thatmaxi-l mam, the principle of discrimin itton and specific duties may be applied. The Senator from Penn sylvania rlr. Dallas who equally with the Sen ator from Mxssachuetts, is opposed to this bill, would have agreed to the oiii-if it nail nxea tnir ly instead of twenty per. centum i and he would have d spensed with home valuation, and come doivivioihe revenue standard in five or six years. Now, Mr. President, I prefer, ahd J think the manufacturing interest will prefer, nine years of adequate protection' home valuations, and l wen ty per cent, to the plan ofthe Seuatorfrom Penn sylvania. Mr. President, I want to be perfectly under stood as to the motives which have prompted me to offer this measure. 1 repeat what I sVid on (he introduction of it, that they are, fiist, to preserve the manufacturing- interest, and, se condly, to quiet the country. I believe the A meiicun system to be in the greatest danger ; and I believe il can be placed on a better and safer found ition at this session, than at the next. heard, with surprise, my friend from Massa ichusetts say, that .nothing had occurred within the ast mx months to increase its hazard. 1 en- ir.at him to rewew that opinion.! Is il correct Is the issue of numerous elections, including that of the lushest officer of the Government, no thing? Is the explicit recommendation of lhat of ficer, in his menage at the opening ot the sessi on, sustained, as he is, bv a recent triumphant eh clion, nothing ? Is hi declaration in his pro clamation, lhat the burdens ot the South ought lo be relieve 1. .'nothing Ms the introduction of a bill into Ihe llousef Uepresnlative during this session, sanctioned by the Head ot.tne I rea sury and the Administration, prostrating the greater part ofthe manufactures of the country, nothing? Are ihe increasing discontents, noth ing ? Is the tendency ,oF recent events to unite t lie whole South, nothing Wjiat hare we not witnessed in this chamber ? Friends of the ad ministration bursting all ' ihe tier which seemed indissblubly lo unite them lo its chief, and with few exceptions south ofthe' Potomac, opposing, and vehemently opposing,, a favorite measure of that administration, which thri je short months ago they contnbuted to establish Li us not dc- ceive ourselves. Now is the time to adjust the question in a munnsrsatisf'actory to both parties. Put it off until the next session, and the altern ative mav, and pro'ablv then would be, a speedy ancLruinous reduction ofthe Tariff, or a civil war with the entire South. Il is well known that ihe maj ir'dv of the domi nant party is adverse to the tapff. Tnere are many honorable; exceptions', the Senator from New-Jersey Mr.1 Dickerson among them. Bui for the exertions of the other party, the tariff would have been long since sacrificed. Now let us look at the composition ofthe two branch es of Congress at the next session. In this body we lose three friends of the protective policy, without being sure of gainiugone. fl-?re, judg ing from present appearances, we shall, at the next session, be in the minori y. In the House it is notorious that there is a considerable acces sion to the number of the dominant party. How. ihen, 1 ask, is the system to be sustained against numiK-rs, against the whole weight ofthe ailmU nislratio i, against- the united South, And against the "increasrd impending dnger of civil war ? There is, indeed, one contingency that might save it, but that is too uncertain to rely u;on. A certain clas of northern politicians, professing friend ship to the tariff, have been cnarged Willi being secretly inimical, to it, for political purposes. They may change their ground,' and come out opt n and undisguised supporters of, the system. I'uey may even find in the measure r.ow brought forward, a motive for their conversion. Sir, I shall rejoice in it, from whatever ouse it may pro ceed. And if they can give gre&ter strength.and durability to the system, and at the same time quiet the discontents of its opponents, I shall re joice st II more. ' They shall not fiod me dispos ed to abandon it, because it has drawn succor from an unexpected quarter. No, Mr. President, it is not destruction but pies rvation of the system at which we aim. If dangers now assail it, we. have nol created them. I have su.stained it upon the strongest and clear est convictions of in expediency. They are en tirely unaltered Had others, who avoxtr attach ment to it, supported it with equal zal and straightforwardness, it would now be tree from embarras.-ment ; but with them it has been a secondly interest. I utter no complaints I make no reproaches. 1 wish oifly to defend my self now, as heretofore, againt unjust assauhs I have been represent-, d as the lather of -this system, and I am charged with an unnatural a bandonment of my own offspring. I have never arrogated to myself any such intimate relation to it. 1 have indeed, cherished it with parental fondness, and my affection is s'ill undiminished. But in what condition do 1 find this child ? It is in the hands of the Philistines, w ho would stran gle it. I Hy to its rescue, to snatch it from their custody, and to place il on a bed of security and repose for nine years, where it may grow and strengthen, and become'acceptable to the whole people. I behold a torch about being applied to a favorite edifice, and I would save it, if pos sible before it is wrapt in fl nics, or at least pie serve the precious furniture which it contains. 1 wish to see the t.nff separated fr,oui the poli tics of the country, that business men may go lo work with secur ty, with some prospect of stabi lity in our laws, and Without every thing. being stak d on the issue of elections as iC were on the hazard ofthe die. And the other leading object which hi9 prompt ed the introduction of this measure, the tranqud izing of the country, is no less important. All w ise, human legislation mut consult in some de gree the passions and prej .dices, and feehngs, as well as the interests of Ihe people. It would be vain and foolish to proceed, at all times, and undtr all circumstances, upon the no ion ot ab solute certainty in any system, or inf-.l ibility in any dogma, and to push these out without re gard to any consequences. Willi us, who en tertain the opinion that Congress is constitution ally invested with power to protect domestic in dustry, it is a question of mere expediency as to the form, the degree, and the lime, that the pro tection shall be afforded. In weighing all the considerations which should control and regulate the exercise of lhat power, we ought not to over look what is due to those who honestly entertain opposite opinions lo large masses of the commu nity, and to deep, long-cht rished, and growmg prejudices. Perceiving, ourselves, no constitu tional impediment, we nave less difficulty in ac commodating ourselves to the sense ofthe peo ple of the Onited States upon this interesting subject, f do believe that a majority of them is in favor of this policy ; but I aui induced to be lieve tins almost against evidence. Two Slates in New-t'.ngljiid, winch Had ueen in lav or ot the system, have r.cemly come oul against it. Other States of the North and the East h ve shown a re mai kaole indifference to its preservation. If, in deed, they have wished to preserve it, they have nevertheless placed the powers of Government in hands which ordinary information must have assured them were rather a hazardous depository. With us in the Wtst, although we are not with out some direct and considerable indirect, inter est in the .system,' we Ivave supported it more upon national th m sectional grounds. Meantime the opposition if a large and res pectable section of the Union, stimulated by po litical success, has increased, and is increasing. Discontents are multiplying and assuming new and danir. ruus Hsoecis. Tiiey have been cher ished by the course and hopes inspired during this administration, which, at ihe very moment that it threatens and recommends the use of the power of the who" Union, proclaims aloud the injustice of the syslem which il would enforce. These discontents are not limited to those who maintain the extravagan theory of nullification ; they are not confined to one State ; they are co extensive with theentire South, and extend ven to Northern States. It has been intimated by the Senator from Massachusetts, that, if we leg islate at this session on ihe lar.ff, we would seem to legislate under the influence of a panic. 1 believe, Mr. President, I am not more sensible to danger of any kind than my fellow men are generally. It, perhaps, requires as much moral courage to legislate under the imputation of a panic, as to refrain from it, lest such an imputa tion should be made. Hut he who regards the present question as being limited to South-Carolina alone, takes a view of it much too contract ed. There is si sympathy of feeling and interest throughout the whole South. Other Southern States may differ from that as to the remedy to be now used, but all agree (great as in my hum ble judgment is their error) in the substantial justice ofthe cause. Can there be a doubt that those who think in common will sooner or later act in concert Events are on the w ng, and hastening this co-operaiion. Since the com mencemeut of llhis session, the most powerful Southern member of the Union has taken a me i- suie which cannot fail to lead to important con sequences. She has deputed one of her most distinguished citizens to request a suspension of measures of resistance. No attentive observer can doubt that the suspension wilT be made. Well, sir, suppose tt takes place, and Congress should tad at ihe next session lo attorn the re Cli'cas which be soLcited, w'hat couise would every principle of jonor, and every consideration of the interests at Virginia, a she understands them, exacf frbnyer ? Would she not mike omnrron c oise,w'rf S uth Carolina ; and. if she did, would ndt"thMen'ii-e S uth even'u.dly be come parlies to $fe.-contst ? file rest of the Union might put &wn the South, and reduce i; to submission ; b'i'.t) say Clothing of the uncer tainty and hazardsjjaf all war, is that a desirable state of things? pught it not to be avoided if it can be. houorab prevented ? I am not one of those w ho thinf that we must rely exclusively upon moral poveit and never resort to physcal force. I know toT well the frailtiesrand follies of man, in his directive :is well as individual charac er, to. reject in all possible ess s, the em ployment of forcsf-;;-ibut-I do think, that- when resort .-d to, espially among the members of a Confederacy, tshould mini rest ly appear to be the only reinaU ,Hig appeal. But, suppose, thli pi eseot Congress terminates without any ailjiils ment of the tariff, let us sea in what condition;;-:;, friends will find themselves at the nejt't sessroi-, South-Carolina will have po tponed the e mention of the law passed to carry into efK cf br ordinance until t he en I of that session. All f ill be quiet in the South for the present. Tjie ' 'resident, in his ooeningmes suge,- w ill urge tjl. -just ce, as he teirms it, be d me U the SoutN jiid that the burdens impos ed upon itby the;. ariff be removed. The whole weight of,t'he . adnjjistration, the united South, and maJSirnies t.fTjtlie dominant party in both branches of Ctyigri ss, will be found, in active co operation. Will t-;e gentleman from Alasachu setis tell me bow ;ve are tfosave the tariff against this united and irri. vistible force ? They will ac cuse us of indiffeiv-ice to the preservation ofthe Union, and of bei v willing to expose the coun try to the dangers v;f civil war. Tiie fact of S. Carol in postponi -j , her ordinance, at the in stance of V.rgiiva,': and once more appealing to the justice ofJon frv-ss will be pnssed with great emphasis an-effect. I' does appear to me impossible that w? can prevent a most injurious modification of thg -iriff at the next Session ; and that this is the five- i;ble moment fur an eqni'-aide arrangement tii' it. jj have been subjected to an imadversion for th admission of the fact, that at tiie next session nrf .opponents will be stronger, and the friends of 'jie American system weaki r than they are in 1 1) 'Congress. Uut is it not so r And is it jioi tiie dlr; of every man who aspires lo be a s'.itshnnj ;Joi)k at naked f-cts as they really are ? jllust suppress them ? Ought he, like children, to t r,W the counterpane over his eyes, and per'su .d(;i-imself that he is secure from danger ? Are tn ur opponents as well inform ed as v.e'Sre'HboiJ-heir own strength ?' If we adjnurmteiehout sny permanent settle ment ofthe farilln' what painful suspense and terrible .uncertainty lhall we not leave the man ufacturers and bu?'n ss men of the country ? All eyes will be tunii,'. wttb trembling and fear, to the next session. .'Iterations will be circumscri bed, and new eijrprises checked, or if other wise, ruin and t-tflkruptcy may be the conse quence. I belief, sir, this measure, which of il'ers a reasonablaiVifuaranty for permanency and stability, will beV failed by practical men wilh pleasure. The ' litical manufacturers may be against it, butrit "'i!l command the approbation of a large majo'nt; ;;of the business manufacturers of the count i y. V ltut the oiijectrfns of the honorable' Senator trom Al tssactiu.setrare principally dnectcd to the period beon a.84v. During the intermedi ate time, there is'Very reason to hope and be lieve ttial tiie bill it-cures adequate pro'ect'on Alhniy infonnali ;, assures me of this ; and it is' demonstrated by , e'faci, that, if the measure of protection, securt J prior lo the 31st December, ion, .were permanent, or u tne phi weie silent beyond ihativriod, it would command the cordial and unauiif mis concurrence of the friends of the policy.. V jat then divides, what alarms us ? It is mcyjiossibty be the state of things in tue year. oik- thgasaud eight hundred and for tv two or subseciit'htlv ! Now. sir. even if that should be a iud ifj.TUe mos.t vivid imagination or Ihe most eloquent rjtongue could depict it, if we have intermtvlialpVafeti' and security, it does noi seem io ore vje .10 rusu upon certain anu present eviH, b't6iuH.e of th' Se which, admitting ilveir possibility, a.'e very remote and contingent What! Shall we 'iotextinguish the fi .me which is bursting throug h' the ro -ftiiat covets us, be cause, al some tt-tore and distant ;av, we mav he wgam threate'h.pnV with conflatrration ? I do 'ndtadnt f i: this bill abandons, or fails, by its provisions, ;o Secure reasonable protection beyond 1842. - I j annot know, I pretend not to know, what will t smi be the actual condition or this country,ivund;the'mahufacturing itrts, and their relative coalition to the rest ofthe world. 1 would as soon ivfidin the forecast of the ho norable Senator. f Join Massachusetts, as in that of any other nlanfih jthis Senate, or in this country ; but he, nor any o else, can tell what tiiat con dition w ill tlic.ii j ie. The degree of 'protection w hich will be re luired for domestic industry be yond 1842, depe ds upon the reduction of wages, the accumulation of captfal, the improvement in skill, the jjerfect lh,of machinery, and the cheap ening of the pi fr'nt borne, of essential articles, such as fuel, iron j &c. I do not think the honor able Senator can ! if Jbw himself forward to 1S42, m 1 i I '111 t lie state il this ,Uy, ami its relative state to ma tell us what:-. in all tlie.se particulars, win De other countries. We know that, in all human probability, our addition of bne; amount, and tiia We have reason jtmbers will be increased by an jitrd, at least, to their present may materially reduce wages. .0 believe that our capital will be augmented,, q y skill improved ; and we know that great prttgrv is has been made, and is making in machinery. , here is. a constant tendency to decrease in the p ce of iron and coal. The open ing ot new mijie, -j- and new channels ot commu nication, must cbi-Hiuue to lower it. The success ful introduction 'O'rhe process of coakiug would have great .VffeJ?.-.. .The price of these articles, one e ofthe mqstVjulent and intelligent manufac-ii-irr 1inur-i trthin roinitrv assures-'' rrir& is a turing houses irliis country assures" ntej principal cause ofethe present necessity of protec tion to the cotton jinjerest ; and that house is strongly inei'med:"o think that 20 per cent, with the other advantages secured in this bill, may do beyond 1842.' Then, sir, wnat enect may not convulsions & revolutions itrEurope, if any should arise, produce?! Iam tar trom desiring them, that bur e3untry fiky profit by their occurrence. Her greatness an glory rest, 1 hope, upon a more solid and more generous basis. But. we cannot shut our 'eye's to the fa,ct, that our greatest manu facturing, as wf as i com nercial competitor, is undergoingTa : mmentous political experiment, the- issue of whj:h. is far from being absolutely certain: Wlio tn 'raise the veil of the succeed ing nine years, Vpd show what, at their termina tio , , will be tl'j degree of competition which Great Britain 'c exc-rcise towai-ds us in the man ufacturing arts i ; ' ' ' h Suppose, in V e progress of gradual "descent towards the r jiniie staiulard, for which this bill provides, i1 "li'ould, some eai-s hence, be come evident kit further protection, bey ond 1842, than tba j which it contemplates-, my be j necessary, can it be doubted that, in some form or other, it will be applied ? Our misfortune has been, and vfet is, that the public mind has been constantly - kept in a state of feverish ex- cuemeni hi respect to tins system ot policy. Conventions, elections, Congress, "the' public press, have been for years all acting upon the tariff, and the tarifTacting upon them all. Pre judices have been excite.!, passions kindled, and mutual irritations carried to the highest p'tch of exasperation, insomuch that good feelings have been almost extinguished, and the voice of rea son and exnerience silenced, amonqr the members ofthe confederacy. Iet us separate the tariff from the agitating politicsof the country, place it upon a stable and firm foundation, and allow our enterprising countrymen to demonstrate to the whale Union, by their skilf il and success ful labors, the inappreciable-value of the artsr If they can have, what they have never yet en joyed, some years of repose and tranquility, they will make, silently, more, converts to the policy, than would be made during a long period of anx ious struggle and boistero'isontentioii. Above all, I count upon the good effects resulting from a restoration of the harmony of this divided peo ple, upon their good sense .mf?their love of jus tice. Who can doubt that when passions have. I suosuled, ami reason has resumed her empire, that there will be a disposition throughout the whole Union to render ample justice to all its parts ? Who will believe that any section of this greatCpnfederacy would look with indifference to the prostration -of the interests of another sec tion, by distant and selfi-h -foreign ' nations, re gardless alike of the welfare of us all ? No, sir ; I have no fears , beyond 1S4'2.' The people of the United States are brethren, made to love and respect each other. Momentary causes may seem to al.cnatethem, butjikc family differences, they will terminate in a closer and more affection ate" union than ever. And how much more esti mable will be a system of protection, based on common conviction and common consent, and planted in the bosoms of all, than one wrenched by power from reluctant and protesting weak ness ? That such a system will be, adopted, if it should be necessary for the period of time subsequent to 1842, I will not doubt. But, m the scheme which I originally proposed, I did not rely exclu sively, great as my reliance is, upon the opera tion of fraternal feelings, the return of reason, and a sense of justice. That scheme -contained an appeal to the interests ofthe South. Accord ing to it, unmanufactured cotton was to be a free article after 184?. Gentlemen from that quarter have again and again asserted that they were in different to the duty of three cents per pound on cotton, and that they feared no foreign com pction. I have thought otherwise ; but I was willing, by way of experiment, to take them at their word ; not that I Was opposed to the pro tection of cotton, but.believingtliata few cargoes ot ioreign cotton introduced into Our Northern ports, free of duty, would hasten our Southern IViends to come here and ask that, protection for their great staple, which is wanted m other, sec tions tor their interests. That feature m the scheme was stricken out in the Select Committee, but not by thp consent of my friend fi-om Dela ware Mr. Clayton, or myself. Still after 1842, the South may want protection for sugar, for to bacco, for Virginia coat, perhaps for cotton and other articles, whilst other quarters may need it for wool, woollens, iron and cotton fabrics ; and these mutual wants, if they should exist, will lead, I hope to some amicable adjustment of a tariff for that distant period, satisfactory to all. The theory of protection, supposes, too, that, after a certain time, the protected arts will have acquired such strength and perfection as w ill enable them subset lentlv, unaided, to stand up against fo reign competition. If, as I have no doubt, this should prove to be correct, it will, on the arrival of 1842, encourag-e all parts of the Union to con sent to the continuance of longer protection to tiie few articles which may then require it. The bill before us strongly .recommends itself by its equity and impartiality. It favors no one interest, and no one State, by an Unjust sacrifice of others. It deals equally by all. Its basis is the act of July last. That act was passed after careful and thorough investigation, and long de liberation, continued through several months. Although it may not have been perfect in it's ad justment of the proper measure of protection to each art clc which was supposed to merit it, it is not likely that even with the same length of time before us, we could make one more perfect. As suming the justness of that act, the bill preserves the respective proportions tor winch the act pro vides, and subjects them all to. the same equal but moderate reduction, spread over the long space of nine years. Tiie Senator from Massa chusetts contends tha a great part of the value of all protection is given up by. dispensing with specific duties and tiie principle of discrimination, lint much the most valuable articles of our do mestic manufactures (cotton and woollens, for example) have never enjoyed the advantage of specific duties. They have always been liable to ad valorem duties, with a very limited applica tion of the minimum principle. The bill does not, however, even after 1H42, surrender either mode of laying duties. Discriminations are ex- pressly recognized below the maximum, and spe - r;'r' litic ii:.v also be imposed, provided tUey do not exceed at. The honorable Senator also contends that the bill is imperfect, and thrvt the execution of it will be impracticable. He asks bow is the excess above 20 per cent, to be ascertained on Coarse and printed cottons, liable to niiuimums of 30 and 35 cents, and subject to"a duty of 25 per cent, ad valorem ; and how is it to be estimated Tn the case of spec fic duties ? Sir, it is very proba ble that the bill is not perfect, but I do not -believe that there is any thing impracticable in its execution. Much will, however, depend on the head of the Treasury Department. In the in stance of the cotton minimums. the statute hav ing, by way of exception to the general ad valo rem rule, declared, in certain cases, how the value shall be estimated, that statutory value ought to govern ; and consequently: the 20 per cent, should be exclusively deducted from the 25 oer ceint. being- the rate of duties to which cottons ? generally are liable; and thei biennial tenths should be subtracted from the excess of five percent. With regard to specific duties, it will perhaps, be competent to the Secretary of, the Tresaury, in the executionof the daw, for the sake of certainty,' to adopt some average value founded upon importations of a previous year. But if the value of each cargo, and every part of it is to be ascertained, it would be no more than what now is the operation in the case of woollens, silks, cottons above 30 and 35 cents, and a varie ty of other articles ? anil consequently there would be no impracticability in the law. To all defects, however, real or imaginary, which may be supposed will arise in the execu tion of the principles of the bill, I oppose one conclusive, and I hope satisfactory answer. Con gress will be in session one whole mouth before . .ie the commencement of the law ; and if in ' mcu.n time, omiiiious calling for further lcgisla tion shall be discovered, there will be more time then than we have now to supply them. Let us on this occasion of compromise, punue the. ex ample of our fathers, who under the influence of i the same sjvrjt, in the adoption of the constitu tion ofthe United States, determined to ratify it, and go for amendments afterwards. To Vie argument of the Senator frqm Massa chusMs, that this interest, and that and the olher cannot be sustained under the pr'ctio'l beyond 1843, I repeat the nser that m. nne can now tell what may t hen hecessarv. That -period w 11 provide-for it- lf. Hut i I w s sur prised tu hear my fiien l s'n.:lnig out, iron as u artich- that would be most injuriously affected by the operation of .this bill. If i Hm not mis taken in my recollection, he opposed and v'ote.l gVmst the -.ct of 1321. because ofthe high du ty impose d on iron. Hut" for That duty, (and perhaps the duty on hemp,) which he then con sidered threw an unreasonable burden upon the navigation -of the country, he would have sup pored that act. Of all the articles to which pr'u recfMg duties are applied, iron, andthe mami-tactrires-of iron, enjoy the highest protection. During Hie term of nine years; the deductions from the duty are notsu-h as seriously to impair those great interests, unless all my information deceives me ; and beyond ll.af uenod il rm. (Iv h las been al ready indicated, let m,. ci.n- pose that the antieip alions wicli I form upon the restoration of conoor 1 and confidence shall be a l fals'ff'd ;rthat neither the sense of frater.i..l .fl'ec ion-nor common justice, nor even common i'l'etvst-j, will lea.l to an amicable adjustment of t-e tariff beyond 18 12. Let me supposethat pe riod has arrived, and that the provisions of the bill shall be interpreted as an obligatory pledge upon the Congress of lhat day ; and let me suppose al:.o that a-greater amount of protection than the b II provides is abs Intel v necessary to some interest?, what is to be clone ? Regarded, as a pledge it dobs not bin'! Congress for ever to adhere to th spec fic rate of duty contained in the bill. Tiie most, in that view, that it exacts, is to make a fair experiment. If, afier such experiment, it--hould be demonstrated that, under such an ai-rageni-nt ofthe tariff, the interests of large por tions ofthe Union would be sacrificed, and they -exposed to ruin, Congress will be competent t- apply some remedy th .t will be effectual ; and I hope and bebeve that, in such contingency, some wdl be devised that ni;tv preserve the har mony and perpettiitetheblessiiigs of the Union. It has been alleged that there will be an aug mentation, instead of a diminution of revenue, undrr the operation of this bill. I feel confident of Ihe reverse j butit is sufficientto say that both Contingencies are carefully provided "for in the bill, without affecting the' protected articles. The gentleman from Massachusetts dislikes the measure, because it commands the concur currence of those who have been hitherto oppo- ' sed, in regard lo the Tariff, and is approved bv the gentleman from South-Carolina Mr. Calhoun as well as by m self. Why, sir, the gentleman his t Id us tint Jte is not opposed to any com promise. Will-he be pleased to say bow &nv compromise can be effected, without a concur rence between those who had jjeen previously divided, and taking some medium between the two extremes ? The wider the division may have been, so much the liefer for the compromise, which ough to. be judged of )y its nature and bv its terms and not solely hy those who hap- pen to voie tor it. it rs an adjustment to which both the great interss s in this country miv ac- c de without e;ther being dishonored. Tiie tr' u.nph of neither is complete. Each, for the sake of peace, harmony ipd union, m ikes some con-" cess onjfc The South h is contended lhat evei y vesiige of protection should be eradicated frorri the statute book, and the revenue standard forth, w.th adopted. In assenting tu this bill, it waives that pretension yields to reasonable protectirm for nine years ; and consents, in consideration ofthe maximum of twenty per cent, to be sub sequently applied, to discrimn.aions below it, cash duties, home valuations, ami a long list of free articles. The North and West have con tended for the p-actical application ofthe prin ciple of protection, regulated by no other limit than the necessary wants ofthe country. Ifihey 1 accede to this adjustment, they agree, in consi derat'n n ofthe stability and crria'nty which nin year? duration of a favorite sy-tem of policy at- fords, and of the other advantages which have been enumerated, to comedown in 1842 to a li- ' mil not exceeding twenty percent.: Bothptr tus, animated by a des.re to . avert the oils w hich might How from carrying out into all their, consequences the cherished system of either, have met upon common ground, m-ide mutual and friendly concesaions, and I trust, and sin. oerely belieyp, thai neither will have hereafter occasion to regret, as neither can ins ly repro ,ch Liie outer wini wuai may oe now U me. Thft, or some other measure of concifation is now more than ever necessary, since the pas sage through the Senate, of the enforcing hilt. Id that bill, if I had been present, on toe final voe, I should h.ve given my assen;, although, with great reluctance. I believeiliis Gilvernment not only possessed of tbe? constitutional power, but t be bound, by every consideration, to, maintain the authority of the aw. But I deep ly regretted the necessity whicir seemed, to me to Yr quire the passage of such a bill. And I was f.r from being without serious apprehensi ons as to the consequ ices to which it, might ieau. l leit no new born zesl in-favor ot the present administration, of whTeh'I now think as I have always thought, i could not vote against ihe measure ; I w ould not speak in its behalf. U thought it most proper in me to JeSiVe to the trie nds of ihe administration and to others, who n'..;ht feel themselves particularly called uponj io defend and sustain a strong measure of the administration. With respect to tiie series of acts to which the Executive has -resorted, in re rtiou to our Southern disturbancej this is not a fit occas.ou lo enter- upon a. ftill consideration of them ; but I will briefly s:'y, that, although the proclamation is a paper of uncommon ability and eloquence, doing g ett credit, as acompo sition,eto him who prepaied it, and to him who signed it, I ihink it contains some ultra doctrines. which no party in this country had ventured to ' assert. With these are mixed up ma y sound orineipl.-s aad just views of pur political systems. ; If it is to be judged br'rts etTects upon t hose to whom it! was more immediately addressed, it must be admitted to hvbeen ill-timed and un fortunate. .Instead of -all tying the excitement wli cli prevailed, it increased th'e exasperation in the infected disirici, and afforded new and unnecessary causes of discontent and dissat. sta tion in the South g -n Tally. The message, sub sequently transmitted to Congress, eominumca' ntg the proceedings of Smith-Carolina, and r ing for countet vailing enactments, was charac- i c ia sed with more prudence and moderation. . And, if this unluppv contest is to continue. I linr-ereiyliope that the future conduct ofthe an-miiii-trimon maj- be governed ry wise -, n 1 ca-; trous counsels.-nd a parental forbearance, but when ihe ftighest degree of animosity exists , I w'hen both parlies, how vvcr un -qual haye ar- -f1 , lit hi " .
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
April 23, 1833, edition 1
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