. $ ''''' ' ;' '
AH NEfH-GAEOLINi
"OURS are the plaks of fair
DELIGHTFUL FKACE, ' UXWAUP'd BY PAUTT RAOE, TO LIVE LIKE BROTHERS
VOLUME XXXYI.
TUESDAY, JULY 21, (835.
NO. 35:
' "a" '- $- A!
IT'
: rmtlSHEBl XTI11T TCESDATt
JET y &pscph Gates Son.
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Thowwho J not, either nrthe time of suhsfcritmtr
or ulaqiieritly,iffiv notice of their wish to have
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yr. will lw presumed as desiring Us continuance
iintil countermanded. '
Not exreexlinc: ni.rteni line i, xviTl he Inserted three
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drredi out, aniFchared accordingly.
i' -
STATE COZVYEXTIOIV.
Mr. GASTON'S SPEECH Concluded-
If the dissatisfaction caused by unequal
representation -be so extensive and so well
fourfitled, aRijitliiippnsaKy to rrquire the
correction of-tKis vil ; if the duty of re
form ba been erijoined upon us by the
People, anil we have solemnly sworn not
to evade its perforlnanee ; and if we find
the principles of the proposed adjustment
fair ahd equitable, ' we ouglit not toiesi
tate to cany out these principles into full
execution. The organic Act under which
w e are assembled commands that the num
ber of the Senate should not be less than
thirty-four nor more than fifty and that
bf the Hous? of Commons hot less than
ninety nor more than;one hundred and
twenty. We have already decided by an
almost unanimousf yoice to, support the
recommendation of the Committee so far
as it advises that the Senate shall consist
of fifty, but their recommendation that the
ether House shall consist of one' hundred
and twenty, is violently opposed. Upon
the best consideration he did think, and
therefore was obliged to say, that this
opposition was unreasonable. The people
tad fited a maximum and a minimum for
each Houe fifty , and thirty-four, for the
Houe which represents property one
hundred and twenty, and ninety, for the
House which represents population. It
jmossible not to admit that the max
wum a r.d ' min imttrn in the two Houses
bust hae been selected upon the belief
lhat they severally stand in a proper rela
tion to each other. ISo far as the will of
the people is declared in this adjustment,
obedience is our duty. Where it is not
explicitly declaied, but nr.ay nevertheless
be satisfactorily1 collected, we should endeavor-,
faithfully to follow it out. We
have1 resolved to take the maximum for
the Senate Gan we do otherwise than
.adopt the maximum zUo for the House of
Commons, without violating the spirit of
the adjustment ? What reason can beas
sigiitd (or tlisrearding; the proportion
wh ch is so plainly marked out in the act ?
It had been objected, that the propor-.
titin was tlflferent from that which now
:;r iiii rd in the two; branches of our Te
g slftture, for that they stand to each other
in die rrl&tion ofone to two. Hut if the
.Mp!e h.ave indicated that a different pro
portion should prevail r-if they have said
4hat the Senate might be reduced to thir-tt-four,
but if so the House f Commons
hou'd consist of at least ninety that the
lu"er House mijht extend to one hundred
find twenty, bt if so, the former should
nevertheless not exceed fifty; are we, whose
province it is to execute this plan, to stt
in judgment upon it and practically to
disM'gard it ? He admitted thatit was in
oui potr'er, under the worIs of the act, to
pay no attetition to the proportions set
forth in it to adopt the maximum for the
-Senate and ihe minimum for the House of
Commons. But were we to do so, he felt
a full conviction that we should, but keep
the word of promise to the ear and break
it to ihe sense. With this conviction, it
was unnecessary for hirr. to point out any
reason why the relative proportions as they
now exist between the two Mouses, had
been to some extent departed from in the
plan of adjustment recommended by the
People. But there occurred to him one
so plain and irresistible that he could not
lorbea" from, mentioning it. The Senate
representing property, was constituted on
the principle u taxation and this princi
ple was earned out thordtfgMu and with
out exception. But the nrTiHHnle of num
bers on which the House of Commons was
based, was-not carried out iJiorouhhh
n wax fcuou'cteu to an excr-ntum vpi v
. :.: ..t i... .. i ; .i ' .. t-
jjrwpri iii,iir.cii,,uui wmrn practically nar;
rowed the rang! of its operation. To-pre-vent
too violent a shock tojlong continu
ed usages the act provided that every
eout.tyjn tlState, whatever might be its
pnjiultiiion fl'itinuh have at least one mem-
her. U v repeated that tbis was a very
proper provision; and one wjithout which,
he eer could have yielded a cheerful
assent' to the proposed arrangement ; but
it wasa -provision which in practice great
ly aflpcied the basis of representation.
Theie .were sixty five counties rn the State
-reach 'pf .which, without regard to its
timbers must have a member. If the
.Iiouseof Commons then consisted of sixty
me members only, the exception would
'Mroy the rult. altogether,' and each
countv w.mldvbe equally represented.
""s it Mill be seen that the practical op
emtioa oj the rule is not updn the 'whok
number of. members in that House, but
only ;on the excess of that number over:
sixtyvfive Make the number ninety,
and trie principle "will' be felt only in the
apportionment of -tvyentyfive. Make it
as proposed, one hundred and twenty, and
it is felt but in the apportfonment of fifsy-five-iand
this is but five more than the
entire "number of your Senate. Where
'hrn is the ground for this clamor ?
But it is urged f hnt the number one hun
dredwiM wive the East for the present a
greater relative strength than the number
one hundred 8nd twenty. This may be a
conclusive argument (supposing, it to be
founded in fact) with those who came
here not with the purpose of allaying (he
strife which has distracted our land, but
in order to assist to tlie full extent of their
power, whatever may affect the. present
state of things. He had. not himself exa
mined so as to be able to pronounce con
fidentlv as to the result of the calculations
which were made. He believed however
that at the number 100, the proportion in
the House of Commons would s'anl,con
sidering Robeson, and Person as Western
counties, 47 to 53 considering them as
neutral, 47 to 51 as Eastern, 49 to 50
and that at the number 120, the propor
tion would be,'.. considering Robeson and
Person as Western counties, 55 t 65 as
neutral, 55 to 6.1 & as Eastern 59 to 61.
In both cases there wou'd be a small ma
jority on the side of the West, which couid
not be varied more than four by -adopting
either of the proposed numbers. It (lit!
seem to him any thing but wisdom to con
sider this difference as furnishing a justi
fication to gentlemen from the East for
the prodigious alarm they hail sounded,
much lels for adeparturu from the spirit
of the rule of adjustment enjoined upon
the Convention. In the Senate, as fixed j
at 50, there is a clear majority of at least
four and probably six members on the
part of the East and no act of legislation
can be passed but by the concurrent will
ofboth Houses. Joint action never takes
place but in making appointments to of
fice and nothing can more clearly shew
that appointments are not governed mere
ly by. sectional feelings than the fact that
with an undisputed majority on the pait
of the East, more than half of the promi
nent appointments made by the Legjisla
ture are actually filled by Western men.
The fact is, that when appointments take
place, the disturbing causes which agitate
the Legislature usually arise from.-party
politics from Federal and not Stale divi
sions ; and these, in consequence of the
prevailing influence of the General Gov
ernment, are to be found East as well as
West of Raleigh.
But is it possible that in our delibera
tions upon this subjeet, we should be go
verned by the paltry considerations of
temporary advantage ? The arrangement
now to be made is for perpetuity, for us
and our posterity never to be altered
unless the people should again agree, and
he trusted they would not for a century
to change their Constitution. Make it
right, so that it may last. Make it right,
for the effect of .it will be to obliterate
those very sectional divisions which have
heretofore prevailed. hen the repre
sentation in both Houses shall be based
upon approved principles, it, will be im
possible much longer to keep up these di
visions. There will be nothing "for East"
and West to differ about a East & West.
Other parties other divisions may arise,
butthe existingdifierences must ultimate
ly vanish with the causes which created
them. Make it right, for whatever mav
be its immediate operation, it baffles ai !
skill at calculation to foretell what will
be its effect a few years hence. ' Wealth
will change. Numbers will change. The
character of the population will change.
Towards the West there are comparative
ly but few slaves, but as their mining op
erations shall advance and their manufac
tures shall." be extended, slaves will be
multiplied in that region, for it was a law
of Nature tJJat men would not work when
they could get others to work for them.
It should be borne in mind too, that there
is a large territory within the limits of the
State occupied by the Cherokees, to which
the Indian title must be extinguished with
in a year or two. j .: When this territory
shall be given up?tsus it will sustain a
population sufficient for several counties,
and as the number of our Legislature which
we noW establish is not to change, it should
be made large endugh to be accommodated
to the then increased numbers of our peo
ple. ' .
He saw then no cause to disapprove of
anv part of the Report presented by the
Committee of twenty-six. There were,
however, some matters intimately con
nected with the -subject matter ot that
Report, in regard to which it was silent
but which must be settled by tire Conven
tion. The Act to which he had so-fre-qucntly
referred, provided that no county
should be divided in the formation of a
Senatorial district but with respect to
the apportionment of the members of the
House of Commons, it gave the Conven
tion a more unlimited power. It directed
that with respect to these members (ex
cept those from the towns which were to
be excluded in whole or in part from the
Convention) they should be apportioned
upon the rule of federal numbers, to be
elected by counties or dittricts, er both.'
This parfe of the act had given him great
difficulty, and a I thorigh he was by no
means confident thit he had ultimately
adopted1 the proper construction of it, he
was desirous to submit that construction
lor the deliberate examination of the Con
vention. An exact apportionment accord
ing to numbers could; be made in one way
only by dividing the whole State into
election districts containing equal popu
lation, without regard to the separate ex
istence of counties oi to the habitudes a
rising from them which had so long bound
their citizens together. This would be
such a violent disruption of ancient ties
such an inroad upon the usages of the
country from its first settlement that he
could not believe tha it was contemplat
ed. If however he entertained any doubts
upon this point, they wei e repelled by the
provision which followed, but each coun
ty shall have at least one member in the
House of Commons although it may not
contain the requisite ratio of population."
Such a provision never "would have been
made if the whole State were resigned to
be broken up into equal districts. An
election by counties or by districts, or by
both, is placed at your discretion, and
the basis of representation is federal num
bers. An apportionment bv counties, or
by districts, other than that which we
have seen could not have been contempla
ted, must leave large fractions. Not
one county can be found which lias pre
cise'y tiie ratio, or twice or three times the
ratio of representation. The enquiry'is,
what must be done with these excesses ?
They cannot be disregarded for they
form in the aggregate a large part of he
population of the Sfate and no disposi
tion can be made of them by counties, or
by districts, or by both, which shall be in
precise conformity with the prescribed
basis of representation. The Legislature
and the People could not intend to pre
scribe to the Convention an impracticable
duty. He therefore interpreted the' act
as laying down the rule of federal num
bers as-the general principle for their ac
tion, giving them a discretion to apply it
to counties, or districts, or both, as should
appear to them most equitable and most
conducive to the public weal. But
two plans have been suggested. The
one was to assign teach County the
number or members' to which it was enti
tled, according to the ratio of represeiita-
tton, disregarding its excess and then
to constitute, districts of the counties hav
ing excesses, and assign to these the ad
ditional members, in the election of
which the citizens of all these counties
should vote. For instance, sunnose the
ratio of representation to be fixed ati
i
b,c00, the county of Orange having a fe
deral populaton of 0,958, will be enti
tled to three members, and then have an
unrepresented fraction of 1.458 ; and
the county of Caswell, containing 12.61 1 ,
will be entitled to one member, and have
an unrepresented exce?s of 6,111.
Those excesses added together, amoun
ting to more than the ratio of representa
tion, the two counties might then be lorm
ed into a district, which district should
eieci an awuuinnai memuer. inemorej
this plan was examined, the more objec-
tionable it would appear. Instead of car-
rying out to its fair, practical extent, the
principle of apportioning representation
to numbers, it perverted and violated the
principle. The unrepresented fraction
of Caswell was 6,111 that of Orange,
but 1458 and to represent these com
bined fractions, Orange having already
three' members, was to vote with Caswell
having but one for the member to the
district. Now, as Orange had more than
three times the number of voters of Cas
well, she could certainly control this elec
tion, and thus secure to her fraction of
1458, a representation, while the 6,111
of Caswell, would in truth have none.
The relative proportions of Orange and
Caswelfi, as to federal numbers, are as
one andj two-thirds to one-and the pro
portions of their representations would
then be as four tn one. This would be
apportioning representation to numbers in
a very singular way. The plan was ob
jectionable also, because of its complexi
ty. There would be distinct sets of
members in the House, some represent
ing? particular counties, and others re
presenting these same counties in com
bination with others different orders in
truth, reaching one above the other iu
the scale of importance. Besides in ma
ny cases, in order to save a great number
of small fractions there must be occasion
ally half a dozen counties put together,
and this, in elections to the General As
sembly, appeared to him a mockery of
the true principle of representation.
There may be extraordinary cases, in
which the people can vote in large
masses with some degree of intelligence.
These arc, when the magnitude of the
trust sought -brings. to their notice, men
whose fame is wide-spread, and broadly
established. But in general, the true
principle of the elective franchise is, to
afford to the constituents an opportunity
of selecting an agent whom they person
ally know, and whom, from that knowl
edge, they are willing to trust.
w Deeming then this plan inadmissible,
there was but one other which could be a
dopted. This was to give the additional
I memberg to the counties respectively,
which had (lie largest excesses ot unre
presented population. Absolute preci.
sion in
apportioning representation
numbers, was unattainable this plan an
proached it as nearly as was practicable,
and the rule laid down was intended
lor practical purposes. Although : he had
come-to this conclusion from an examina
tion of, the Convention act, unaided by
anftextrinsrc help, he was gratified to
discover, 'that in the Constitutions of se
vera! of the States, in which' numbers are
made the basis of representation, ;a simi
lar mode of representing the fractions
had obtained. The same principle with
respect to the representation of the ex
cesses, somewhat modified in its appli
cation, will; be found in the Constitutions
of Mississippi and Alabama.
He had heard with great respect, the
suggestion of the gentleman from Ro wan,
(Mr. Fisher,) that the benefit of the frac
tions should; be given to small rather than
to large Counties, and wished to follow
it so far as the rule iprescribed by the
Convention act would permit. A county
entitled to t)nee members, with an tin
reprcsented surplus of population sus
tains a much smaller loss in proportion,
than a county entitled to one member,
and having also an excess not represent
ed. But the act did not leave the Con
vention at liberty to dispose of these ex
cesses at pleasure. It declared that the
members should be allotted to counties
according to their respective numbers ; and
be f!t himself bound to apply this rule
throughout, whatever might be the'lrvla
tive numbers of the several counties.
But there was an arrangement which he
thought the Convention could rightfully
make., and which would have the hiappi
est effect in correcting the artificial ine
quality resulting from application of: the
rule to the Larger counties, and would be
attended by many other salutary conse
quences. lie was solicitous to bring this
to the notice of the Convention at this
early day, so that if there were well foun
ded objections to it, they might be sta
ted, and deliberately considered. The
members of the House of Commons were
4 to be elected by Counties or Districts.
or both, according to their federal popu-J
latiorK.' or tne reasons already stated,
he preferred, that the election should in1
general be by counties, but in regard to
the counties which would acquire, under
the amended Constitution, a greater nam
ber of members than they had' heretofore
been entitled to, he was disposed to a
dopt the principle of election iVi them, by
districts. Such an arrangement would
have a happy effect in partially reconci
ling, the citizens of those counties which
were deprived of all b?i t one member, to
a privation which could not but be un
pleasant to them. The gain of the large
counties was at their expense. If these
large counties were districted and the
inhabitants of each district voted for a
single member, the same nmmber of the
People, in the. large and in the small
counties, would exercise the same privi
lege and wield the same power, while the
inequality of representation between the
different sections of the State woukl.be
corrected. To remove discontent this
Convention had been called. Its purpo
ses could not be effected without giving
more or less of dissatisfaction to those
counties wkose. power was to he curtailed.
But unquestionably it was sound policv
to introduce as little discontent into t he
new system, as was consistent with the
objects which it was our duty to accom
plish. He was perfectly convinced too,
that there was no mode of election so
fair, or so well calculated to introduce
into the- Legislative body intelligent
and Upright members, as that by which
the voters were brought to desigr
nate the very individual whom they pre
ferred to all others' Where there are
largt election districts and the People in
mass vote for many representatives, there
are abundant opportunities presented for
combination, management, and intrigue,
among the candidates, and thus causing
a real minority to pass for a majority of
the Electors. It was desirable always,
that the Electors should, if possible, vote
upon personal knowledge. In an exten
sive district they could not well do so,
unless the candidates travelled tc and fro
and subjected themselves to the observa
tion of the People and mingled familiarly
with them in every part of ir. But the ne
cessity of such a course would often pre
vent the best men from making a tender
of their services. If the choice were to
be made by the immediate neighborhood,
they could confidently rely for success
on the intimate knowledge which their
neighbors had of their qualifications.
But they could not abandon their regular
occupations without a sacrifice of domes
tic duties, nor take up the profession of
canvassers lor public favor, without a sa
crifice of feeling and of conscience. The
field must be abandoned to what he veri
ly believed to be the most mischievous of
human, beings politicians by trade who
thrive and prosper by flattery and trick
and falsehood by pandering' to the worst
passions and prejudices of poor human
nature 4nd who, under the pretence of
ardent love for the People, care for na
phing, and seek for nothing, but their
own advancement. Those large electo
ral districts, iudependsntlj of the objec-
thns alre,a4ynentioncd, were calculated
to stifle,- rather than to give a correct ex
ressirt pf he" will of the People. A bare
maj o rity. m i gh t e I ec t a ticket of four mem
bers vhovou Id misrepresent the views
.and opinions and wishes-of as many in
dividuafsas" in other counties would be
entitled to two members. There is such
a thing as i:ounty oppression as well as
Statevoppression or Federal oppression,
and he knew no remedy for it so effica
cious as to afford to the oppressed, an op
portunity to raise their voice, and repre
sent their grievances to ths body that
could give redress. He did not propose j
to introduce this subdivision of districts;
into those counties, which under theifiew
arrangement would elect but two mem
bers, and for obvious reasons. There
was less danger of unfairness, of - combi
nation, of driving men of merit from the
field. of competition, of suppression of
the public sentiment, in these, than ,n
larger
counties ; ana aoove an. tnese
ii i i
counties gained nothing by the new ar
rangement, and it seemed to him unwise,
unnecessarily to disturb their existing
institutions But the counties which
were to gain by the change, could not
complain if they acquired this gain with
such modifications as in to degree im
paired their just portion of power, and
at the same time rendered iHess obnox
ious to the rest of the community, and
more, consistent with the interests of the
People of the whole State.
These ere the general views which he
entertained on the main subject referred
to the Convention, the. reform of Repre
sentation in the two Houses of the Gene
ral Assembly. This was the subject on
which the voice of the people was impe
rative, and the action of the Convention
indispensable. Until this subject was
settled, it was idle to consider of the dis
cretionary amendments. Unless this were
so settled as to command the approbation
of the people, nothing could be done
for the public good. Professions were
but of little worvh, and men were often
most prodigal in the use of professions
who least fult the sentiments to which
they gave utterance. But he must be per
mitted to say, that there was no indivi
dual in this body. who felt a more ardent
and intense desire than himself, that our
deliberations and exertions here might
attract t6 U3 the blessing pronounced up
on the peace-makers a more ardent and
intense desire that after.meriting this bft
nedictiotfwe might proceed to the consi
deration of the other subjects submitted
to us with purity of pui'pase, elevated
views and cai;ti6as wisdom a more ar
dent and intense desire that the result of
our labors might ultimately tend to the
physical, intellectual and moral improve
ment of North-Carolina.
Some gentlemen had pronounced ani
mated eulogiums upon the State, whle
others had mournedover its depressed
condition. There was much in-North -Carolina
to respect and to love. In no
land was justice administered with great
er purity, and in no State of the Union
wa there less of the violence and male
volence and corruption of faction. , In
none was there a more orderly and kind
and well disposed population. In 'none
more republican simplicity and equality
of condition. It was emphatically the
Southern land of steady habits. But he
loved his country too sincerely to permit
him to shut his eyes upon her defects or
her wants. He wished to serve, and dis
dained to flatter her. The laws of Nature
forbade North-Carolina from attaining
great commercial eminence or rivalling
in wealth some of the other States of the
Confederacy. But it was impossible not
to regret that her resources remained as
yet almost undeveloped. Who could see
without p:iin, the'eontinued drain of emi
gration which was carrying away to more
iavored regions her mos'tenterprising and
industrious citizens ? Her signs were the
reverse of those which were seen near the
habitation of the Lton, in the fable. The
tracks all proceeded from there were
none coming to the State. Who but must
wish that her disconnected fragments were
brought together by those facilities of com
munication which might make them feel
and act as one people in interest and af
fection ? Much, very much might be done
for the improvement of her physical eon
dition. But there was another point of
view in which he most earnestly desired'
the improvement of the State. If the on
ly sure foundation of rational liberty be
the virtue of the people, the best safeguard
of that liberty is to be found in their in
telligence. This alone can secure it a
gainst the wicked arts of oligarchs and
demagogues. Not a little had been lately
done in the cause of education, and he
hailed with delight theTnstitutions which
were springing up in various parts of tlje
country for the instruction of youth. Bit
tin efficient plans had yet been, adopted
for diffusing information throughout the
land, and bringing -it home to the poor
and the humble. Many a spark of genius
is now suffered to become extinct which
might be kindled into a bright and glori
ous flame. Many an intellectual gem of
purest ray is permitted to remain buried
in the caverns ot obscurity anu inaigence.
If righteousnees exalteth a nation, moral
and religioas culture should sustain and
cheriaW it.
It wg. vain to hop that what ought to ha j
done for 'tlrt physical or inteljedtnitr an l
moral advancement of the State cottlcl e
ver b accomplished withoutjhe iThited.
efforts of the g-od and, the -wive without
liberal councils and systematic co-operation.
Many an anxious maay a painful
hour had he spent in reflecting n the di
vided and distracted state of his country.
Ear tly had he wihed that he .migh'fc,,
Jive o see the day when instead of wast-
ing our energies in sectional broils, in
stead of. waging against each other a fool-'-ish
and wicked contest, in whicji vie tor 'fr
was without glory and defeat without con,
solation, we could, like a band ofWqthtfs
devote all our aspirations and all our elf'
focis kTour country's ca-use. Possibly tfra
yvish so long cheris-'ued might riever bfe re- .
alized. Indeed he must Rav-th.it he iv.n;
not
in ci sanguine in iinsv expeciaiJOn. r-
A M C n t A Z . ' . . J A "
But he would notdespair. He wouldnot
he.could not abandon the hope that har
mony and good will wereabout to be "re
stored. He did hope, that under this new
order of things under these favorable
auspices, his beloveT State was about. to
become all that her sous should wish her
to be that retaining the excetUncies shflt "
now possessed -her lov of libcrtyaod
order her steady, kind, republicannd
industrious population her simple and
unobtrusive virtues, -Uthere might be add-,
ed to her whatever was best fitted to rarsa;'
and decorate and ennoble her character.
(Debate to be continued.) K
D EH ATE
, ON voting viva rocs
Monday , Jun 22. r r
The following Resolution was" taken up
or consideration ; . - J
4 RtMtlvtd, That a Commtitee be appointed
to enquire and report, whether any, and if any,
what amendments be proper to eompelhe mem.
berg of the General Assembly to vote viva vooe
in the election of Officers."
The Convention., as -usual, resolved it
self into a. Committee of the whole, Mr
Morehead ift the Chair, on the above Re
solution ; when
Mr. Shober moved the following Reso
lution :
' Jtetolved, That it is inexpedient to enuse th
members of AsHembly of fbia State to vote
voce in the election of Offieera"
The question betngput on this Resolu
tion, without any remark, it was negativ
ed. On motion, the Committee of the whoU
roa and repo.rted-the original Resolution
to the Hrmse with'out amendment.
Gen. Speight then moved Jhe following
Resolution, by way of amendment :
Rfike.1, Tht it i. expedient so to amend
the Convt'nation of tiiis State, tbut in all tacti
ons of Officers the memberg of the Gsneral As
sembly shall vote viva voct."
Dr. Smith hoped this amendment would
not prevail, but lhat the Convention wfould
be satisfied to continue, the old mbd of
voting by ballot. He coy Id ce no reastn .
for changing it," nor any good. that can la
rise fromjt. The g' eat object in all elec
tions is to secure a fair and free exprea
jiou of the will of the voter, and he coult;
see no advantage that the vieit voce, mode
had over the ballot in attaining tjfis ob
ject. He hoped, therefore, the old mode
would bi continued.
Gen, Speight hoped the change would,
be mad, as it'would be the tnens of at
certaioing to a certainty how every niAn.
voted in an election of Officers. lie did
not wish to see this practice introduced
into our elections generally ; but he was
clearly in favor of the change proposed.
Indeed, he could see no reason why.everr
member's vote should not be madeknoTi
when hp. elected a Public Officer, as well
as when he voted for or against the 'push
ing ot a, law. ,w
Mr. Cooptr was opposed to the. motion.'
He was Satisfied with the usual mode of
voting by ballot. He could see no good
reason tot publishing to the world how
every man voted for every officer elected.
Judge SeawellwM in favor of the change.
He thought there was the same reason for
making known hoir members vote for Pub
lic Officers, that there is for taking tlia
Yeas and Nayt upon any question before
the Legislature. It woald prevent any
prevarication in future on subjectsof thyf
kind. At present, a member might pro
mise to vote for a dozen different men for'
an office, arid notote for one of them. -Our
Journal ough't, he said, to record fuU
j ly every man's doings during the session.
that his -constituents may be able to fofrn
a correct judgment of his course. A vol
given by a man in his legislative character
was very different from a rote placed ia
the balloi-box in his private character. '
Judge Gaston did not approve of this
departure from our usual mode of voting.
He feared that the innovation would pro
duce much evil, and he believed that it
would be followed by little good. It is true,
a9 stated by the r;entteman-fram Wake,
there is a marked difference between a
vote given by a man in his private capa- .
city, and one given in his legislative cha
racter. A representative, is responsible to his.
constituents, & they have a right th knw
how he voted n any particular, subj et.
But while he should be responsible to his
conscience and his constituents, heshonld
be freed from all improper influenced ,
It
if it