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DEBATE-IN THE SENATE.
SPEECH OF MR. tVIIITE, of Ten.
On the Abolition Petitions.
i
Mr. President : I address you under
the solemn conviction that if this Govern
ment is to continue to accomplish ! the
great purposes for which it wasestablish-
ed, it can only be by administering it in
the same spirit in which it was created.
"When the Constitution was framed J the
great and leading interests of the whole
country were considered, and, in the spi
rit of liberality and compromise, were
adjusted and settled. They were settled
upon principles that ought, to remain un
disturbed so long as the CoaStitutjoh
lasts, which I hope will be forever; for
although liberty may be preferable to the
jnion,,jret 1 ,thmk the Union is indis
pensable to liberty. At the formation of
the Constitution, slavery existed in manv
ff the States; it was one of the prominent
interests mat. was then settled ; it, in all
its dnniestir. hparmirc uro lar slo:...i
f to the States, to do with it as the
think best, without any interferenceon
the part of the Federal Government. This
it is admitted by every gentleman- who
has addressed you, is now the case in e
very slaveholding State : therefore, it is
vmj uigcu mat congress nas the power
to abolish slavery in the District of Co
lumbia. It should never be forgotten that,
when the Constitution was formed and
adopted, what ? is now the District of Co
lumbia was then comprehended within
two of the slaveholdin? States. MnrVlarwl
ana Virginia.
. . o J
Suppose, when ; all the details of the
Constitution had been adjusted, it had
been foreseen thatj the District of Colom
bia would be, formed out of a tract of
country ceded by those States, and situ
ted in the centre between them, it had
been asked of the members of the Con
vention, what do you intend as, to the
District ? You have placed the question
of slavery in the States entirely under
their control within their respective I li
mitsdo you intend. that Congress shall
have the power to abolish slavery in the
District? Would not every man, have
answered in the negative ?
It has been said that when petitions to
abolish1 slavery are peseuted to either
House of Congress, those who demand
the question whether they shalfbe re
ceived, and thus produce discussion, are
agitators, and produce excitement on this
delicate subject. To me it seems this is
unfair. Let us for a moment consider
the circumstances of the country, & the
situation in which we are all placed.
There are twenty -four States, several
Territories, and this District. Thirteen
of these States have no slaves, the other
eleven have slaves : in fact, their slaves
constitute a large item of all the property
they own. During the past year. 'it hn
6o happened that many newspapers, pam-
.pinis, auu yiciuuai representations made
their appearance, and were, through th
mail, and by other means, extensively
circulated in the slaveholding States.
By these means, a spirit of discontent
was created, which occasioned much ex
citement and disorder in various places,
and rendered it necessary, in a summary
manner, to put to death several white
persons, and a number of slaves. In va
rious quarters of the Union there were
assemblages of people, who expressed
their opinions with great" freedom. In
the course of the fall and winter, many
of the State Legislatures have beenilii
session ; they have been addressed on
this subject by their respective Governors.
xiiey nave expressed publicly, their opi
nions ; the President, in his message, has
invited the attention of Congress to it
the Senate has referred tliat part of the
message to a special committee, which
has made a lengthy report, accompanied
by a bill, which is now upon our docket,
and must, in due course be discussed,
and either passed onrejected. Are all
these to be called agitators, and charged
with unnecessarily producing excitement?
It not, how is it that members of Congress
are to be thus charged when petitions
are presented that we must in some mode
dispose of ? Each of us must suPKf ark
mode as we think most correct, and nonel
juM.y ue aDIe to any such charge
If there is any wrong, it is found in thSse
K in such a state of public, feeling,
) press their petitions upon us. The
Potions are forwarded to members who
feel it their duty to present them ; when
presented, others think it their duty to
demand the question' whether they shall be
received. Is it true that on this delicate
subject every officer of the Federal orState
bovernraent. can express his opinion as
to what it is best to do, and that a Sena
tor dare, not express his opinion without
vng iiaoie to censure ? .1 hope not
This is a delicate subject : would to
God.it had not been pressed upon usj but
as it is placed hereby the petitioners, we
must dispose "of it. To enable us to do
so, we must, think upon it, and we may
tell each other what we think, and our
reasons for so thinking. . It is not by
speaking upon it we will be likely to
do 'mischief. ,Every thing depends
upon the temper with which we express
our opinions, and the sentiments we ad
vance. My wish and aim is, if I can do
no good, to do no harm : and if I believ
ed in what I propose to say, I would ut-
tera sentiment from which mischief would
be produced, I would close my lips, take
my seat, and content myself with yea or
nay 10 every question proposed by others,
leaving every person at liberty to con
jecture the reasons for my votes : but en-
leriainijrg no tear or that kind, 1 must
ask permission ,state, as briefly as I
can, some of the reasons for the course I
shall pursue. In doins this. I shall not
address myself to Senators enmine- from
either the East or the West, the North
... - a
or the South, in particular, but to the Se
nate, the whole Senate, because, if it is
desired, as I believe it is, that we should
remain together as one .people, secure,
prosperous, happy and contented, the
whole couuntry, every section of it, hav
ing a deep interest in this matter, this
agitation and excitement must cease.
What then ought we to do, as most
likely to put an end to those angry feel
ings which now prevail ?
In my opinion we should refuse to re
ceive these petitions. It is a mere ques
tion of expediency what disposition we
shall make of them. All who have yet
spoken admit that Congress -has no power
whatever oyer slavery in the respective
States. . lt is settled. ' AVhether slaverv
is
right
or wrong.
we have no power to
v,uno.ui u uiscuss. suppose, men, a
petition were presented, to abolish slave
ry in the States, would we receive it ?
Assuredly we ought not, because it would
rbe asking us to act unon snhiprt nvr
which we have no power.
But these are petitionsasking Congress
to abolish slavery in this District. Have
we the power? J think not. I consider
the argument of the honorahl Spnntnr
from Virginia. (Mr. l.vinviA nnnn th.
point, conclusive. It has not been an
swered, and I do not believe it can ht
Slaves are property in this District Con
gress cannot take private property, even
tor public use, without making just com
pensation to the owner. No fund is pro
vided by the Constitution to pay for slaves
which may be liberated, and the Constitu
tion never gives Congress the power to
act upon any subject, without, at the
same time, furnishing the means for its
accomplishment. To liberate slaves is
not a taking for public use. It is declar
ing that neither individuals nor the pub-'
lie shall use them. .1 will not weaken the
honorable member's argument by going
over it. ,
This District was intended as the place
where the great business of the nation
should be transacted for the good of the
whole. Congress, under the Constitu
tion, Is placed here to legislate upon those
subjects enumerated and specified in the
constitution, that we might be able to
protect ourselves, and the officers resi
ding here, and be out of the reach of the
laws of any State. It was never inten
ded that we should have any local legis
lation, except such as would meet the
wants and wishes of the People residing
within the ten miles square. We should
never permit this place to be converted
into a political worksh
wtuld be devised, or carried into opera
tion, that will have the effect of destroy
ing the interest of any of the States.
Members of Congress, executive anr
judicial officers, were to come from anv
and every section of the Union, from the
slaveholding and the non-slaveholding
States, and their property was to be as
secure here, in this ten miles square, as
it was in the States from , which they re
spectively came. They would bring their
labits and their domestic servants with
them j those from the 'non-slaveholding
oiuies ineir ntrea servants, ana those
from the slaveholdingStates their slaves.
And who can believe it was intended to
vest the power in Congress to liberate
them if brought within the District?
Again: The right of property in slaves
in the States is sacred and beyond the powi
erof Congress to interfere with, in any
respect j yet if it be conceded that we
imvc uie power to liberate them in the
District, we can as .effectually ruin the
owners as if we had the power to liberate
slaves in the States. By abolishing slave
ry here, we not only make a place of re
iuge for runaways, but. we produce a
spirit of discontent and rebellion in the
minds of slaves in the neighboring States,
which trill soon spread over all, and which
cannot fail to compel owners to destroy
their own slares, to preserve their own
lives and tnose ot their wives ami rh
dren. I beseech gentlemen to look at
this matter as it is. Take foKjllustra
tion the case of a small planter in Missis.
sippimng on his own land, with thirty
slavesXto cultivate it. Suddenly it is dis
covered that one-half of them are run-
t " .
cerned in a plot to destroy the lives of
uieir masier,. his family, and neighbors,
with a view to produce their freedom, and
immediately, with or without law, they
are tucked up and. hanged. The man is
thus deprived of his property without any
chance for an indemnity, besides thedis"
quiet and anxiety of mind occasioned by
loss of confidence in his remaining slaves.
It cannot have been intended that Con
gress, by acting on this subject, should
have a power thus to occasion a destruc
tion of slave property.
To me it seems that we ought to treat
these petitions precisely as we would do
if they prayed us to abolish; slavery in
one of the. States. We have no more pow
er to abolish it hprp th
. "v- ..u,c uicic.
1 4hink, in either case, we ought to refuse
io receive mem. l hold, that if the pe
titioners ask us to do that which we have
no power to do, or to do that which will
be productive of a great and lasting mis
chief, we not only have the right, but
that it is our duty to refuse to receive
them.
By the Constitution, no man can be
held to answer for a criminal charge but
by presentment or indictment. Suppose
a petition presented here, alleging that
some citizen in the District had been
guilty of a crime, and that he was so in
fluential that he could not be reached by
the ordinary forms of law in court, and
therefore we are asked to pass a bill of
attainder : ought we to receive the peti
tion r buppose a petitionto ask us to
pass a law to prohibit any member of this
body from making a speech against the
prayer or the petitioners, would we re
ceive it ? Suppose a petition to be offer
ed asking us to establish a particular re
ligion in Irtis District, or to prohibit any
publication in a newspaper on the subject
of abolishing slavery, unless it was pre-
viousiy approvea oi by a committee :
would we, ought we, to receive any such
petition ? I think, most certainly, we
ought not. But suppose we have the
power, is there any Senator who believes
we ought to exercise it ? I trust not.
Those who urge the reception of this pe
tition, which is from the Society of Friends
have spoken most highly of the petition
ers and the class of citizens tn vvh;k
they belong. In all this I cheerfully
concur, lhese particular persons are
strangers to me. I doubt not the nuritv
ot their motives : the sect to which thpv
belong is worthy of all the encomiums
passed upon it. I respect and estepm
them most highly, and do not feel that in
my composition there is a particle of un-
kindness towards them , but I think they
would have us do that which we have no
power to do, and if we had the power, bv
exercising it, we should do infinite mis"
chief. This these petitioners do not de
sire. They have discharged what thev
think is their duty by having their petf
tions presented ; I only discharge mine,
when 1 say, consistently with what I feel
to be my duty,I cannot receive them.
But it is further insisted that the rio-lit
of petition is a sacred one, that belongs
to the nature of free government, and ex
isted oeiore the formation of our Consti
tution, and that instrument did not '
the right to petition, but intended only'
to secure it. This is sound doctrine, and
has my hearty assent. The People are
; members are their agents or
servants j they have a right to make
known their grievances, real or imagina
ry. We can pass no law, we can make
no rule to abridge or destroy that right.
But what do gentlemen mean when they!
speak of the right of petition ?
Do th
ey
mean that, when the petition is presented
we must receive it, and do that which is
prayed for? No. v Not one member con
tended tor this ; so far from it, they sav
viiu. niv lunguagc ui iuo petitioner is
disrespectful to the body,y to any member
of it, we may and oughfto rejuse to re
ceive it.
How is this I beg that we may re
flect seriously, upon this matter. . We
are about to establislia doctrine to which
I can never jield my absent. Are we to
I 1 1 : i r it i r a I n n i m i n n r I . A-.iZ
o vauhwu auuv uui cm jjiuj ei h r is our
dignity to be of higher consideration than
the property and lives of those who send
us here ? If a petition contains matter
charging disgraceful conduct on the Sen
ate, or any of its members, wc may not
receive it j but if it contains matter which
is to destroy the slave property in this
District, and in eleven States of this U
nion, and also to endanger the lives and
dwelling of every citizen tvilhin their lim
its, we are bound to receive it. This is
the doctrine contained Tn the arguments.
I deny, that there is any such distinction
tobe found in, a single feature of our po
litical institutions. The truth is, we
have the power in both instances to refuse
to receive the petitions, but in exercising
it, when we ourselves only are assailed"
we ought always to act most liberally in
receiving ; but where thesafety, the lives
and the property of our master are con
cerned, we have no right to exercise the
same liberality. i
. : -r - -
fith S7!u.d?fltei,5i for e opiniojjt;
f others, I think the fprce of their whofe
argument rests on a plain mistake. They
aigue as u we never became nrmininuJ
wiui me contents ot a petition, or r.mi ri
. . v
consider and decide unon its merif ,.ni;i
.r1 -. - . . r kIt
ner u is received. This is most clear
ly not correct. What we have Von d.
ng fohe .ast few weeks fa fuH pf f are'Vwo XiTrfSw ftS
it. These petitions havp hoan Jl.,i.ii..Lv..ki:-: ? ,l,fuw,uunis, ana mat
uv.ui ijuuiiliv
icau, uieir merits ana tendency, and n.,r
,1 l . . i'..v.
.
Dowern to nhnliaK i. i i
.
11- ;KNoitt,Tcijr nave oeen ions;
unuer uiscussion : nas
anv man fioniol
nor rl.hi tn.u ... s r. ' . .
doubt ss.ed is vS
dent to adopt this course.
V L 1 1 1 1 1
r.
ey the 24th Kule, when a petition
presented, the member must briefly state
I i X . r.
is
n conienis, ana what the petitioners
wish should be done. He than
me peiawn may be received, and specifies
"uai uc wisnes to be done with t aftPr
,U, received. If no ,erober objects,
ior me purpose ot savins? time, i t i. IP.
LYe " : '' LI ,.V ,0." 0 "cepnon j
uuV ii any luemDer objects, he may call
l fir tnp roortinn- nnl .1 i
w.w uwu men urge nis rea
sons why it should not be received. This
Ruleestablishes no new doctrine ; it is
lounaea in good sense, is perfectly con-
BiBicui wiui ine ngiu ot petition, and
is laiu uown as the
correct practice by
Mr. Jefferson in his Manual at 'base 140
"at is tne ngtu ot the petitioner ? It
consists in his having free permission to
make Known .to Congress what he es
4yvkmn a T j I .
iccuis a grievance, ana to ass them to
provide a remedy. When his petition is
presented, tnetiutyot Congress com men
ran 9 -
ces. mat consists in the members ma
king themselves acquainted with the con
tents oi the petition, and orra ntinn-
ucuuuii, ana errantin? . its
rt 1 i a . . -
F, !ler,,,lf,.t.bejU8t an cons.stent with
ails' 1111 iiip 1 n ainr r t .-
w i'-i.w 1UK.1C113, ui 111 reiusinsr to re.
ceive the petition, or making some other
uispositionol 1;, which, in their judgment;
is more conducive to the jrood of the com
munity. When we refuse to receive a pe
tition, we no more destroy or impair the
right ot petition,,than we do when we
receive the petition and lav it unon thp
table, or reject the prayer of it, or refer
u to a committee, who reports that it is
unreasonable, & ought not to be granted.
In each of these-cases, the complaint of
ihe petitioner has been heard, considered
and deridtd hn. In nuiiU, -L
... "-". lUBiauyc nas
he obtained a redress for what he sup-
posetfa grievance, but each leaves him
c4Uft". rtl ,luc'lJ w new ins petition at
any subsequent period.
-ourmoues have been sugsested bv
la
wniuu 10 uispose 01 mis and all others on
the same subject.
ihe nrst we have been considerinffi
ana is to reiuse to receive it.
The second is to receive them.
lay
fltam din IK. f .KIa m t I . 1
H luuic, auu iwcie iei mem ue.
The third is to receive them, and then
.naiaiuiy reject me .prayer ot the peti-
uunerB.
The fourth is to receive them,
them to a committee, and let that
mittee make a report upon them.
refer!
com-
I prefer the first, because, when we re
fuse to receive the petitions, thev
turned to those who sent them, and it
. . j - - - -
win most strongly discountenance all hope
that Congress ever can, or ever ought, to
. .. " I
pass any law upon the subject to which
they refer. In each of the other three,
we retain the petitions, place them nn
our files, in the custody of our officer.and
at any subsequent session they are here,
and it will be competent for any member
io move meir reierence to a commitfpp .
whereas, if returned to the petitioners, if
tney ever again make their appearance-it
muht ue Dy ineir ioeing re-sent and re
presented. I think that plan is the most
i U - I j . I
advisable, and will be most likely to
calm the disturbance in the slave States.
which, will most, strongly manifest tn all
Jin every quarter, that Congress will not
interfere with slavery as it exists in the
States and in this District.
think the disposition of them proposed bv
the Senator from Ann Jiv JITJ
it these petitions are received. T thpn
pressing any opinion whatever.
There is another aspect in which this
question may be viewed, that has had
great influence on my own mind. Con
gress sits here as the Legislature of the
whole Union, and also as the only Legis
lature for the local concerns of the Dis
trict of Columbia. These petitions do not
ask us to make a general law, operating
throughout the whole Union, but a law, the
operations of which are to be spent en
tirely upon property within the ten miles
square. Now, if we were in form, as
well as in substance, a local Legislature
when acting on this question, which gen
tlemen say is to affect slavery in the Dis
trict, ana nowhere else, would we be
bound to receive these petitions ? .No
more than we are bound to receive peti
tions from Fiance or Gerniahy. Would
gentlemen, if sitting as members of . the
Legislature of Alabama, feel , bound; to
receive petitionsfrom citizens of Maine
or Pennsylyaniatb emancipate slaves
within their own State Y Assuredly not.
If that be so, is it not most reasonable,
when we are called upon to pass an act
confined exclusively to this District, that
j ..Ulllu lllv; liCA!, Pfl SKrnt-irir
bestthat is, immediately to reject their ea creW; '
prayer. This would be far preferable to a Jrlf "Pnation of the object
laying them silently on the tab with? ?.f ?C "ff et,n?MrS: B- Spruill moved
out expressing anv opinion whJ' tlat a Committee of six be appointed to
we would con
here as if in th
duct towards thereonlp
is matter they were oar
constituents ?. Will it not be time.e
nough to receive petitions on this subiect
when they are presented on behalf of
those upon whose properly alone it is said
the law would operate ?
Honorable Senators have told us there
j I'uu.ib uminuu win soon nut rir
'J . I "... wwwi UUk uuvyu iiie
i muuiic on ninn win tnnn ..j. j , u
inkrh;., ,. ...k- , - r 7. .
I. nriiiiiis sinau in nuin.
fi
uers.
uentlemen. I flnuht
I Jho v.t a h i. ' ..
-v b Know is, tnat our
??Z?hr"V C OUfrbed by
I 1 II P ITl .rKAUn.. X m.
, nucmci iew or manv. i nc?ir
newspapers, their pamphlets, and picto
rial representations havp hpn nl.ntv
They have come to us thrnno-h th mil.
and by other means, in great abundance j
and, if we' are t6 live toirethPi- & nnp
people, they must stop. It is vain to
reason with ninla K i:i r
speeded ol Z X
Lirp nil of 1. n n .l 7l il l
eat J,,s provisions, lest his cook l.as been
frMcvaueu on 10 mi,x-)oison with his food,
or dare not go to sleep (est the servants
will cut the throats of himself, his wife,
and children before he wakpho will not
endure-it j and, when he can fay hands
upon those who prompt to such cIppiIs nf
mischief, he will pot wait for the ordina
ry torms of law to redress him. He takes
the law into his own hands, and everv
thing which accustoms us to violate the
law is a serious evil in a country as free
as ours, wliere the laws should govern.
The honorableSSenator from MicaU&in.
pi has shewn us something of the feelings
of his State, which has suffered much.
in lennessee when
I ' - - II VM 4 VI
t numshmur nprnne ; M;e.:..: : .
legal trial, we thought it all wrong, and
suiue vi OUT leauin? newsnanprs rnnr.
teously found fault with it. Their co
lumns were not lonar drv until onp. of
these distributers of abolition
was found in our, most nnnulmift nnd re
spectable city, and an assemblage of our
most orderly and discreet citizens resor
ted for redress to the same summarv nro-
tcss which nau oeen used in our, sister
ataie. Public opimdninay Jiave done
only one attempt to establish a press for
such nublirafmna r. n -t-.Liu.
svomeming on this subject,, I know of
e. ' -". J ciuiiig
otaic. i ne neighbors ot the gentleman
informed him that his press would be
productive of mischief, knd he must not
establish it in their town : he answered
that he held
it a hiffh dutr.
i
which he
could not dispense with, to proceed, and
he would do so. They replied, if he did,
they would consider it their duty to de-
muiiMi nis DuiidiDg, and sow. his
SOW; his tvnes
broad-cast in the streets. This manifea-
nation or public opinion he respected.
He knew that those with whom he had tn
deal would keep their word.- He desist
ed, retired to a neighboring State, where,
as I have understood, he is now publish
ing his paper.
1 beg gentlemen to consider that if ia
of no consequence to us whether the: ab
olitidnists, in their States, are many or
few ; their publications are numerous ;
they have already produced much m,
f ... 7 -
chief, which, if persisted in, must end
in consequences to be forever regretted
by us all. For myself, on the subiect of
thedisposition we may make of these pe
titions, I can have no other wish than
that it may be such as will most tend fn
allav excitement, and rptnr W h.
monJ which is so essential to thVcoramon
w r - w nui nut
interest ot our whole countrv.
THE JPEOPJLE MOYIJYG
MEETING IN NORTHAMPTON.
At an unusually large and respectable
meeting of the citizens of Northampton
county, convened according to previous
notice, at the Court-House in the t nwn
or Jackson, on Mondav of March Court.
nf ?Sq WaS CaUed to the
C iaJr ar,J Mr. Robert A. Ezell appoint-
oraw up Resolutions expressive of the
sentiraentstof the people in attendance.
Whereupon the Chair named as the Com-
mittee, Dr. Isaac Hall, Roderick B. Ga
ry, B. F. Moore, Junius Amis, Peterson
Peebles and S. B. Spruill, who, after re
tiring a few moments, returned and re
ported through Mr. Amis, a series of
Resolutions.
When the Resolutions had been read,
Cof. W. L. Long, at the request of many
persons present, addressed the meeting
in a very chaste and eloquent speech of
about an hour's duration j in which he
handled the Baltimore Convpnrinn. i !
nominees, and the " spoils" party gene
rally" with gloves off." and concluded
by recommending the adoption of the
Resolutions under consideration which
were afterwards carried unanimously :
tVhereas, we, Jhe freemen of Northampton
county, recogniz&Jn the late Baltimore Con
vention, principlestdaneerous in a representative
Government, and destructive to the freedom of
me elective irancntse. , :
1 Resolved, therefore, That, we deem it a duty
to ourselves and to our country to oppose, hr
all honorable means, the election of Martin Van
Buren to tbe Presidency of the United, States. (
2. Resolved, That this meeting will cordially
support the nomination of HUGH LAW80N
WHITE, of Tennessee, believing hjhi capable
and honest, and,' in every way, worthy of.thft
confidence of bis countrymen. -
(3. JiesolveJ, That, in opposition to Bichd
M. Johnson,' the Van Buren manofactore of the
Baltimore Convention, we will support, -tor the
Vice PresideDcy JOHN "TTU$2$of Virffkia. a
patriot and an honest man. " " T ;
4. Resolved, That we will support, for Gover
nor Jf this State, El) WAftD B. DUDLEY, of
Wilmington, a friend to the People and an ar
dent advocate of the good old principle of 98
and 99, and who was so when Democracy sig
nified something more than a passport to Office
On motion of Mr. Rod. B. Gary 4. '
Resolved, That the Chairman of this meeting
appoint five Delegates, to meet other Delegate!
in the Electoral District, at Button's Crosi
Roads, on the third Saturday of this instant, for
the putpose of selecting some individual to' b
placed on the White Ticket.
Whereupon the Chair appointed Rod!
B. Gary,Simmons Barnes, Brjan Rani
dolph, Peterson Peebles, and Junius A.I
mis, to constitute said Committee. '
On motion of Mr. Spruill, -n
Msoivca, , 1 nat me unairmnn appoint a Com
mittee otvVig. lance, consisting often io acli
Captain's District in this county," ;
On motion of the same, i v i
Resolved, That the . Chairman and Secretary
sign the proceedings of this meeting, and re
quest the Raleigh Star and other papers in the
State friendly to the same, to publish them.
C. Wl BARNES, Chan.i
Ro3ertA. Ezell, Sec'y. :
MEETING IN MARTIN;
Agreeably o public notice, the citizene
of Martin met at the Court House in
Wtlliamston, on Wednesday, the 2nd
March. WThereupon, on motion of Col.
Jos. J. Williams, Major SanVl S. Shep
herd was called to the chair, and Wil
liam Briggs appointed Secretary.
Col. Williams explained the object of
the meeting, and offered the following
Resolutions, which were unanimously a
dopted : ; ' , J
Jietohed, That in a government like aun,
which recognizes all power aa re aiding- in thm
people, we as free men insisting upon the right
of the people themselves to nominate and ap
point their own'caief mairistrat. mnf tKf.f
denounce the nomination of the Baltimore Coil
ver.tion, as an attempt, by interested office hold
ers and office seekers, to dictate to the people
in a matter in which they themselves are' sor
ereign. ; j
Resolved, .That we recognize in
WHITE, the farmer of Tennessee,
HtrGn t.
a pure Pa-
"-t 9HICSUIII1, ana an nonest mni
and that we therefore approve of his nomination
as a fit person to be run for President of the Ti
nned States.
Resolved, That we highly estimate the Re
publican principles and great abilities of JOHN
TYLER, of Virginia, and therefore concur in
his nomination, as a proper person to be run fi
irirtT art a K. I a o i . -
the Vice Presidency.
And vnereas the amended Constitution rt
quires that the Governor of this State ahJI hr.
after be elected by the people. v r
Rtiolved threfore. That we hip-hlv immJ.'
of the nomination of Gen. EDWARD B. iinrt.
LEY, of New Hanover codnty, as a fit candidal'
tor Governor of this State, and iat hl tonftt.
tent support of republican principles, his wVrai
attachment to the interests of the south; anoVtbe
punty of his private life entitle him to our su&
port. - . , . ( r-
On motion of Col. J. J. WilliamX th
following persons, viz. Jos: TL Rall.rd.
Wm. K. WilliamsImrie-SpruillT John
B. Griffin, Benj. L': 'Taylor Samuel S.
Shepherd, were appointed delejra.te ta
confer with delegates from the other eoari-
m una uisinct io meet" at iSritton'a
Roads, on the 19th March, for the
purpose of nominating an elector., "
On motion of Mr. Imrie Soruill. th
name of Col. Jos. J. Williams vu nrfJl
to the list of delegates. j
On motion, .
Resolved, Th at the Chairman be author;.!
to appoint as many persons as a C4mauUee iof .
vigilance as he may tHink proper.
Whereupon the following persons were an.
pointed : , r
Here follow the name of 1ST gentlemea 1
9n motion, t . v
Resolved, That a con v of A
, V"b uc sent wim a request that ther
published In the Raleigh Star, Richmond VYhic.
and alt the Whig papers in this State.
On motion, the meeting adjourned.
S SHEPHERD, Chairman
Wk. Briom, Secretary. 1
' :'f
NE.HANOvisR COUNTY. J
In pontiTUy with the notice publish
ed in the two last numbers of the Wil
fpington Advertiser a, numerous and res
pectable meettngof the Republican Whig
of the county of New-tlanovei, convened
at the Qport House irf Wilmington., on
Mondathe 14th instant' V
The mjeeting was "organized by the rii-
ft,:- u ' . "
minaiion ano appointment 0t William B.
Meares, Esq. a Chairman,, Inil John A. '
Taylor, Esq. as Secretary. '
The object of the meeting having been 1
made known, in a hort address from the
Chair, H was resolved that a CommiH.A
of three persona be raised, who should
draft andesfnt to the meeting, Uesolu,
tions expressive of-their views and prin
ciplesir Dr. John Hil I, Joshua 6. Wright;
Esq. and William C.'Lord, Esq. were
nominated and appointed to' constitute
said Committee.
After a brief interval, Mr. Joshua G.
Wright, on behalf of the Committee (hav
ing prefaced the same with an eloquent
addressed the meeting) m&de the follow
ihgReport: , : ' , 'M' W
Wberf aj, wt the freeman 9f N. geVer('deqi
1