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"ft- r m . -ir w ami ekimb tf r,'; - r-v 'm a'? fflELWIPlEi. 10. f i : Hi A 'UMJ "Ours are the plans of fair delightful peace, unwarp'd by party rage, to lire like brothers." - HREE DOLLARS Per Annum 7 ONE JH JJLF I3V ADVANCE. $ 3i DUMBER 31. Iiv 'il WlTr vn Ir II W 1 ' II IV Vl . VV ll. TV virx . 11 IriH Ui rJ ' 'J II- V II rU l"i fi5CTtt II rr li rU II rJ Mil lit -f '. IS PUBLISHED j EVERY TUESDAY, ly Joseph Gales Sf Son. XERHIS. Thuis DotLxns per annum one half in advance Those who lo not, either at the time of subscribing or subsequently, give notice of their wish to have he Paper discontinued at the expiration of the year, will be presumed as desiring its continuance until countermanded. ADVERTISEMENTS, Not exceeding nxteen lines, will b inserted three timet for a Dollar; and twenty-five cents for each . , nbseauent publication : those of greater lengthen ( rroportion. If the number of insertions,.be not K - .1 . ill U..t:i.J 'not!) . marked on mem, mey ww uj cvuwuwu umm vi dered out and charged accordingly." , Politics of the 4ay A Circular Letter has just been issued to the voters of Caswell, on the subject of the approaching Presidential Election, bf seven gentlemen of that County, who deserve the gratitude of their Whig brethren for the noble stand they have taken in defence of correct principles, under circumstances which would hate prevented most men from fearlessly uttering the truth. Their names, which deserve to be remembered, are as fol i lows? Starling Gunn, John Kerr, Jun. John H. Graves, &. Gtmn, Sen. Wil liam Lea, of Leas burg, James Burton . and John P. Harrison, We subjoin a , portion of this Letter, which is as well adapted to any other meridian as Cas- well: ; Fellow-Citizens In our free coun try it is the privilege of every man freely to adopt, express ana act upon ms own opinions. Indeed our institutions are founded upon the virtue, intelligence and independent spirit of the people. And when we cease to think and act for our selves, and surrender siffopinions - into the keeping of any man or set of men, we cease to be free, -and tender our con dition no better than that of the subjects of the most absolute -monarchy in Europe. Influenced by these reflections, the un dersigned, a few of the citizens of Cas well, exercising the same right that be longs to any and to every other freeman, have determined to offer to their fellow citizens a few plain suggestions upon the subject of the approaching Presidential election, than which one of more impor tance has not occurred since the founda tion of our national government. We de sign in this address -to confine ourselves simply to a statement of facts, the truth ofwhich no man of whatever political party can br will deny. The candidates between whom the peo ple of the South will have to make an e- lection, are Martin Van Buren ot JNew York, and Hugh L. White of Tennessee. For the Vice-Presidency. Richard .M. Johnson of Kentucky, is placed upon the Van Buren, and John Tyler of Virginia, upon the White Ticket. Now, fellow citizens, let us look to the men candid ly consider their pretensions, and decide wnich has the higher claim to our support. Martin Van Buren is a citizen of New- York a State whose institutions differ materially from those of our own where domestic slavery is not permitted to ex ist, and where there are to be found more of those miserable and misguided fanat ics called Abolitionists, than in any other State in the Union. New York has al ways occupied a Federal stand in relation to all the great political questions which at different times hav& agitated our coun try ; and it is a fact attested by the most authentip history, that there were more Tories in New York at the period of the Revolutionary war, than in any other di vision of the confederacy. Her late il lustrious Governor, De Witt Clinton, was an eminent Federalist,; and was ac tually the Federal candidate for the Pre sidency in 1812 against James Madison, and he was, then strongly supported by this same Martin Van Buren, as Mrv Van Buren's mast zealous friends are bound to admit. Nor is this all. The late Rufus Kin?, who. UDon the death of A lexander Hamilton, became the acknow ledged head and leader of the federal par tyi was in 1820 & Senator in Congress from the State of New York, and was supported for that distinguished station by Mr. Van iiuren and was moreover instructed by fhfcLegisUture of N. York Martin Van Buren voting for the instruc - tions)Uo oppose the admission of Missou - ri into the Union, unless that State would Tirnninir me ptislcucc ui omivi .iuiuji I t a m A . . a. F o 1 o m A W mth in XT' m w ' . . m , man South of the Potomac ought to be its terriwry. Aiiis i o wvj . J irjL - Zmm mm Fa'a f T h 1 t H AVOW informed of, that the southern peopie may beware of the man whose opinions are fraught withtso much danger to their best nd hicrhpst intprpfttfl. Suppose a man were to offer for the Legislature in the county of Caswell, who held opinions - n r ih. o-v iDtnna n t K ivprv hi luc UTC1BC W Hit saisvsuk. vi wiii-.y VI State, would you vote for him? We think I not- Will you then vote for a man, en - .(.:n'..n.i. Anininnlin isnirM to an VA&S W w "IpBk" m conler, ana ine attainment ot iwniciK.uc-inp"-Muu iu mC general wants o tows a' power, for good or for evil, tenllreasury, than by any other mode s - A m . . A. r . W 1 9m.Am. w fold greater than a mere sea in -yourjhas yet been suggested; and that such State Legislature ? The people ot tne South think that the States ought to be permitted to exercise their own discreti on upon the subject of slavery, and thej will not tolerate the idea of an interfere etice in the slightest degree with this question on the part of Congress or the General Government, either as it regards the States themselves, or the territories, or the district of Columbia. Yet Mr. Van Buren entertains contrary opinions, and has actually said in a letter which he wrote a short time since to a committee of gentlemen in North-Carolina, " that from the lights now before him, he would not feel himself safe in pronouncing that Congress does not possess the power of interfering with. or abolishing slavery in the district of Columbia:" Here then is an explicit avowal that Congress has the power to abolish slavery in the district of Columbia at least : and if it has in the district of Columbia, then it- is easily shown thai it may likewise exercise the same power any and every where else in the United States. A single argument will, prove this. The Constitution of the United States does not give to Congress any such power ; if therefore it possesses it, then it has been derived from; some other, source than the Constitution. Cer tainly there is no other source from which it could be derived, so far as respects the states and .territories. But it is argued by Mr. van Buren and others, that Con gress derives the power to abolish slavery in the district of Columbia, not from the Constitution of the United States, but from the Articles of Cession, by which Virginia and Maryland ceded the District to the General Government If these ar tides be examined, it will 'be seen that they give to Congress the same power and authority over the district of Columbia which Virginia and Maryland themselves possessed before the transfer was made. Now'Virginia and Maryland had no pow er to abolish slavery within their respect ive territories, arid consequently could not convey any such to Congress. The Constitutions ef these States only autho rize the Legislatures to take the proper- y ot the people for public uses, and re- quire that an equivalent shall be given even in those cases. Slaves are as much theproperty of their owners as are horses and cows they therefore cannot be tak- lst the consent of their owners, except for public uses and for valuable t a m a consiuerauon. 10 sec mem iree ana make them their own masters, would not be taking them for public use very far from it. It would only be taking them from their masters and giving them to themselves, which is the same thing (so far as the right and interest of the own- It .ft . 4 ers are concerned as taking them trom one man in Caswell and giving them to his neighbor. . Yet Mr. Van Buren says Congress has this power. Do you say so, fellow-citizens f Or will you support a man who does say so ? If you do, then will you vote for one who, it elected, will put in jeopardy that species of property which is ot chiet value to the Southern farmer and planter. What say you ought to be done with that portion of the people's money which has accumulated in the National Treasu ry, and for which the Government has no manner ot use r Do you not think it ought to be given back to the people from whom it was obtained, to be used by them for the education of the poor children of the country, and to lessen the amount of taxes which we have to pay ? A large surplus of money, amounting at present who preceded him. Mr. Jefferson, to to about Forty Millions of Dollars and whom he has been compared, but with still increasing, is now in the Treasury what propriety let the contrast in thisin of the United States lying perfectly idle stance, among many others, answer, de diffusing no benefit to the people, but dared that he suffered no one to con rather serving to corrupt those agents verse with him on the subject." So far whom thev have annointed to direct the from avowing his predilections to the operations of the Government.. From whose pockets, we ask, was this money drawn? From the people's To whom then ought it to be returned when it is perceived there is no use for it ? Why, surely to those from whom it was taken. Mr. Van Buren says, if he is elected President, this sheer act of justice to' the honest people ot the country shall not take place. Here are his own words up- on the subject j read them for yourselves $ they are here extracted from a letter which he has lately written to a member - 1 would introduce vices into the legislation l of both governments productive of the most iniurious effects as well upon the of Congress from the State ot Kentucky : respecting tne uencacy oi nis position, may reuuee to ooscurity ana curtail tne u."v 1 nM.jiiuugui up a "It is my firm conviction," says he, the deference which he owed to the Pub- income of official dependents, and ad- working man, or; rather, a working boy that any system by which a distribution lie, and sensible of the great mischiefs vance to consequence and .emolument among the People, and truly one of is made among the States, of the monies which would result from the opposite ex- those who attract his notice- and obtain them and I have no, regret that my lot collected by the Federal Government, ample, he withheld his opinions, and left his favor. The declaration of his pre- was so cast. I have seen, and known', ""vaWObSVa I W j I upsr inToroeto nr tn rnnnirv as uimii l purpeimty ot our political institutions. 1 ... J. . . .Z - 99 Speaking of the distribution of the pro - ceedsofthe public lands (according to federal population) which constitutes a very large portion nf Hip irnln revenue of the soYemmpn;!,! wMrK rnn. stitutes of itself a fund nf immpnP. and increasing amount Mr. Van Buren in i liik a nK iH.irpr inn. l : i r L . . . t ilnlnMl imhorn m i n Awe hinrh ctotinn ic lha -. ...UB CJkUreSBCB lilUlSCll liaVIW" HU" - I am of opinion thatthe avails of thelgenCe had made wilful and impatient, public lands will be more enuitAhlv and I there were yet grounds for believing he faithfully annlied to thp I ' mM i iUUllllUCU i" . " W Mm. mm, mm W 41 T kA I i appropriation is in every respect prefera ble to the distribution thereof among the! States in the manner your Question pro poses. Entertaining these views, lean- not give you any encouragement that I will, m the event of my election to the Presidency, favor that ooUcy." Now Mr. Van Buren says that the Droceeds of the public lands will be more eauitablv and faithfully annlied to the common benefit by their continued application to the general wants of the Treasury. How can this be the fact, when, exclusive of the proceeds of the public lands, there is in the treasury already a large surplus revenue ? Or in other words, more mo ney'than there is any use for. What general wants can the Treasury have, to require the money arising from the sales of public land, when that same Treasury cannot find a use for all of the money which it derives from other sources. The truth is if Mr. Van Buren had told us that he was opposed to the distribution of the surplus revenue because he want ed the money to remain in the Treasury, not to be applied to its .general wants--but to be used for partizan electioneer ing purposes, then would he have spoken his real views. Gen. Jackson, whom you all so much admire, recommended me uistriDUtion or the surplus revenue among the States in his Message to'Con gress in 1829. But notwithstanding all these things, we are yet told that Mr. Van Buren is the Democratic Republican candidate, and has been nominated reg ularly, and therefore we must vote for him. That he has been nominated by a sell-constituted Caucus or Convention, we readily admit. But that he is either a Democrat or Republican, remains, yet X I -I . A. T I r BI . A. . I to ue ueiermmeu. xnat ne was ai oney, - m time a decided Federalist,4 his voting for lie Witt Clinton in opposition to Madi-I son most clearly proves. What he may be now, however, God only knows. For, uite tne weamercocK, ne nas oeen iouna and too soon for his own peace is he des always to turn with the changes of the fined to experience how sadly he has wind. He was no democrat, certainly, been betrayed to the injury of his own hiicu u aai iu nit vuuveniiun. which was called to revise the Constitution of New York, in 1821. For upon a motion to extend the right of suffrage, submit ted by Gen. Root, Mr. Van Buren held the following language. " I cannot con- c"1 nuerviue tnis precioiw privilege L i I 1.- ..L' '.Ml (of voting so far as to confe it with an indiscriminate hand upon every one. - This, then is Mr. Van Buren's Democ racy it is on a par with his, Religion ; as the latter is indicated in his celebra ted letter to the Pope of Rome, which was written, as we firmly believe, for the purpose of inducing the Pope to use his boundless influence over the Catholic church in this country, to make them vote for Martin Van Buren when he should become a candidate for the high office to which he now aspires. Executive Interference The Whig Central Committee of Virginia have just issued a second Address to the Feopieo! that state, which is re plete with sound reflections and argument. The impropriety atte on bringing the patronage Government, into contact with the free dom of Elections," is thus forcibly set forth : ' It was the duty of the President to observe the most cautious neutrality in respect to who should be his successor, That was the course of the illustrious men Public, he was careful to conceal his o pinions even from the candidates, and maintained undisturbed his friendship for f - ' each.' Yet Mr. Jefferson was not a man to behold a Presidential election with in difference, or to suffer it to pass away without decided opinions. No one knew better to whom the important trust could I be confided with the greatest safety, for he knew thoroughly, and with accuracy, i. . .. ".... the qualifications of the candidates 5 and none could be more solicitous that a wise and justselection should be made. But, 1 . a I 1 1 f 1 " his countrymen to decide the election a mong themselves, free from the suspicion of official interference. How difterent ciauu muuvwuhiujc. mo ti 1.11 owulavfu. mo the I W course of Gen. Jackson. It was to have 1 been expected that respect for the me- tuory oi nis preaecessors woura nave re- strained a departure from their example, when there was no motive for it but the I ratification of his own private, personal I wishes and inclinationIf there be those I who questioned the force of that conside . Ainn imnn nnp wiuiiii iiiiiui K u.iiu iiiiiui- I ...,.a ,n.A the mischievous error. In w . m i r " IIIIJ AUUMm"1 " ' . w . - - lbe brought It A X ,1 T .1 . i I 1 A. I W I Al. . T A ITi! 1 I F the led. he had soismaiy pieugcw nuuscu, m wmtu u.j v ij u umh .....-a- , r . J j I a.! ful Lrin. nf thi whole nation, .that the popular suspicion, democratic, republi- just good mora feeling, patrmtrc; deyo- a a i. Ma k-v n a i a- a tr bbb.b m m arr n r 0 am a at n vra w wm wttm fiiararri iiiiiiiu 1 aaaaBa B.V liiwii - avaa uu vwti.. awuava anl patronage of the Government should not can," Jpffersonian, or by them all at once : tion and nrmness in wpport or.tne ngnt, in contact with tne ireeaom oi 'out oy wnatever name it is caueu, u ai w ".-n- , 1 elections. But neither tfie examples set in much wisdom by the founders of the Republic, his own solemn declarations to the contrary, nor the evils of the step, have prevented hfs mingling in the elec tion' with his characteristic freedom and boldness. It cannot be denied that the President has openly and boldly attempted to lead and control public opinion. As early as the spring of ?34 he declared himself in fay.br. of a National Convention, and, not' satisfied with that, he had the indel icacy to indicate the nominee of the Con vention. Nor; was this all. In order to arrest the expression of popular feeling, which it was apprehended might, forestall the proceedings of the Convention, he remonstrated against the nomination of Judge White by the People of Tennessee) aim suuit was me inicniuerauce ui ins zeal, that those who opposed his will .. I L : - j;l ir U: uiicu ins uisuieasure. irate nun ou-1 wards, and it will be found, as the day of election approaches, his interference is more unequivocal and offensive. Paving designated his successor, he has refrained from no efforts which were likely to se cure the triumph of the favorite. The open avowal of his preference, the expres sion of that preference by letter, which his correspondent publishes, the circula ing with vituperation against an indepen- ,i " i ..i f.:,l.f,.i ..ui:. u- tion under his frank of newspapers teem ly offence was that he consented to be UrA hv thP PpnnlP in nnnnWinn fn thp .-'- I "j -i" Y ! lL - ! i' . T those who resist, and the admission to favor of those who acquiesce in his choice, display the bigoted attachment of the "... President, ana with what energy he is employed in accomplishing his end. Our obiect is not to assail the Presi- dent, or to invoke against hira your re- Uentment; his course is nearly finished; lamo. Knt. while we wnulil iniliilo-ft in no unnecessary acrimony against him, we cannot express too strongly the impres sion which we have or the dread conse quences which must ensue if the attempt . ; . x a i ' j: a .1 at dictation be not met by indignant and I ... .9 . ' " overwhelming resistance. mi l i . l i w a l ine uay nas ueen wnen an argument against the intrusion of official interfer ence would have been regarded as an idle, if not an impertinent warning. The bare suspicion of official intermeddling would have aroused a spirit of bold and deter mined defiance: and signal would have been the retribution which awaited the offender found guilty of such disloyalty to tne jroTeriiiuciii, aim uisuicuuu iu me People. Sad,' indeed, and ominous of ills, j il. " t. .1 : i ii. . is the change which has come over the People, if they fail to detect the attempt at dictation, under whatever insidious disguise it may assume, and repel the faintest approach to it. The exact neutrality and inflexible re- serve of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, the public, it was a voluntary restraint, I." . I . submitted to from conviction that the of- ficers of Government, and especially the first functionary, could not mingle in the election without invading the elective franchise, and that the practice -was vi- cious. and would inevitably lead to ve-i nality and corruption. Here what Mr. t anu. jyionrue, was me resun, not oi apa- speaK. in terms graieiui to my teenngs oil I 1 i I 1 k. i. f I 1 . . f 1 . - ol nil.nl I tllj aim uuvuilVfci"J w wi vwuiuiviifcii-iuiC UUU13 O.UU SllCCta Vtlllbll 114 TC UCCIl I nuanti , , . .. . r t- .i i i . . . 1 cd i w v. nnn iiniAnftAin nn r mr r n m nronon am a ... u w I a i. I t- ,i i aiic anu uaiuuuu iisna ui iiitii uuw iuicssl uui air;iui!SL me ur navinir nnr.R nepn Jeflerson said: "The elective principlev&m unworthy. If wealthy parentage, becomes nothing, tj it may be smothered oy the enormous patronage oj tne Lreneratm indulgence, or luxury; be essential to Government." lithe propriety ot their course rested alone on the authority of their names, we humbly trust that the People would not submit to an innovation! upon it. nut it is apparent, on tne leasti privation, ivnen young he was a subal - consideration, that nothing short qf thejtern officer of the Revolution, and shar - I . t . ! !.L most exact neutrality is consistent wun tne Ireeaera oi elections ana tne purity ot the Uovernment. It is not nossible for the President to engage in the contest without implicating his high office, and bringing the authori- ty of that to bear upon the issue.; He cannot, it he would, connne his voice ml ' ' within the limits which circumscribe that of the citizen. He is a man of authority by the exercise of his prerogatiye, he I . i a 1 :i 1 i : 1 x 1 terence is the signal tor coalition among the omce-holders, and of all whose anx iety is to be found en the strong side, and to be admitted to the rewards of ac tive and conspicuous retainers. : T.he Executive patronage devoted to the cause oi tne executive iavorue, tne cause oi the favorite becomes connected with questions of State, and nothing is decided without reference to its bearings on the election. There grows up a party, for - jmidable for numbers, and yet more for 1 miuaiiiK mi uisliuiiuc. ca"ci iul auuwcas. g .. I 1 i "i '.' I J. 1 T i. . t. expert at all the arts by which advantage early imbued with maniod, and I trust may be won, that aims at power with anI shall retain it to the latest period oi exclusive view to selfish and-factious . Tf will rail itself bv anv namel i i a .ii i .it A.iinB.tAM.A t rrm iiibip Knii r a iriuif i mmmrt kw. their Con- summation in nothing short of the abso lute overthrow of poptdar right, and the accession ' of Executive supremacy. ' ."A Again, the President cannot ha rWmif- ted to nominate his successor but at the expense of the independence "ane! virtue of public men. Add that to the already party whose plana wiil reach colossal power of tle office, ' and his in-1 tune, I am fit to stand forth mthe pfes fluence in the Halls of Congress becomes I ence of the nation as thertrae representa- irresistible. It Would be idle to think of resisting his nahje in the election of Rep- resentatives, when his nomination could elefate his favorite to the Chief' Magis- tracy. The functionaries of Government are transformed into courtiers and sveo-1 phants. when the President's friendly I offices are a passport to popular approba- tion. We have witnessed the bitter fruits I of this new and formidable influence, but! aystcui. is yet in us iniancv. ana ine wmuu must luuow. ii ine r'eonie i in meir ottended majesty, do not crush and annihilate it." 1 .Vr. SENATOR JEWING, of Ohio. We copy with pleasure from an Ohio paper the subjoined letter from Thomas; Lwing, honorable by courtesv, but twice honorable by nature, if we had no other' evidence than this letter to prove it. We know no better illustration of the com - ninpfl minhnnos ana rrr tr oml intallaotn , . ru A . Sf 1l aI Vlg0r ?f the Grat West, than IS embo of this letter r and, after reading it. we can conscientiously sav that we believe no man ever better understood himself1 than Mr. Ewing does. He stands in the first rank of what the miserable dema- gogues of the day call "the aristocracy" of the country : that is to say, he is" a irue wnig, anu a inenu to the Constitu tion and Laws of his country. Nat. Intel. Lancaster, Oct. 3, 1836. Gentlemen: I received your favor of the 27th ult. inviting me, in behalf of the working men of Cincinnati, to attend and address a meeting to be held by them on the oth instant. I would accent the invitation with pleasure if mv nthpr pno-awpmpnfa wmihllit Ii ; J 0-e- v. , permit it, but unfortunately they do not. m must, thereiore, deny myselt the crati- -r . a fixation which I should feel in meeting . with so many of my fellow-cirtzens, and joining with them in the discussion ol subjects important to the character of our btate, and to the pure republican insti - tutions of our country. I should be the more gratibed to be with there, as I am assured they are, what they profess to 1 1 .-. pe, real Working men a- portion ot the I hard-hantled and sound-hearted yeomen land mechanics ot our country ; men, on I whose intelligence, integrity; and patri- otism, our republican Constitution must rest as the surest and strongest pillar j which sustains and supports it. ( You have been kind enough, in the letter which you wrote in their behalf, to I . . w ... .. ... a working man, and having labored with my own hands for my support and ad - 9? o n nam o n f- li n xr Fa lea 4 K nw9 Kr lmnn vancement. Many lalse things have been said and wri men oi me, uui tnis is not one of them. This ts true. I. admit the ' iu : 3 i . i : l il charge to the fU extent. And if the working man be unworthy to rise to the elevated stations in our Republic, then I tender nurture, and youth spent in ease, quality a man for office in a Republic, then am I not qualified, for I have had I non of those "advantages. My father was poor, and lived a life ot hardship and 1 l.l - . f . . . ea tne fortune oi many ot the ardent youth oi mat day, who devoted themselves to the same glorious cause. At the close of the war he was cast upon the world with- out property, or the habit or the means of acquiring it. He left his native State, and sought a home in the frontier settle - ments, in the then " Far West," where lv . . .... .. 1 was born, in a verv humble shed, and reared, not, surely, in the lap of luxury, With my mental and physical powers as m . . . anu ieit, now mucn o manly sense, shrewdness of observation, sterling worth, a f r and generous feeling, are concealed be: neath the rough exterior of the plain working men of our country. I know thein, well, tor 1 have been an inmate of of their homes, a guest at their tables, and one amid the social circle around their firesides; and I look back to those scenes, not only with pleasure, but with prMe. J 1 am prouu to teel that I carry with me something of the true character and spir it of the American working man. 1 was my lite. Andit totnese cnaracierisucs, which L claim wth them as our common in-(evils we have seen are 'but a prelude tolhave fixed their eyes on the revenues of : Itlia ruin .,Ut U . a ; r . 1 1 e ft -r " I . I 1 i -vm ' .is T- v I ? 1 . a . . . m which is the fruit of long 'anH. laborious study that facility forf business1 which. springs from habit something of literary taste; and a talent for public speaking, which enables me to bring the powers or my' mind and thy stores of knowledge inr1 to use, then I claim thatj even without' tb.6 advantage of high" birth or early for- tiveof the People of my State v,-T In the elevated station to which, .their partiality hat cailed me, I have stI been e a working man. I have notvastc4imjA Itime in idleness, nor my energies in tha; haunts of dissipation ; but have devoted myself fully and entirely tomy official duties the service of my State and ot the Union. I am now assailed with a virulence heretofore unknown in the an- mais oi our political wanare ; ihuso uu ine uenerai i'osi umce. tne ruonc jl rcs- ury, and the Public Lands, and marked them a their plunder and their spoils now rage with fury against me. I :am not surprised at it. I stand in theirp&th, and they have been so long kept back, from the temp ting bait, that they are now hungry and fierce for their prey. 1 If -I , had been dull and inefficient if I had slept upon tny post or, especially if I had connived at the villainy which I saw Lactised j mj ht havc bJCn permitted n MOfl m;urtt,? aMO.u .,irmhahlv T I i I 1 . ! 1 1 a.I ! to pass without reproach, and probably , received, as a favourite by those whot bow as'sail me. But ! did not, for my verr nature for bade it I did not calculate, chances, or weigh the advantages, which -one course. of conduct would bring, or the danger s to wnicn anotner would expose me. . a. sentinel on the watch-tower,' I had no choice but to' give warning of danger when I saw it approaching. Placed in the breach, I must defend my post, un til the People could rally and. come to my rescue. And whether 1 now be sus tained by their cheering voices or be borne down by the multitude, and the malice of my enemies, I regret nothing of my course, and shall never wish that I had changed it One of its consequen ces only I look to with anxiety and pain is. that manv rfnnd mpi' nit dprplvpd by the base falsehoods, which have foe , w... f ...w.., i . . . . years been invented and circulated a- gainst me; withhold from me that appro bation to which I feel I am entitled at their hands, and which! Know tney wouia extend to me, it they could beundeceived. as to my political course.; I Be kind enough to communicate ; my I sentiments to the meeting, and beneve me, with great respect, "your, obedient servant, T. EWING. The following contains a statement of the most .horrid, deliberate murder which we have, heard of in modern times. It may be relied on as authentic Knoxville Reg. Tazewell, (Ttenn.) Sept. 24, 1836. Sir : A murder was committed in Clai borne county, near this place, on the road I !1 " -J 7 eading to Kentucky, last week, in self-de- fence, under the following circumstances s 1 William Hurst slmt Thnma J.- Rprrv xuhn I J t j a " fi ff4. a. expired in a short time after. The parties were brothers-in-law s bad teelmgs had ex i i i . it .i isted between them ; the deceased had oc cupied the house where Hurst now lives -had removed to the Crab Orchard, in Ken tucky, with his family j returned a few days back to this neighborhood, as witjiii l view to have satisfaction. On the day of the fatal deed, Berry ( whose lather Jives in this neighborhood) borrowed a gun of one of his brothers, walked past 'HursiV I house several times, and stopped out of; . - sight. Hurst's eldest son discovered him, ana naiiooeu to nis ratner mat oerry mien-, lded mischief. Berry then came in Sight,' I I 1. 1. ' . W - ' ana waiKea towaras nurse ana nis wtte, ootn men stanaing in tne roao. un near- ,ng Berry levelled his nne. rlurst got behind his wife, and. used- her as a shield, Berry still lodging to get an aimor sight to s!l0?t Hurst - In the mean time, Hurst lsent his son to.borrftwA rifle., Tbis Indian struggle lasted niteeiLror twenty minutes, J I I Z j .A I tne contenuing parties neing gorae xnree feet apart Berry, finding he could not get a shoot at HursV-without probably hitting his wife, which he did not want to do, took the rifle in one hand, and drew his butcher-knife with the other. In the act of do- . ing so, Hurst's son handed' his father a loaded rifle, who instantly shot BeiTirthr'o - the body mortally. Berry Alio firedi1 but missed, the ball grazing the side of Mrs. HursVs head. The two rifles cratked within a second of each other,. Hurst firing first After being strock, Berry made an ; eflwt to reload,: in a few minutes took off . his shot-pouch, laid his rifle against the - fence, and ' soon fell and expired. - After railing, water was nanaea to mm ; ne spoK m ..... . . . r. a tew ; words mat ne naa come to kui- Hurst, but Hurst had killed him. Hurst! asked his forgiveness, and Berry gave Kim his hand in token, and, in doing so, expir-? ed. r-Hurst gave himselt na was tries by called court next day, and acquitted. 1 SW.i., Berry has left a widow anij: smalifamil in Kentucky j .;; ' T have, thought nroner to inVe'tHis brief statement of the case to prevent fahe'ru-' TUsrcifully yours. v r v - A - - f
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Nov. 1, 1836, edition 1
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