Newspapers / The Weekly Raleigh Register … / Jan. 22, 1838, edition 1 / Page 2
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5- S4i .V 4t 4 WW'"-. '. : vCorrospnn!fWce if io Ba!t"i jCtooMicle. .... v Washington! an. 8, 1838. i No, session pf thc; Senate to-day. 1 Thismormnff there came in three mes sages from the President of the United States ,- !" t ... - - - "... 1 1 . .1 ' ' . 11 ttWQ'v'Ol .wnieh were m repiy-io mecaiis, jiseverallyof the House -on ' motion of Mr. Adams, in relation, to "the '! capture 6f the GenlUteli, Mexican frigats, by an Ameri can vessel of war and of tho House, oa :!feo'ioapMiiUlmqre'oC New York, as 5to iherecent ttoubles oa the Canada fron- i ' ' tier ''ij&lh were appropriately referred, and the usual printing ordered. : Previously to this action of the -House, jano'the message from " the President, was received, and considered, in reference to its commitment. It accompanied a letter of Instructions to the Governors of New York and. Michigan, enforcing. the. necessity of ; neutrality, and orders to General Scott,' and a letter to Mr. Fox, the British Minis ter, all from, the Secretary of War, in re lation to the Canada troubles. -Upon this subject a debate of some inte . test arose : qf the main points of- which I will endeavor to give you some idea, t Mr.. Howard moved to refer the papers to jt.lie Committee of Ways and Means, as the1 Message demanded an appropriation r- He also' apprised the House that the -Gom-imiltee of foreign Affairs had sat thrice, and were not yet ready to report on the sub jects referred to them, connected with these troubles , i - Mr. Thompson, of South Carolina, made a very appropriate arid well-timed speech, Hf on a motion which he offered, that the J financial part of the Message be-referred to the Committee "of Ways and Means, and the .remainder to thihCommittee of Foreign Affairs. Hespoke with becoming decision and, in proper terms of the atrocious outrage recently committed upon ' the persons and property of American citizens, -by British soldiers, and contended that it was the duty . of the government, in an instant, t6have demanded the murderous assassin? who had committed it, that they might be held an--swsrable to our own laws. He reproved thelack-of promptitude, which had been exhibited by the government, in this mat ter, and the tameness of the Secretary of YXr '. V . XT .1 1 . irmsicuws upon ims suoject. lie tnougut the occasion demanded ,the promptest and most decided action on the matter, without which he thought we should very justly forfeit the high distinction, which, "as a na tion, we proudly hold among the nations. Mr. Cambreleng thought the debate pre mature, and agreed with Mr. Thompson as to the proposed reference. . J Mr. Gray of New York.sent to the Clerk to be read, the exculpatory letter of Col. McNab, by wayoTshowing that there had been provocation onphe part of (American 'Citizens, &c 'J" j Mr. Filmore, of New York, doubted if there was any thing that could exculpate that officer. The very day this outrage oc curred, he hadi written a letter to the Dis trict Attorney of New York, assuring him 'that he had not any hostile intentions against any portion of the American territory, al luding particularly to Grand Island, and vet that very night, after the burning, of the ooatand the sending of her over the Falls tff Niagara, the perpetrators of that horrible and atrocious deed were lighted homd to Gol.McNab's camp by lights displayed by his orders. Mr. Fillmore found much fault with this message of the President, for not containing any allusion to the state of that frontier, or to the particulars of the strong -necessity existing there, for its defence. He had applied early last month to the Sec retary of War, for the purpose of influencing him to send troops there, but was told that the whole available force of the country was concentrated on the southera frontier, whence they.could not be withdrawn, in the mean time the very forts of the country were not safe from depredation, the cannon had been taken from them, and used to provoke this quarrel with Great Britain. JNlr. TilTinghast made a spirited speech to fhe same effect. He could not- anticipate war with Great Britain. He could not be lieve that that government would not prompt ly disavow the outrage that had been eom aitted, and grant all possible redress. In .the meantime, it was proper that the frontier should be protected, and that neutrality should be preserved, by all the force of the government He also thought, there had been culpable neglect h the part of this government, and alluded to the ungarrison fid forts, the dismantled posts, and the plun dered, ordnarrce of. the country, in strong terms of reprehension.- . Mr. Bronsqn of New York defended the administration against the charge of neglect, by arguing that all the available forces of fhe nation were necessarily in Florda, imd coukLnot be sent -North. He also sugges ted that this country was too peceable itself In, this! i alter, to throw stones at glass houses. ? He-thought the provocation came from this side, although he said he would not be understood as apologizing at all for such an "outrage. " " - . . -MrJ.Khett of S. Carolina defended the C01u:seC Jn. Gpyernmeut in relation to this "matteTsv f'; i.v--. . Menifee and Wise made eapital speeches. The first attribute"id; our troubles, on the Can ad a frontier ta the impunity with which fcreacherf o' neutrality had been permitted, by the'ranieiC'io;'.take- place on the part of jorir p.eoplej in relation to Mexico. "Wise deprecated diseilssion at present, and demanded the-previous uestion7which pre railedJandlSIr Tomp5oa ?notion of re ference prevailed. , t - V . Hr te9 of.the.oiay', 'spent in the re- "r.'". ',jt uuwBt iiuuuj w tiiuii were fievraTupn ; theld topfes.! ; . -:-v. Coneoyonfonce of the Baltinjore Chronlcfe In ttip HpusejHday, little was doneVex- eepingjihmg eptievb orf- the - reference 'of theMessage, by Mr. MuRR&i, tk Tal Bureri Kentucky representative. He was against the special jDeposite; expedient," and infivpr of the Presideut'fi recommenda tion, out and out.. He aid, however, (turn ing his eyes Kentucky-ward,) that he was in'favdr of a Natiorrd Bank,-if it could be made o as to .compromise the" objectionable features of the late Bank of the United States. He would have goua for the pro positiqn of Mr. PiiPE, (hia colleague,) at the extra session, if it could have been brought up, and liad not been -cut off by the previous question, or .the Anti-National Bank resolution of the committee of Ways and Means. Mrv Murray was very-particular to defend General Jackson against -every c! large which has ver b.e'eii brought against him V among others, -that of seeking to unite in' his own hands the purse and sword. lie asked, qn'i;etnumph:v::tly,.ifit was not to be supposed, that, had thr.t personage desired ariy such thing, he would -have sought to propitiate and not to overtlirow that mam moth, and influential, institution 1 "; 'Mr. M. certainly could not have been privy to' the historical fact that that mode was resorted to than an overture, to en list the bank in support of the Administra tion was made by Amos Kendall as the a o-ent, that the bank was told that if its charter was renewed, it must be done, on a cdmideralion, and, moreover, that such overture . was decidedly and indignantly rejected and scorned, and contemned, and that immediately after such refusal, the war on the part .of the Administration a gpihst the United States Bank, was com menced ! ' . The rest of the day was occupied in the presentation of reports from Committees. Nothing of importance .was done. In the Senate,; the same documents which I .yesterday told you were presented to the House of .Representatives, were read, unci appropriately referred. 1 A little skirmish, (amounting to nothing, definite but showing the way pulses beat in that body, just now,) arose upon this mat ter. The whole thing took but five minutes, and was, pfcourse, but a passing cloud, "Aye ! but it doth denote, .me thinks, afore gone conclusion." Mr. Clay spoke eloquently, but briefly, denouncing the atrocious nets of the; Sehlos ser murderers in very decided terms. Bui ne was oi the opinion that such acts were hardly to have been womb-rod at, consider ing the situation of ' that frontier, and the inducements and "provocations to such out rages as had been afforded by the excited state of popular feeling, oil our own side of the line. A precedent had been afforded for these breaches of neutrality, perhaps in our own finals, alluding probably to some passages in the military historv of one of our own-"greatest and best" Generals. To this, Bknto.v thought fit to take very indignant exception, and tle Ball-roller de claimed a while stentorially, on this argu ment. "Voxet procterca nihil.'" Mr. Calhoun condemned any cxpress iim of opinion, at present; on the part of Senators, as premature. Mr. Clay told Mr. Calhoun that "he could withoLd his opinions upon this topic, if he pleased, but for himself he should express such opinions upon them as he saw fit. ' This is a brief epitome of what occurred, on the occasion, and then the papers were suffered to be referred, as they had been in the House. The Senate debated the Calhoun resolu tions ,to a lute hour, and passed the fourth, which is as follows : . Resolved, That domestic slavery, as it exists in th Southern and Western S-.ates of this Union, composes an important part of Lieir domc.siic insti tutions, inherited from their ancestors, and existing at the adoption of the Constitution, hy which it is recognized as constituting ,an essential element in the distribution of its powers .ain..ng the States ; and that no change of opinion, or feeling, 6.n the part of the other States of the Union in relation to it, can justify theni or their ci'izens in open and systematic attacks thereon, with the view to its overthrow; and that ail such attacks arc in rriani, ifcst violation of the mutual and solemn pledge to protect a iid defend each other, given by the States, respectively, on entering into the Constitutional compact, whiqh formed .the Union, and as such is a in tnifesf hreacfc of faith, and a violation of the most solemn obligations, moral and religious. On the fifth, which is as follows : liesdved, That the intermeddhng of any State or States, or their citizens, to abolUh slavery in this District, or any of the Territories, on the ground, or under tile pretext, tljat it is immoral or sinful, or the passage of any act or measure of Congre with hat view, wiHla. direct and dangerous attack on the institutions of all the slav eholding S tales. A very interesting debate arose. Clay made the .movement I hinted to you the other day, and supported." certain amend ments he offered, in a most .splendid and St tfaemnn 1 i tr n . . 1 - T Ml Yinau nivc Djjcecju. l vvui give you belter idea of it, in my next letter. a " Correspondence fjf the Baltimore Chronicle. Washington, Jan. 10, 1838. . I told you in my letter of yesterday, that I would send youj some notes of the verv interesting debateon the nfth resolu tion -M r., Calhoun- I have the pleasure of doing this at this time, at the same time I have it in my pow er, also, to send you a copy of Mr. Clay's resolutions. " ' The following, being the 5th of Mr. Cal houn's resolutions, being under considera tion " Revived, That the intermeddling of any State or States, or their -citizens, trt ''abolUh sfav. ry in this District, or any of fhe Tertitorit on the ground, or under the pretext ih n it is mtiWal orinfu .-or the passage of any act 6r measure of Cpjiijrfss, with that view would be a direet and dangeious attack on the institutions of nil the slaveholding Slates.' r t Mr. Smith, of Conn, and Mr: 'PiArnp-; nf N. H., defended this resolution'; with a good , ai, . t ne ianer, in ms remarlvs upon the abstract question of the right and power of the people and of Congress over the subject of slavery in the District, was accurate, ' sensiblefanti' orthodox. He went ft? Aill length" Oresolution, ' however,' in the-imnutationS uridn'-tWsft wh 'Tro o 'fpdifferit riesr of diat auction, and-who are alluded to ia the- resolution. . He magnified; greatly die danger tnd extent of abolition ism at the Nqrth, said he should not Ke one of those who cry all's: well' while, all s not trell, and when he knew the unminent dangers which were hanging over the insti tutions of the country. lie conceded to Mr. Calhoun the truth of all his apprehensions, especially' those based upon the fact, as sumed by him, that this question was nain gliug itself with the politics of the day, in the non-slaveholding States. The rapid spread and dangerous tendency ''of -. these things were not, lie said, to be disguised of denied. It was true of prominent men, of both parties, thai they had been forced, in some-case's, to pledge themselves, its candi dates for office;-to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. He: wished to create no unnecessary alarm but he was prepared to meet the question, under this resolution, as it stood, in New England, &c. Mr. Crittenden made a most sensible speech. lie did not entertain any hope that the adoption of tltese resolutions would do any thing towards allaying the abolition ex citement, for a more unmeaning string of dry and inoperative abstractions were never before presented to the Senate for their ac ceptance. They afforded no practical rule of action. They placed the whole subject, as it were, in the air. No profit could .be deduced from their discussion, nor frbm their adoption. They could not, from the very character of them, be available in ar resting the progress of abolitionism J As the sentiments of the Senate, adopted unan imously, or by. a large majority, some moral effect might have been anticipated from them, if had they not been accompanied, du ring their discussion, by remarks so denun ciatory & exciting from the author c( them, Mr. C. was of opinion that too much im portance, by far, had been attached to these movements of northern abolitionists : and believed that much ' more harm than good would result, as a matter of course, from this discussion, and from the passage of the res olutions" under Consideration. lie was not one of -those who thought nor could he conceive how anv Senator could nossiblv think, thr.t tho Union was in real danger, at present, from those movements. 'lit; looked to the constitution and to the laws ol the land, as adequate to protect the coun try against all the dangers that threatened its institutions. Mr.' Crittenden extended his remarks to a general view of the whole subject, in his usual Iconcise, clear, and convincing man ner, and suggested to Mr. Calhoun toWdify the resolution so as to make it read u an iii- direct'f instead of "a direct" attack, & Mr. Calhoun made a few remark s in re- ply to Mr. Crittenden, reiterating his often expressed opinions upon this subject, and saying, among other things, that the only part)- which he tjcuid rely on, wr.s the State rights party, for the safety of the Union. Mr. Cnttendeii, in allusion to this remark, observed, that tlte Senator from S. C. baa frequently allude'd to that party as a mere handful and now he tells the Senate that it is the only party in this great country that is to be relied on for the safety of the Union ! For himself, Mr, Crittenden must avow his full confidence in the mass of the people to. defend the -peace, and the quiet, and the institutions of the nation, to main tain all its institutions uninjured, to sustain its constitution and its laws, and to rescue them promptly, whenever they should be in danger from any source. That time he did not believe had yet come, but he firmly trusted in the patriotism of the people to meet it, whenever it should arrive. In order, as he said, to make the resolu tion agTeeable to Mr. Crittenden, Mr. Cal houn modified his resolution, so as to strike out " intermeddling," and insert a softer word I believe interfering," and to sub stitute indirect" for "direct" attack &c; Mr. Preston thought it would be better to strike out " immoral and sinful" and read " on any pretext whatever." And.this modi fication was also accepted by Mr. Calhoun. Mr. Preston then suggested that a decla ration that such interference was a breach of good faith with Maryland and .Virginia, by which States the District of Columbia was originally ceded to the government, would be an improvement of the resolution. Mr. Clay of Kentucky could not vote for the 5th resolution, nor" for the following, (not now under consideration but the 6th of the series, and yet to be acted upon.) Resolved, That the Union of these States rests on an equality of rights and advantages among the member.'.; and lut whatever, destrovs tha' eqiialiiy, tends to destroy the Union it-elf j.a'od that it is the solemn duly of ail and mre especially of this body, hich represents ihe States in their, corporate capa city, to rest all attempts U discriminate bet ween the States in extending the benefits of the Govern ment to the several wUons of tlie Union ; and thai to refuse to extend to the Southern ami Western1 Mates any advantage which would stent! to strength en or render them more secure, or imrcase their limits or population ),y te armexano i of new terri tory or States, on the assumption or umicr the pre text that the institution of slavery, as it .exists among them, is immoral or sinful, or otherwise nhn.iy irm-T l would be contrary to that equality of rights and ai- anwge! wnrcn the Constitution, was intended to .-ecu re alike to !1 the rteni!crs of the Uuion, and wouIJ in effect disfranchise the slave-hoMing states, withholding fnm them the advantages, while it subjugated diem to the burthens of the Government. As he could not vote for either of these, he begged leave to present a few observa tions although he felt at that time under no temptation to go into a discussion of the four first resolutions- which had been adopted, but would say a Yew Words, more especially relating to the two last. ' . . The question had been raised, in this dis cussion, how the Constitution . had been formed ? instead of the more paramount question, what is it, as it is ? That Con stitution, as he had ever been in the habit of viewing it, had been formed by delegates from the different Stales in the Union, had afterwards been ratified hy those -States, and had then beeorae the Constitution of the United States, or in the language of. the in strument itself, of 4 the people of the XJni thh States.' After dwelling upon this point a fe w moments in reply to JVlr. Cal houn's States'. Rights Ultraisms, Mr, Clay saia in reierence to ine resolutions, mat ne wished his own apprehensions as to their producing no good effect upon the country might prove to be ill-founded lie sincere ly hoped they would not exasperate and in crease the difficulty they professed to lull . . .1. .- .1. 1 and to allay. They were pressed, as the J creed of one party snd it was -na possible to view tkem in any practical or useful light., Mr;-Clay thought' the appeal in. this'-emer gency' should be made, not to this or that party, -but to all alike. He would enlist in the support of the -measures to be adopted m reference to this subject, all parties alike, an nd would rally the Democratic party, the !e publican party, the Jackson and Van B li R re n party, the Nullifying party and the Loco- Foco party and would insist with all alike, that the guarantees of the Constitu tion be preserved and enforced. He was not for making this the exclusive, or. parti san movement of any portion of the people to the exclusion of tne rest. Mr. Clay dwelt upon the effect which the treatment of petitions by the Senate was producing at the North, in the growth of Abolitionism, and read a most able letter from a distinguished statesman, scholar, and jurist of Rhode Island, upon this subject. It went to prove that the Abolitionists were recruiting t'heir numbers and influence upon this sensitiveness of Southern gentlemen upon the subject of Abolition recommen ded, as a soothing nnd highly beneficial measure, the reception and reference of the petitions, and showed most clearly the bane ful effects of a contrary course of proceed ing on the part of that body. The letter alluded to Mr. Calhoun's con temptuous and vituperative expressions as to the character of these movements -and of; their authors, and contended that the Union was far more in danger from the kind of agitation which was produced by Southern Senators than that set on foot by Northern Abolitionists. The -writer argued that the course pursued by Mr. Calhoun was such as to deprive the opponents of abolition movements at the North, of all ground to stand upon, iii maintaining their opposition. I)y raising the false and needless issue of the reception of petitions, the healthy por tion of the North, on this topic, were driven into seeming support of the view3 of those ;opie. Mr. Clay made trie appropriate deduc tions and arguments, from this able letter, (which 1 understand is from the pen of Judge Pitman of Rhode Island; ) argued that so far from allaying, this very discus sion had aggravated the evil, and most elo quently contended that the recommendations of the letter were sound and practical. He would receive and refer these memorials. He would have reports from the proper com mittee m reference to them. He would do this, again and again: never tiring in the cause of common justice and humanity. This would separate the healthy portion of the people of the North, from' those who hid erroneous noxious on this topic, and show the former a broad and distinct ground to stand upon ; and the result would show ,that that part of the country was sound to the core on this subject. But would you reason with a madman? am I asked, 'said Mr. Clay. Yes, sir, die replied, I would do so, in the lucid inter vals. And it these people are mad and fa natical, there is the more reason why we should be calm and persuasive, not irritating and aggravating. Let us be calm. Fana ticism and ultraism are not to be quenched, or successfully opposed by fanaticism and ultraism. : But is there no cause of danger? None none, said Mr. Clay; none whatever, from what now actually exists. Much much, from what may be done by intemperate speeches and measures by this body. He .Was for this Union as it is : without limita tion, and was- willing to contend for all his rights, and the rights of his Slate, in this place. He felt himself safer in this Union, than he could possibly be out of it. He was lor no separate confederations. He , thought the Constitution was broad enough to shelter all who would support it, and he would never fear that that shelter was not sufficient, till hs should see an act issuing from that hall, which went to destroy it.- Then lie would resist to the uttermost then, when, there was some cause for action. Mr. Clay then alluded to the introduction of iritating subjects, into theSenate, in con nexion with this question ; and particularly to such as were alluded to in the Oth of these resolutions (see above) to the allusion to Texas, which though not named "was obviously intended ; and in corroboration, he referred to the former steps on the sub ject of Texas., which had been taken by both the Senators from South Carolina. Mr. Clay very forcibly pointed out the con sequences of treating both these topics in connection. He was for discussing differ ent topics, at different times ; he was for keeping them separate : always remember ing that Union was the main topic, never to be prejudiced by being mingled with, col lateral issues. . . ' Such being his opinion, he had drawn up such a series oresolutions, as, he tho't would go far, if adopted, to produce the most favorable effect upon this question, every where Resolutions having practical ends and objects in view, not proposing the drawing new party lines, nor producing new political divisions. ' They related to the question of slavery and nothing else. He did noroffer these resolutions to the Senate at this time. He wouJd tku thm for the purpose of showing the Senate what were his opinions as to the mode most fit to be pursued in relation to the question at issue. The third of them he, ' however, - would propose as an amendment (by way of sub stitution) for the one under 'consideration,' being the.5M.of Mr. Calhoun's serks. j He then read the ; following Resolutions and after a few wor,ds from Mr. Calhoun, the Senate -adjouraed : without . taking any question 44 Resolved. Thai the inf4&mkn, of domestic sla very, as now existing rn many of the States of this confederacy, is subject to the exclusive pewer . and control of. those States respectively ; and that no other State, nor the people- of Kfohiejr .Mate, nor Congress, ps.sess,' orcan rightfuHy- exercise, any power or authority, whatever, to.' 'interfere, 'in onV maimer 'wfta lever,, therewith. Resolved, That if any citizen of the Uni-Uid States, regar.iless of the spirit of peace, harmony, and union, which suufd ever animate ihc various members of tlie confederacy, and their re.-p cli'vc citj'iis, shalf present to the Venule any pt titiuns, touching the abolition of slavery, in any of the states, in which it exists, all 5uch petitions shall be instantly rejected, without debate, and without further .or other jirocci-d.-insr thereon, as relatrnir to ri olnect, palpably be yond the scope of the constittiu'jnal power uf Con gress. ,-: - - Resolced, That, when the District: of Colombia was ceded -by -the States of Virginia and Maryland to the United Stales, domestic slavery existed in both of tlofe Stales,, including the ceded territory, and that; as if sfilf tLoh threes in both of t'leui, it coHld not be abolished within the district without a violation "f tliat good faith, which was implied' in the cession and in tlie acceptance of the territory ; nor, unless coivjperi:mon were inude to the propri etors .f si ives, without a manifest infringement ef an amendment to the constitution of the United Stares; nor without exciting a degree of just alarm and apprehension in the Slates, recogniz ug slavery, far tmn-cendiiig-, in mischievous tendency, any possible benefit, which could be "accomplished by'thc. about! n. Resolved, Therefore, that it is the deliberate jtidg ment of the Senate, that the institution of domestic slavery ought not to be abolished w ithin the District of Columlna ; and it earnestly hopes that all siueew friends of the Union, and of harmony, ard general tranquility, will cease to agitate this disturbing ques tion. But the Senate feels itself, at the same time, constrained, from a high sense of duty, in respect to the constitution,.! right of petition, t declare, ihat it holds itself bound, to receive and respectfully to treat any petition, couched in decorous language, which may be presented by citizens f the United Slu-tss, touching slavery within ihe District 'ot Co lumbia. lictolvcd, Therefore, ihat, upon the presentation of any such petitntus, they shali be received, and re-ferrc-l to ihe appr- priaie commitiee. Resolved That it would be highly inexpedient to abolish slavery in Florida, the only territory of the United Slates in which it n vv exists, because of the serious alarm and just apprehension-which would be thereby excited, in the Siatc sustaining that do mestic institution : because the people oiithat terri tory have not asked it t be done, and, when, ad mitted inio the Uni. n, w ill be exclusively , milled to decide that qiiesiion for themselves : and, als:, he cause it wouhi be in violation of a solemn compro mise, made, at a memotuhle and criucd j-eiiod in the history ol this coumry, by which, while slavery was prohibittd n.xrih. it was admitted south, of the line ot thirty-six .degress, and thirty minutes, north latitude. . ' lie.'.olved, That no power is delegated by the con stitution to Congress, to prohibit, in or between the States tolerating slav.-Vy, the sale and removal of such persons as are held in s a very by the Jaws of their States. Resulted, That, whilst the Senate, with painful; regret, has seen the perseverance of certain citizens of the United Stales i;i the agitation of ta - abobtion ot domestic slavery, then by abating distrust and dis content, and dissatisfactirta, anion the people ot the United Slater, who shouid ever cherish towards each other fraternal sentiments, it beholds, with tlie dee, est satisfaction, every where prevailing, an unconquerable attachment to the Union, as the sure bulwark: oi tnc saiery, riuerty, and Happiness, of the otupie oi me ijiiiteu Slates. Now, whatever may be the result in the Senate, of the debate on Mr. Calhoun's re solutions of one thing I feel perfectly sure, in relation to these, in comparison with the former that, with the great body of the American people, the resolutions of Mr. Clay will be far the most congenial and ac ceptable, i The fifth resolution of Mr. Calhoun was again under consideration, this morning, fn the Senate and an amendment (embodying the spirit of the 3d of. Mr. Clay's resoluti ons) see above was adopted, after a little debate, 19 to 18. Mr. N iles proposed some small modifica tions of it, which was adopted. The amendment of Mr. Clay was then reconsidered, slightly amended by Mr. Bu chanan, and then the question again occur red on its adoption, as' amended this was adopted, 24 to 13 and then the question was put upon passing the thus-amended fifth resolution. I hope your readers will un derstand the position of the question, tho' this description of it is, necessarily, some what confused. By a little examination they will see that it is, in fact, the substitu tion Mr. Clay's for Mr. Calhoun's, reso lntion, as to this District. On the question of adopting this, a short discussion took place, Mr. Webster coukl not concur in it at all. He had studied diligently and examined faithfully, and viewed, in every light, the whole question, as to the plighted "faith of this Government,' in reference5 to this mat ter, in accepting the cession of this District from Maryland and Virginia, but in vain. He could find no express or implied pledo-e of this kind. -6 Mr. Buchanan insisted that it was cer tainly an implied pledge. 4 Mr. Webster asked howit was expressed? Where was it implied ? The two States, at the time, made it no matter of concern but gave this Government exclusive jurisdiction in this ten miles square. In this resolution then, there was no matter of fact, upon which he could possibly make up his mind to vote for it. ' Mr. Clay dissented from Mr. Webster's position, & concurred with Mr. Buchanan, He put tlie reverse of the present cae suppose a cession of a portion of Peniisyl-; yania and New Jersey, to the Government, j in the same way, and then asked if it would not be a breach of good faith, if the Gov ernment were to institute Slavery there ? Mr. Webster did not see that the case was at all altered by the illustration, suppo sing the terms to he' as they are.' The words I n hic vyuirauiuHun, giving eXCltlSlVe JU11S- diction, were too plain, to be affected by a mere, hypothesis of wha.t must have been the understanding, &c.. - . 1 Mr. Clay said he should have statedj hai in the cession of each of 4he States in ques tion, there was an express reservation of the right oi property. Mf.AVbster had no doubtVt all. that.if congress should exejse -Kjurijojction in uiia JuisincL mat it shnn m e provide full compensation to the owner?86 tbe slaves, who. should be liberated. Webster was speaking of the powers Congress, and not of the expediency of f ing these powers. ' Uj- Mr. Calhoun said he had at least tne obiectV lie had' drawn out nmi3..'. tained the opinions of the Senate nl's propositions He had had two main ' l J A. . I . -i en6 m view. iiu urei was, mat the S; would establish it as their opinion, that State, nor this government, had aiv r; to legislate .upon the subject of slavery - the States.' : Tliis he had carried, i;i tue111 doptiou of hisj'oitr first resolutions. jj1, second end -was to "obtain the assent oft1? Senate to theproposition, that Congress h no power to legislate on the subject a related to the District of Columbia ' ir was sorry to sxtj that on this point', "the nate were not willing to take the hih ,rV he could desire to see ihem-oceuoy '" ' Tlie resolatioa . was" adopted ai anien,' 30 to 8. - , U"lued' The proposiiion now before the Senate is to add a similar resolution with rcffdf tlie Territories : and pending tin,, tlie Se! nate adjounieJ In-thellopse trMlay, reports of Commr fees were introduced, and o;e of them er sition to refer all the topics of th Ma " except the financial part of it, to the aooro pnate Commftte.es; and this proposition was adopted at last. In the course of the debate, Mr f breleng made some allusions to the' deS" which had occurred in tlie matter of refer ring the. President's Message, and imputed it to a preconcerted design of the opposition Messrs. Bell, Gushing and Underwood rel sponded to this with great spirit, and aim, cd that.it was a -most unfounded imnubiinn" The debate was' merely incidental, aild would hat interest your readers materially Considering- therefore, the length to which the Senate reports of yesterday and to-tfcp haye been extended in this letter, I shall sayno more pji the subject. ; The whole 'Message is now referred, with tlie exception of the financial portion. Correspondence ol' the liaiu Chronicle. Washington, Jan. 11. To-day, that portion of the fifth resolution of Mr. Calhoun (amended by Mr. day, modified by Mr. Hubbard, modified by Mr.' Walker, verbally) which refers to tha Ter rito iar Slavery question, was passed. It was literally the most wishy-washvjj-bate I ever listened to. The Senate "have, talked this thing over and over so much ami so often, that there is now actually nothing left of it. ; The fifth resolution is now passed. Thq sixth comes next, and closes the series. The debate upon this provision is to be ofa somewhat different cast from the rest. We shallsee. But how tired your readers & you as well as the rest of tiie world, must by this time be, of this unprofitable debate ! ror tne present l will give yoa a repneye. To-day, Mr. Dorsey, of your State, the SergeanUat-Arms of the House of Represen tatives, represented that, in the settlement of his accounts with the Bank of the Me tropolis, a deficiency had occurred, to the amount of some two or three thousand dol lars. The subject was referred to a select Committee, with instructions to send for persons and papers, and to report, fhe rest of tho day was spent in Miscel laneous business, , Keports of Committees, Resolutions, &c, Among the rest, the fol lowing resolution; offered some time since by Mr. Adams,, came up in order : Resolved That the President of the United States he requested to conimunicatet 4J)is House a copy and translation of the pamphlet in the Sjianish" lan . 1 V ... guage, stated iu the report of the Secretary of Ute, ' to havehesii printvd and circulated, by the la:c Mi- A nl-ter forihe Republic, of Mexico, Gorestiza, hefoj t his departure from this country ; and the nanwAf j ihe diplomatic functionary from a foreign Gover - ! ment who coramunk-atcd a copy of thfe saiil pam phlet to the Secretary of State. Upon this a 'skirmishing debate arose, in which many members took part, &' among A the rest, Mr. Premier Ilaynes was particu- larly severe upOirf Mr. Adams, who has, 1 however, survived the attack he received 1 from so hiffh a Quarter and will nrobablv u i 1 j reply hereafter. The House adjourned im mediately after the remarks of Mr. Haynes, probably in merpy to Mr. Adams, to give him ample tjme to recover from the shock;. The same compliment was once paid to Sheridan ; after one of whose brilliant and severe speeches, the House, of Commons immediately adjourned! The precedent was f a splendid one, and the illustration of it to-j day will afford an equally splendid record upon our annals. Corrcspoudence of the Baltimore Chronicle. Washington,;. January 12, 1838. v HOUSE.. The first business, in order, this morning, was' the calling ' for Reports from Committees. . , The Committee on Elections reported certain documentsas facts in the case of the. Mississippi Election, without com ment, aud. concluding with no resolution. A motion was made, and carried, that this Report ant the documents, be printed. and made the order of the day for Tuesday next. . . ;'-V. " ; ( "-.' Mr. QnoLsOk is still ill at his lodgings and his colleague, Mr. Claiborne," waa yesterday takVa suddeulv unwell, ami is also confinod at home, ' Messrs.' Wis and Word are in good health and spirits. A Bill was reported, had two readings and was referred to the Committee of the Whole, by Mr. Cambrelengfrom the Ways and. Means proviUiugfor the ; protection of the Northern Frontier. - " On motion of Mr. Bell, from the Com mittee On Indian affairs,' the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole, upon a Senate Bill ,t which, he saidf had the unani-' mous approbation of the Committee, pro- as a part payment of the posing uieiurnisning oi provisions io wi l t i M - 1 1 i t i ji , r 0 V 4 I i i 1 t tt it 4 t ? t
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 22, 1838, edition 1
2
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