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"Ours arc the plans of fair delightful peace, unrarpd by party rage, to live like brothers." MONDAY, SEPTEMBER lO, 1S38. UfO.45. EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS. TERMS SuBHCRirxiow, three dollars per annum an . ir ,i advance. ' P"noM residing without the State mil be required to pay. the whole amount of the year's ..,i)SCriptioii in advance. RATES OF ADVERTISING. For every 16 lines thit size type) first insertion 0Btl dollar ; each sulsciucHt iimertiou. 25 cents, c.urt Onlera and Judicial Advertisements will ne cliai ired 25 per cent, higher ; aud a deduction tff 33 per cent, will be made frou the regular C - .lit.oiia tilt t!i vjtttr uJ KsTTfcK to the Editor mast be post-paid, j iuE WHITE'S SPEECH, Delivered at a public dinner given ' him at Btnoxvillc, Wednesday, 1st August, 1828. Fellow-Citizkns : I accept your in- viution, not so mucn u panaiie ui yuui hospitality, as to thank you, in great sin cerity, for your continued confidence and support.' You have been to me aa impen etrable shield against calumniators and ene mies. After an absence of twelve months, with but litde intermission, I am again a mon' m y constituents. - Thanks to a 'kind Providence, and to mine enemies, I am in good health, ready and willing to converse with you, on all I that has passed, and is likely to happen. 1 3Iy political enemies sought to destroy ine ; they fancied it an easy task ; more ol life was left, than they,- or I, supposed ; their-unjust attacks revived energies which I, myself, believed were extinct, and to all appearance they have renewed my life's lease lor some ten, or twenty, years. I am not only here, but in good health ; and altho' the two last sessions of Congress were among the most iaijorious 1 have ever served, I have no want of health to plead, for any. deficiency you may find in the per formance of my official duties. 1 am grateful to Providence, and proud before you, in the belief, that I have not been, that simple automaton, .which, by ike official orgau, I was represented to be, capable only of saying, ye or nay, to the iliilerent questions presented to the Senate lor decision. " i The labors of Congress, both at the call-' I ti, and regular session, have been arduous; and although but few laws, of a general na ture have been passed, yet it has not bewi from inattention to the great interests, of the Country. There was a continued struggle between the Executive and gres. I ne nrst wisnmg to oDiam t 1 I an unumuea, discretionary power anu control, over the monies belonging to the Y&Uc; the latter anxiously endeavoring so lo provide as to have them safely kept, and secured, in such manner, as to make them applicable, at all times, to the wants of the iiublic. To the opposition in the House ol Representatives the credit is due, of pre venting the nionied power, from being, in due form, added to the other powers of the Executive. - Shortly after I entered your service in he Senate, the great controversy coramen- ed, which ended m ousting the then in cumbent, and placing the late Chief Magis- 1 he princi the-more we swept, the dirtier the stable became, and eventually we found our broom would not perform its office ; the political moths and worms had got inttrit, and had eaten the splits so badly, that the moment we attempted to sweep, they bfoke oflY and finally, when the second four years ended, and we come to look into the Augean stable; we found it tea times as full of litter and filth as it was when we commenced our operations. In the Senate we made an effort to pass, and did actually pass, a bill to limit the power of the Executive, ra removals from office. This bill was precisely similar to one reported by a committee of which I was a member, while Mr. Adams ywas in office. -So far as I knew, it was then ap proved by the whole political party to which I belonged; I therefore gave it all the suppoit in my power, and made, in fav or of it,-what I thought the best speech I had ever made in Congress. But alas ! when we came to take the vote, had it not been for Col. Benton, who with difficulty voted for it, of all my old Democratic friends, I would have beeu found "solitary and alone in its support. For this vote and this speech, 1 have never been forgiven by those in power. I was excommunicated : that which was sound, Deniocrucy when Mr. Adams was in power, was in their opinion, rank Fed eralism in the days of his successor They did right to excommunicate me. It was a mistake to suppose I ever belonged to such a set of changleings. I had feeen in earnest in my professions, and wished to carry them out in practice. You know what sort of a Democrat . I am. , I claim to be a Republiman of the Jefferson school, such an one as my God and my education m. m t -w have made me. Modern Democrats are a different sect entirely. They are made at any time the Federal Executive needs, them. He makes a modern Democrat out of an old Federalist, or any other worse material. You and I both know some that not; many vears since were made out of anti-War Federalists, so rank, that during the late war the vounsr men had thoughts of soak ing them in the tan-vats, on account of their Tory sentiments. The process is a very simple one ; the President has a political jar ready filled with a yellow metal, and by rubbing well the candidate for Democracy, with this metal, his views and principles are entirely changed, and' he . immediately becomes a fit communicant of this rnjodern church. Away with such Democrats, they cannot and will not long deceive the people. Ere long it will be found by all, that ; while this sect have Democracy on their lips, at heart they afe tyrants and despots, j For what did you and 1 toil and labor to displace Mr. Adams ? It was that we might bring back the practice of the gov ernment to, sound Jeffersoniaa principles ; to an economical expenditure of the public money. Before the second term of his successor had expired, some of my political friends believed my humble name ought to be pre sented to the people as a candidate for the high station he filled. Some in this as semblage well know I remonstrated against this use of my name, and foretoLd with my limiled capacity and humble pretensions no trate in the Executive Chair. 1 he princi- hope ol success ought to oe entertameu. pies for which vou and 1 contended, and 'They thought differently, I did not, and so to acquit myself, as never to mortify my friends. Humble as my pretensions arerl have sometimes been placed in high office, as the associate of some, who have had much character among men ; many or you were witnesses of the manner in which our orhciai ttuties were discharged, anu l am proud in the belief, that my reputation has never suffered by any comparison. My hope and prayer is, that I may have dis cretion enough to surrender even my pres ent station, before I am so enfeebled either in body, or mind, as to make it necessary for the interest of Tennessee to hiss me the stage. The late Executive then has had his will carried into effect by the vote of the Amerirym people. They have listened to his statement, 44 that the whole value of his Administration would be lost, unless Mr. Van uuren was elected to carry out his unfinished measures. " The appointee A short time since, we had a great strug- judge of him by what he has done, and gle to know what should he done with sur- n.Jt by what he has professed, plus money in the Treasury. Now the! It is true he has professed, at times, to struggle is to know how to raise enough to keej the government in motion. That .which we had, is all gone. Our currency is destroyed, and with it the com merce of the country. Our sources of revenue are, the salds of public lands and duties upon importations of goods. While the currency is deranged, both these sources of revenue are drying up, and i we are without revenue, to sunn v actual j - - j y r j from wants, and what have we resorted to ? To making paper money ; to issuing Treasury notes. A short time since we, and our families, were to be made glad, by peeping at our Benton Yellow Jackets, that were peeping through our purses at us ; but what now have we ? Nothing but yellow backed Treasury notes, intended to suddIv the I w of the late President has been elected to j double purpose of a deficit in the Treasury, 4 finish his unfinished business. " My friends, is he not getting through it with a rapidity which you did not antici pate ? From the height of prosperity, in about six months from the day of his in auguration, the country was brought to a state of unexampled embarrassment, and a circulating- medium. Since the first of September last we have authorized the issuing of twice ten millions of Treasury Notes, and why ? ftecausc we needed money, and had it not. The credit of the United States is good, and we have an express power to borrow Should he keeD on. in his ill-advised course, monev : but if we borrow, the Dublic will .. x . I j S - he will have performed his allotted task, see that a jiational debt is contracting, and long before the lapse of his four years. j will enquire into expenditures, therefore The great interests of the country will be the administration prefer a resort to treas- all sacrificed, . and by an addition ol the monied nower .ot the crovernment, in an ' j cj organized form, to the powers already poss essed by the Federal Executive, the liberty of the people will be near its terminalion. Do no, deceive yourselves by thinking, that the Executive project for uniting the purse with the sword is to be abandoned. No such thing. It will be renewed again and again, so long as the most distant hope of success continues. The present Exec utive knows full well he has no distinctive character of his own. That he must con form to the" will and wish ot those who placed him in the present high station. He knows the means by which he acquir ed it. and must act out his part. Remember that the miserable Lizard can reach the pinnaele of the same spire, on which the Eagle proudly perches himself ; but the process by which he reaches it, is verv different. The latter trustinsr to his . native strength and his own good wings, fearlessly soars aloft aud proudly perches himself on the. summit, in view of all be holders. While the other, degraded reptile, stealthily and cautiously creeps up, cling ing to, and ascending, that side of the col umn, which will best screen him from obser vation, until he reaches the pinnacle, and then slyly peeps over, ready to shrink back when he finds himself discovered. ury notes. 1 hey appear to cost nothing, and if tolerated, extravagant expenditures may be continued without alarm to the public. This contrivance ought to be nip ped in the bud. Treasury Notes are unconstitutional, ex cept used as a means to procure a loan. Bills of credit cannot be issued as a curren cy, by either Federal or State authority. If tolerated we will soon have an extrava gagovernment, and a depreciated paper currency. Whenever an amount of Treasr ury Notes is issued, as a currency, beyond the duties and sales of Public Lands, thev must and will depreciate, and the mass of the people are to be the sufferers. Against these issues I have raised my voice, and recorded my votes, and shall continue to do so. You are ready to ask what is a remedy for the evils under which the country la bours ? I tell you plainly The remedy must be found in a firm and manly exercise of the elective Franchise. Vote for no man, who will not firmly and fearlessly exert himself to prevent those now in pow er from accomplishing the purposes they have in view, and when the time arrives, let us exert ourselves to displace the present chief Magistrate. I may be asked, who will you put in his place ? Is he not one of your original party, Do vou ask what -then is to be done, ) and will you go against a man of your own " ... a a for.go.tten, and cannot be too often recurred to. We contended that the powers of the Executive were too great, andought to be reduced, and limited by law ; ' 1 hat the expenditures ot the government v ere extravagant, and ought to be reduced ; That it- was a crime in the President, or ay officer under him, to use his official station, to influence the people in elections; That all monies which came into the Treasury, beyond those which were ne cessary to defray the economical expenses of the government, ought to be returned to the people, who were the true and legiti mate owners : And we solemnly pledged ourselves in face of the, civilized world, that if we could obtain place andower, retrenchment "and reform should be - the "order of the day. That the Augean stable should be throughly swept and cleansed. Emblematic of what we intended to ac complish, we chose for our motto the fcrooin, not one of the common material but the Hickory broom, Hickory, when young, is. of all descrip tions of wood the most tough, strong and durable, but-when old and M?orwi-f?flten. th JQost brittle and worthless. Confiding in the sincerity of our profess- wns, the sovereign people, thro ' the aalk)t-b.Q.x placed our political friends in Tin.. I r ' . j'vwer, anu alter a moat solemn, and form- il renewal of our pledges, we commenced flUr oneratinna. ml for tho drat fnr helieved we were makintr Knm hpdwtiv W- ' C3 - - v u.v j . - ucivcu luiciiKi improvements thhi thp Rt-t'M jy vetoing the Maysville Road Bill, the 41 fockville Road Bill, and by Vetoing a bill J charter the Bank of the United States when.the.se.cond four vears of our terra , tamenced, len commenced also a cdn- ucceed the then Chief Magistrate. . , ne 1 kePl on endeavoring to ac oairhsh the task we had undertaken, but successfully maintained, ought never to be j would not yield my assent until informed that the federal Executive had threatened that if 1 did permit the use of my name, I should be rendered odious to society. This threat answered a purpose that the persuasion of friends could not. Despotic power never has governed and never shall govern me. My name was given to the public, and should have been, if the act had lost me the good opinion of every po litical friend I had upon earth, and might almost add if it had even endangered the good opinion of my wife and children. The result is known to us all. The Ad ministration did its worst. Its thousand presses were opened upon me and my friends, and here I am, in better health, and I think entitled to more character than wheu they commenced upon me, Still, let no man scorn the power of the press! r To j Take away from them their offices. withstand its influence is a' perilous effort. I have made the experiment, and now as sure you that I should feeHess risk in to morrow shouldering my musket and iknap sack, and marching to the swamps of Florida-, for a six month's ompaingn, against the Seminoies, than in encountering such in cessant discharges of calumny apt! slander, from all the presses which an. American Executive has the power to bring into ac tion. . j In this conflict you, the freemen of Ten nessee, were my shield. The poisoned arrows of my enemies have fallen .harmless atmyleet. i have sustained no injury, and your firmness has' given a brilliancy to the star which glitters to the name of 1 Ten nessee, of which we may all be proud.. For one I am quite satisfied .with there sult. Let none suppose I am either dis appointed or mortified. Still more, : all may be assured, that . with my consent my name will never again be used for any of fice whatever, '4. If ever had any aspiration for liigh office, 4ime-hasi put ao send to them. I am .not so old yet, as to have the childish belief, Tthat my vigor of body ad mind are to last silways. In all the stations I have yet occupied I have been enabled, when a political lizard has taken possess ion of the station which ought alone to be occupied by the Eagle? My answer is ready. Through the ballot boxes, keep stftadilv switching him. until he descends to that level which -it is the interest of mankind he should occupy. It is useless to deny the fact, it is undenia bly true, that notwithstanding all the prom ises, professions aud pledges, of the late Administration, the Executive branclr of the government has become-a piece of mere party machinery, operating in all elections, both State and Federal. Some few years since, on the centenary birth-day of Gen. Washington, it was beautifully said, by one of our most distinguished men, "that whenever our government became "a party machine, the liberty of the country 44could not be preserved ; that the govern- j 44meht could by law protect men against murder, but not against suicide." There is great force in .the remark, yet I hope it is not true. There is, however, but one remedy in either case. Take fiom the in dividual the razor with which he is about to cut his throat, and he is, for the present, safe against suicide. In the same way, when you find those in possession of Ex ecutive power using it. as the machine of political suicide, take away the means of mischief, and you prevent political suicide. and and place them in hands more worthy the Republic may yet be sa-ved. The late Administration came in on the question of reform and a retrenchment of expenditures. Pray, what abuse has been corrected ? ,Not one I What retrench ment has . taken place ? None. Abuses have been multiplied and expenditures have been increased. Mr. Adams was turned out because he was expending from twelve to thirteen mil lions of dollars per year, and now we are expending from thirty-five to forty millions per annum. 1 ; Can any man be so stupid as not to see that is all wrong? Can the babble of Democracy, sanctify such a course J?artizan$ may sing Democracy, until like the locusts, their backs are split, but it will not satisfy the people. We must be taught two things,, and that speedily. We must have sound currency, and the gov ernment must expend less money. There, is a constant press to increase of fices, and to increase salaries. Can any friend of the Administration put his finger opow any message, specifying the officeto be abolished or the salary to he decreased ? Yet they prate of Democracy . nrinrinlps ? In all sincerity I will answer these ques tions. In the first place then I say, I do not know. who we ought to endeavor to put in the place of the present incumbent. Two years and more are to elapse before the election. Previous to that time every man whose name has been mentioned as a probable candidate, may be removed from the stage of action, ,or matters may be disclosed in relation to them, which may change entirely our opinions of their charac ter &L qualifications. There is only one thing .on this subiect uron which mv mind is at rest, and that is, that lor the present incum bent 1 will never vote, while I entertain the same opinion of him which I now do. I have now the same politics, and the same political objects to accomplish, which I had in 1848, when you and I successfully exerted ourselves to elect the late Chief Magistrate. Towards the accomplishment of these objects we have made no progress what ever. We have been deceived and disap pointed, and in my opinion the present in cumbent has been the chief instrument, in effecting this deception and disappoint ment. To continue him longer in . office would therefore be giving up all wish for those- improvements in our public affairs, which I believe the interest of the country pressingly require. Before the time of election arrives some raarr, not now thought of as a candidate, hold ing political opinions similar to my own may be brought before the public with a reasonable prospect of success. In that event he should have my cordial support. Although much has been said during the last session of Congress on the subject of the next election ; yet I have taken do part in it, either directly or indirectly, and to no one of those spoken of as candidates have I in any degree committed myself. I am now as free to make my choice as any of you can be. I have however reflected on this subject, in all its bearings, and contingences, and am free to state that from present indica tions, I think it .most probable Mr, Van Buren will be a candidate for re-election, and that he he will be opposed by some one, only, of. the old opposition. Very probably Mr, Clay. In that event I have asked myself thus question what course I ought to pursue ? For, Mr. Van Buren I have already sa.ul I never can & never will vote, jf he pursues the course p-ursued for the last few years My motto is not words but deeds, " I belong to the same political party, to which I have ever adhered ; but his practice ha3 on no one point corresponded with that profession. He is a tariff man and voted for that most odious of all our tariffs, that of 1828. I am against all tariffs for protection merely. He is for internal improvements by the Federal Government where the object is what he calls national, and actually voted for the erection of toll gates on the Cum berland Road. I deny' that the Federal Government pos sesses any such power within the States. He is against a National Bank, and so ant I, but then he goes for a treasury bank which I think much worse than a National Bank, by incorporating Stockholders. He is for increasing Executive power and patronage. I am for diminishing and limiting: them. He is in favor of the Federal Executive, and officers under him using their power to influence public opinion in Elections. I am decidedly opposed to any such practi ces. He is in favor of the Chief Magistrate, in" office selecting his successor, and using all his influence to have him elected. I think such a practice is calculated to convert our Republic into a Monarchy, and" therefore believe no man ought to be Presi dent, who holds such doctrine. It is useless now to pursue this contrast any further. You will'readily perceive it is an entire mistake to suDDOs'e we ever belonged to the same party ; yret it is true we once nominally did. He came into it, and gave his support at rather a Jate day, when possibly he believed he would suc ceed whether he joined us or not. To him I have still another - objection.- He did "not come into office upon any char acter of his own, &. no man is fit for the sta tion he now occupies unles he attains it upon the strength of his own principles, and character. He is nothing but a mere tutt of political raisletoe, having no root of his own, adhering to and supported by, the limb of a distinct trunk altogether, and must as infallibly perish whenever that trunk ceases to nourish him, as the tuft on yonder o xk, whenever that oak shall have decayed and fallen. The question then recurs should Mr.Clay bethe opposing; candidate, what ought I todo? I answer I ought to exercise my right of suffrage, so as most to promote the public welfare. I am entirely opposed .o follow ing the example of throwing away my vote, becaue the community will neither select me, nor the man of my choice. It is mv duty deliberately and impartially to I'nmnnrB the nrincioles and character of ---1 i r those, between whom the choice is to be made, and vote according, tomv bestjudg. ment. Permit me then for a few moments to draw your attention to a contrast between these two gentlemen. Mr. Van Buren is in favor of a protec tive tariff, and voted for that of 1828. Mr. Clay is also in favor of a protective tariff, but did not vote for that of. 1828. He is the author of the compromise act of 1832 which setdes the question to the satisfaction of the country at large, fc hich he believes ought not to be disturbed. Mr. Clay thinks the Federal Govern ment has the power to make Internal Im Drovements within the States, but ought not to exercise the power, except upon an object ol general or national utility, and that now. as the States have taken up the business of internal improvements, the Federal Government ought not to med dle with it, but rather aid the States with means, by distributing, when our funds will permit us, the proceeds of our Public Lands. Mr, Van Buren thinks the Federal Gov ernment can and ought to make Internal Improvements when the object is national: but has no such power where the object is local -e , This opinion I thinlTmore exceptionable than that of Mr. Clay, because under it, the President has a discretionary power to make improvements where hs plcasesr by calling the objects national, and refusing them at pleasure, by calling the objects local. Mr, Clay thinks we have.the power to charter a National Bank and that we ought to exercise it. Mr. Van BUren is against a National Bank but in favor of a Treasury Bank. This last is in my judgment the most dangerous opinion. One great objection to incorporating a National Bank is a fear that the Directors and President might co-operate in elections, and if they did, that the . monied power united with Executive patronage would he an overmatch for any power in the hands of the People. - Now in case of a National Bank owned by Stockholders, this Union mighl or might not take place: but in case of a Treas ury Bank the Union is certain, and every thing it. in due form of Law put into, the power of the President. Even upon these leading points, I think Mr. Clay greatly preferable to Mr, Van Buren: but the contrast ought not to stop here. tive power and patronage in its very worst form and ranrificafions. Mr. Clay is in favor of reducing and limiting them by Law. In a few words I must state, that 1 think the great difference between the two mart is, that Mr. Van Bureri will profess any opinions, which will gain him most votes in an election, and that when elected he will practice on whatever principles will give to himself and his partizans the most money, without any regard to the great interest of the country ; That Mr. Clay is a bold, ambitious. frank and talented man. That if m office he would be ambitious so to administer the goverument as to make for himself the re putation of a great man, m the estimation of enlightened men in his own davr and, of posterity in all time to come. 0 I have thus frankly stated to you my opinions in relation to these men. I, have done so the more willingly, because I am under no obligations to either, nor ftave I auy thing tojiope from them. It has been the fashion with you and with me, to endeavor to put down and keep down Mr. Clay in time past. In turn he has helped to put and keep me down. His third candidate for the Presidency furnished the only argument, which enabled tlte Chief Magistrate to transfer the South ern States to his candidate. For all this I care not. I had no claims on Mr. Clay. On several great questions we had ever disagreed and still do. Should I support him in the coming contest, it will not be because I have changed or intended to change my principle ; but because 1 like his better than I do those of Mr. Van Buren, and because should he be elected, I expect much benefit to the country ; but not all I would expect by electing a candi date, with whom I -accorded in opinion upon all great questions. . Be it therefore remeuibered, that if I sustain Mr. Clay, neither he nor his friends are to believe for a moment that' I surren der any one of my political principles. Far otherwise; I will retain them all, anu should I still.be in the Senate, if he were elected, and attempted to carry out any principle in which! have disagreed with him. 13 would .find, in me, t le same opposition I have ever manifested. In "voting in elections, as in the discharge of every other duty to society, it is my business to do all the good I can, and if I cannot get a candidate to vote tor, wno comes up to my political standard, to select that One who comes nearest to it. Fellow-citizens : I thank you for your continued confidence and good opinion ; I i . . .. L'..l. tliank you lojr tpe patient manner m wiuuu you have given me your attention. Had 1 the voice now, which I had, when forty two vears ago, 1 hrst addressed mr. coun trymen on yonder hill, pointing to the Court-House,3 you would have ,hjeen. en abled to liear me without huddling' togeth er in so small a compass; but your JtintW ness can always remedy my imperfections. I ask you to join me in the sentiment, which I will now read, and pass to your President, to be proposed as one nearest to my heart: 4 TennetSer. " May she ever adhere to her own principles. Remain too honest to be purchased, too well informed to be mislead, and loo unyielding to be subdued. In every struggle between parties, may her sons rally, as a body guard, to protect the Constitution; - - " -W litis P. MixecH ba been, in4aicted If bis constituents of Orange to stay at home." N."C. Journal. The . truth, is, that Willie P Mangch, in consequence of the informality of-one of the returns, was legally elected; and even after waiving this objection, he was left but six votes behind. It appears. farther, that five legal votes for him were rejectecLat Chapel Hill, under a misapprehension' of the law; because ;hc voters had not resided twelve months in the county, though they were native born citizens, had regularly paid their taxes, and were never out of the State. Hillsborough Record? Trkat constitutes a Vagrant The Knickerbocker relates a good anecdote of a well known vagabond, who wa Drought be fore a magistrate as a common vagrant : "Having suddenly harpooned a good idea, he polled from a capacious pocket of his tattered coat a loaf of bread, and .half of dried codfish, and holding them up, with a tnutupuani iuok aim gestutv, w mo magis- irate, .exclaimed: ' lou aon i Ketcn mm that way! I'm no wagrant. An' them wisible means o support, I should like a tt.no w. - Care of an American Mother. A lady took a child to a physician in Htica, to consult him about' its precious lueallh.W Amnncr other thinirg sh nrtiiirpfl'",'.if AA ' o - - - 'o- - 1 " notxnuiK me springs woqia; Deniseiul,,- v,enainiy, mauam, repnea me qoetor, as he lookefd.at the child. 'I liare not thi least hesitation in rccora mendinjLhspru3gi and the sooner yotfzp&Ybk remedy the better. Ydu ueajjy tfuhk it wli - good for the dew , jfeing , cUn't ypoxW Opofl my jronl it. is . the best hifi f know of. " m What spring woiM -rs r. coram enu, uocuir ? - " any ww w; fx Mr, Van Buren is in favoi of the Execu-Jam, where yoii can get a pl.errtjfl9.ij, 5f
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
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Sept. 10, 1838, edition 1
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