' - : ' ' " - :- ., ; .. ,
!""''. "' . ' ' ; ! : . ' .
1 . - -"fl v.. . -..t; :-c:- '-r - -- -.r- . brare tUc plans fr ftfir delightfnl peace, uurifp'd y party rnc, to live like brothers." - C - "t
iM si-
i-H 1,
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
too
Decetnbtr IO, 138.
. . -
The following Resolutions, introduced some days since by
Mr. F. i Hill, of SrunswicK, were called up for consideration,
u fttZolred. That each of the United ?tate Iieing a party to the national
- - - - , v a tj
cpmpart, posiesses an interest in the Public Laud proportioned to the federal
popuiauuii w
pectie proporuoni
DODuhtion of each,; or; in the term of tbfe" compact, "according to the iwual re-
pectie proportion of the genera! charge and expenditure.
Tiftdvttl. That those States, in whose faror Congress has not maile appro
priations of the Public Domain for the purposes of Education, are entitled to
iuch approriationa ai will correspond, in a just pro port on, with those here
tofore made in behalf pother States.
Reiolved, That ; ctif Senators and lUpreseirtstivei itt the Congress of the
rnited States be rrqhested to urge the claim of he State of North Carolina
lo her portion of 'the public Lands. A nd that the same, when obtained, lie
pplied to the establishment and support of Common Schoolf and the promo
lion and diffasion of Education throughout the State.
The question being on the adoption of the Resolutions, Mr.
Hill addressed tKe House as follo ws :
Mr; Speaker : jln introducing the foregoing Resolutions, I am
folely influenced by a consideration, most assuredly of paramount
importance a desire, I have ever cherished with the deepest in
teresjt, to furnish ihe means of a plain education to every Citizen
within our limits. ' I
I un aware,: Sir, that in proposing any action in relation to the
Pub ic Lands, t am approaching a subject which has been a pro
lific so'tfrce of discussion and, extravagant political controversy
withiri tnese Halls. But, on the present occasion, I disavow such
feelings and shall; studiously avoid any- such tendency in the re
marks 1 am about to submit. The : argument by which I shall
atteiript to support the Resolutions, I shall found
1st. Upon the justice and propriety of our claims;
2dL On the important advantages which may be anticipated to
result frortt the" application of the proceeds, as contemplated by
the Resotuitons, atid
3d. IT doh the necessities of our Peonle and the urgent claims
they have upon the State to supply their wants.
I will hoi, Sirj weary the attention of this House by entering
into a detailed history of the Public Domain. Sufficient for my
present Durpose.1 will it be to state, that, at one period of our
county? history, all jthat Tract orTerritory, Included between hers. North.Carol
tne racinc uceau ami vut presenile uruiern uouuurtijr, r 51am
ed by Elizabeth of England to the illustrious individual whose name
the Capital of O'jr State, the city in Vliich our present delibera
tions, are. rfeld; now bears: .That by various subsequent grants
and forfeited charters, others territorial limits were established
and dissolved: IThat, by ar treaty between France and Great
Britain, enured into in the" year 1763 the Mississippi River was
agreed upon as he Boundary line between Louisiana and the
British American possessions. J
This, Sir, waus about the: condition of the Boundary of the
British American Provinces at the period of our memorable strug
gle for Liberty;. ! The original 13 States were then, some of
them, undluWdj and maoy of them unexplored British Colonies.
The numerous abuses of the mother country, and the flame of
liberty which burned within ;the bosoms of our Patriot Fathers,
determined them to cast off the yoke of oppression and establish
for themselves and their posterity, a free and independent form
of Government.! Upon the incidents or issue of this glorious
epoch, I will not permit myself to dwell, farther than is impor
tant to my present purpose. The same daring spirit which ac
tuated our forefathers in declaring their Independence, sustained
and carried- them successfully through the unequal contest. By
tfie Treaty of Peace, which followed in 1783, Great Britain re
linquished to the old 13, all claim to the Government property
and Territorial rights of the same, extendi ne- to all the ! lands in
cluded within the chartered limits of the United States and then
known as Crown Lands.
The Boundary, as determined by the Treaty, was as follows,
viz:: On the North, by the Russian and British American pos
sessions ron theEast, by the. Atlantic Ocean on the South and
West, by the Mississippi River and the Gulph of Mexico. At
this period, the limits of many of the States were very extensive;
in some of them' undefined, and, in all of them, differing in area
and value. The cause in which they were engaged, was acorn -
mon cause, tne .struggle 01 ireemen ior iioeny. m lurnisumg
the means for the accomplishment of their object, the rule of ap
portionment was not according to the extent or value of the Ter
ritory possessed by each, but, impelled by an ardent love of liber
ty,each contributed, cheerfully contributed, according to the ability
of each. Bui, Sir, in the progress of the Revolution, this very
subject of the waste lands was a source of discord and dissention,
which excitedjsad forebodings in the bosoms of those early vo
taries of freedom. c
The large Slates, inlluencel by that feeling of avarice which,
as being then exhibited, appeals to be almost inseparable from
our natures, contended that, in the event of a successful issue to
the contest, their Territorial limits should not be lessened; and
their right of soil remain unaltered. The smaller States urged,
on the other hand, that the struggle was for principle and not for
aggrandizement that they contributed their quota of men and
of money- that the sovereignty of the soil, within the chartered
lijnits of each 6f the States, was still in the British Crown, and
never could be wrested .from it but by a united effort and at a
common sacrifice -that even, if they succeeded in the attempt
sto be emancipated from foreign oppression, their political impor
tance would inevitably be overshadowed at home by the over
whelming influence of the larger Stales, and refused lo enter into
the Confederacy until a compact was formed, which secured to
each member, tights and advantages proportioned to the charge
and expenditure incurred by each. -V .
But, Sir,, to Exhibit to this House more clearly, the s!afe of feel
ing which prevailed on this subject at this early period,l.will read
the Instructions given by the General Assembly of the State of
Maryland to their Delegates in Congress in the year 1779 :
. j Having conferred upon you a truat of the highest nature, it is evident we
place great confidence in your integrity, ability and zeal, lo promote the gene
ral welfare of the United States and the particular interests of this Stale, when
the latter i not incompatible with the former ; but to add greater weight to your
proceedings in Congress, and take away a'l suspicions, that the opinions you
are to deliver, and the votes you give, may be the mere opinion of individuals
and not resulting from your knowledge of lho aense and deliberate judgment
of the State you represent, we think it our duty to instruct a followeth on
the subject of the Confederation a subject -'oh which, unfortunately, a sup
posed difference of interests has produced an almost equal division of senti
ment among the several 8tates comprising the Union. We say a supposed
difference of interest t for if local attachments and prejudices, and the avarice
and ambition of individuals, would give way to the dictates of a sound poli
cy, founded on die principles of justice (and no other policy but what is
founded on those immutable principles deserves to be called sound) we flatter
ourselves this apparent diversity of interests would aoon vanish and all the
States would confederate on terms, mutually advantageous to all Sot they
would then perceive that no other confederation than one so formed could be
lasting. ' Although the pressure of immediate calamities, the dread of their
continuance from; the appearance of disunion, and some oiher peculiar cir
cumstances, may have induced some States to accede to the present eon feds
ration; contrary to their own interests and judgments, it requires no great
which ore arabiUoaxly grasping at Tcrritorfc? to which, in our iadrmenL
they have not the least shadow of exclusive right, will us6 with greater mKle
tation the increase of wealth and power derived from those Territories, when
acquired, than what they have displayed in their endeavors t4 acquire theml
e inins noi we are convincea toe same spirit which bath promp ed them
to fftsist oir a, Claim so extravagant, so repugnant to every principle of justice,
so incompatible with the general welfare oflhe States, will, urge them on to
add oppression to injustice. If they should not tie incited by a sueriority of'
wealth aruTstrength, to oppress by open force their less wealthy and less djw-
rrtut neighbors, yet depopulation and. consequently, the impoverishment of
tnose otates, will necessarily totlow, which,- by an unfair construction of the
confederation, may be stripped of a common interest and the common benefits
desirable from the Western Country. Suppose Virginia, for instance, indis
putably possessed of the extensive and fertile country to which she bis set up
claim, what would be the probable consequences to Maryland of such an un
disturbed and undisputed possession. They cannot escape the least discern
ing. Virginia, by selling ttfi the most moderate trms a small proportion tf
the lands in question, would draw into her treasury, vast sums of money, and
in proportion to the suma arising from such sales, would be enabled to lessen
her Taxes, Lands comparatively cheap, and Taxes rompar .tively low. with
the land and Taxes of an adjacent State, would quickly drain the State, thus
disadvantageously circumstanced, of its most useful inhabitants. Its wealth
and its consequence, in the scale of the confederated States, would sink of
course. A claim so injurious to more than one-half, if not the whole of the
United States, ought to be supported by the clearest evidence of the right.
Yet what evidence of that right Mb been produced ! What arguments alleged
in support, either of the evidence or the right1! None that we have heard
of. deserving a serious refutation- We are convinced policy and justice
require that a country, unsettled at the commencement of this War, claimed
by the British Crown and ceded to it by the Treaty of Paris, if wrested from
the common enemy by the blood arid treasure of the 13 States, should lie con-;
sidered as a common property subject to be parcelled out by Congress, into
free, convenient, and independent Governments, in surh manner, and at sach !
times as the wisdom of that Assembly shall hereafter direct
Thus convinced, we should betray the trust reposed in us by our constitu
ents, were we to authorize you to ratify on their behalf, the Confederation, un
less it be further explained. We have coolly, and dispassionately, considered
the subject; we have weighed probable inconvenience and hardships, against
the sacrifice of just and essential rights, and do instruct you not to agree to the
Confederation, unless an article or articles be added thereto,' in' conformity
with our declaration. Should we succeed in obtaining such article or article,
then you are hereby fully empowered to accede to the Confederacy ,M
" The political sagaci:y, the insight into the future, manifested
by the authors ot these instructions, is indeed most admirable.
Thearticles insisted on by Maryland were inserted; and yet, in
little more than half a century, we witness the overwhelming pre
ponderance of some of the States in the Councils of the Nation,
i When the apportionment of representation was made at the'ad op
tion of the Federal Constitution, to Maryland was assigned 6
5ni fl Vlrnrinio 1 fl Now Vnrlr ft nn1 fmtir
: stands the account in our day ? Why, Maryland has 8, North
j Carolina 13, Virginia 21, Nqw York 40! So, that thedepopu
la'ion alluded to in the declaration has taken place, at least in a
relative sense.
. At the close of the revolution, the country was encumbered by
an enormous debt of 200 mi' lions, to be paid out of the common
Treasury of the old 13, besides heavy responsibilities by the
I Treasuries of the States, respectively. Our Commerce, at that
period, being very small, the revenue from it was inconsiderable;
and this heavy indebtedness was met principally by the Agricul
tural interest. This-, together with provisioning the army during
the war, was a mighty requisition upon the soil Incessant cul
ture, carelessly applied, aud without any aid from manuring, pro
duced a state of exhaustion tending to sterility. In this condi
tion of our agricultural prospects, the sale of the Public Lands
commenced the virgin soil of the West was thrown open to our
' enterpt izing and industrious citizens great inducements were of
fered to settlers by jlhe General Government- the Lands were
cheap and the Taxes low Pre-emption Rights were granted them
-and so munificent was its policy (at our expensr) in the appro-
prtat on of land lor Internal Improvement, and purposes of Educa
tion, that facilities in both will be furnished to every neighbor
hood within the limits of many of the new States.
I Sir, the inducement was too powerful, the temptatiqn loo strong
to be resisted by a being in whose breast self-interest is the ruling
principle. A mighty tide of emigration Westward,' was its con
sequence, which, with the old States, has not yet reached its ebb,
but is annually draining us of our talents and our wealth.
The iviews set forth by the State of Maryland, in her instruc
tions tdTier delegates, were similar to those entertained by- all
i the, small States, and the act of ccss:on by the State of Delaware
, was accompanied by the following Resolution, viz :
" lletolved, That this State eonsider themselves justly entitled to a right,
in common with the members of the Union, to that extensive . tract nf country
. which lies to the W estward of the frontier of the IJ nited otates, the property
of which was not vested in, or granted to individuals, nt the commencement o
I the present War ; that the same hath been or may be gained from the kins of
I ureal oniain. or me naiive i nutans, uv me oionu sou treasure oi bu. hiiu
ought therefore to be a common estate, to be granted out on terms-beneficia
w nit, uiuiru wiaicB.
Such. sir. was the character of the title of the States to the
Lands within their respective limits at the period of the Amen
can War ; and such was the public feeling which prevailed in re
lation to the subject. t
It remains for me to. show the effects ptfoduced on it by tha
event, and the circumstances growing out oufhe same.
It was essential to a successful prosecution of the war, and the
establishment of a salutary and permanent form of Governmf n
after its close, that a federal alliance should be formed between
the States. W ithout it, there was no common head no concert
share of foresight ito predict, that when those causes cease to operate, the 8tates
which have thus acceded to the confederation, will consider it as no longer
binding, and win i eagerly embrace the first occasion - of asserting - their just
rights, and securing their independence. Is it possible, that those States,
the other Stajes were Very similar to those from New York and
Virginia, and it does appear to me; Sir, that language cannot be
more explicit. Here the General Government is made a Trus
tee for the sevpral States by the legal and technical words, which
not only imply, but absolutely create a trust. It was certainly
not intended for the States in their Confederated character ; if it
had been, it would have stopped at the words United States ; but
when the Virginia deed goes on-to specify herself by name and
to state the measure and manner for the division of the common
fundj it was certainly her intention to distribute ' it to her sister
States respectively, according to the charge and expenditure in
curred by each during the arduous and bloody contest by which
the title was secured.
But Sir, there is a point of view in which this question may be
placed, which to my mind, is perfectly conclusive. The States
at thapime were under the articles of Confederation the present
Constitution was not adopted until '89. Now under these, the
Congress "had no power to raise money but through the State Leg
islatures for special purposes. The 8th article of that instrument
provides, "that all charges for War and other expenses that shall
be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and al
lowed by Congress, shall be defrayed out of a common Treasury
which shall be supplied by the several States;" and if is further
provided that the Taxes fof.payrng the proportion of each shall be
laid and levied by the authority and direction of the several States.-
1 o this state of things existing at the time of the delivery of the
Virginia deed, its provisions must necessarily apply. The tertns
'general charge and expenditure" used in the deed, evidently re
fer to the proportion furnished by ea'ch State for prosecuting the
War, and just in like proportion it was beyond ajl doubt the in
tention of the parties to the deed that the several J&afes should be
interested in the waste Lands. Now I would; simply ask, "had
the States continued under the articles of Confederation to the
present time, what manner of disposing of the proceeds ojf the
Public Lands could have been ever thought of, but a division a
mong the several States, according to the usual charge and ex
penditure as by the deeds of Cession or according to Federal pop
ulation. This view of the subject, 1 apprehend, must be conclusive, Un
less it can be shown that the chnnge of Government, on the
adoption of the Federal Constitution, has conferred upon the
General Government a title to these Lands, paramount to that
conferred upon the States under the article of Confederation. But
this cannot be, because it was a compact made and entered into
previous to tne adoption ot the Constitution, and was referred to.
and made binding by that instrument. The 1st section of the 6th
article reads thus: 'All debts contracted, and engagements entered
into before the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid a
gainst the United States under the Constitution as under the Con-
ederation. And again, in the 3d section of the 4th article, it is
declared "that Congress shall have power to dispose of and make
all neeulul rules and regulations respecting the Territory and
other property belonging to the United States, and nothing in this
Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of
the United States or of any particular State."
bo tar, then, from the terms of the Confederation of 1778 being
weakened, or the compact, as relates to the Public Lands, beinsr
abrogated, they appear to be confirmed by a recognition of the
claims of the States; and the insertion of every provision necessa
ry to carry into full effect the understanding which existed be
tween them at the former period.
Such is the tenure by which the States hold all the Lands North
of the 31st degree of latitude, and East of the Mississippi Rivei,
with the exception of Georgia, whose deed of Cession bears date
after the adoption of the Federal Constitution; but is, in other res
pects, in exact agreement with the deeds already considered.
As to the Lands lying within the loriginal bounds ofthe purchase
of Louisiana and Florida, together with those owned by the Indians
within the limits of several ofthe States, they were acquired by
purchase, and our right to apply them, rests upon different
grounds. 'Tis true, we have no compact concerning them, nor
any Constitutional provision for the disposal of them in any man
ner; nor can any article be found in the Constitution authorizing
the purchase but it is certainly reasonable and just, that where a
large extent of Territory is added to that already belonging to
the United States, taught to be subjected to the same Constitu
tional provisions and principles of law, which governed in the dis
position and management ofthe Lands which were held at the for
mation of the Constitution. But again, the purchase money for
Louisiana and Florida has been paid out of the fumj accruing from
the Land Sales, as will appear by reference to every statement made
on the subject by the Secretary of the .Treasury. If then, the
proceeds ofthe Public Lands, the property of the States respec
tively, has been applied to the purchase of other Lands, it fol
lows by the common principles of equity, that the Lands, so ac
quired, should be subjected to the same rule's of distribution which
applied to the original subject out of which the payments wereraade.
Having succeeded, I think, in establishing the first branch of
my argument, viz: the justice and propriety of our claim let us
proceed to enquire how the trust has been discharged ; in what
manner ihe compact has been complied with; the understanding
which existed between the parties thereto carried out by the dis
position ofthe waste Lands made up to the present period. A3
long as a public debt existed, this was a legitimate object for the
..-if i."--.
cation in those States which hv(5 been subjects of the munificence
of the Gerieral Government. I have not been able to learn whetb-
er sales have. been ordered in all the States, but if the value of tha
Lands can be estimated by the sales which have been made in;
some of them, the aggregate amount would create a fund almosf
sufficient to establish Schools commeffsffrafe with' the wants of the
whole-Union. " - . :
On tbis subject, the Superintendant of public instruction, in the
oiaie oi mjciiigan, in an omciai neponro we 'legislature rSUH:
mitted in January 1 637, uses die following language, viz:. ' j
" The Primary School Lands reserved from sale, and given to the State bv
of action, either in projecting plans of operation, or raising means
for conducting them. To effect a compromise, and to accomplish j application of anv revenue arising from Hie sales; but this having
so uesirao e an oojecv, u iHUHcmwm w ,y been paid off, I am unable to discover how, under the deed of
lions ; and the general congress maue appeals iios tney naa not Cessioni aoy olher appronriatifm the funds, accruing from this
power to do more) to th magnanimity and patriotism ofthe States ; rcCj could have becn made than to the Stateg respectjvelyf in
and under the genial influence of the love of Union and of Liber- (ke proportion,according to the terms of the deeds. It is not my
ty, the appeal was not made m vam. (present purpose, however, to enter at large inlo the action which
New York led the way in the generous compromise. In the the General Government has thought proper to take in the matter,
year 1780, her Legislature passed an act, entitled -an act to fa.j Mv object noWf is to exhibit the claims which our own North
cilitate the completion of the articles of confederation and perpet- Carolina possesses to a portion of the Public Domain for the es
ual union among the United States of 'America. By this act, it labUshment 0fCommon Schools equal to that which has been
was declared that the Territory whichhe ceded "should be and recognized in favor of other States for similar purposes. In order
enure forever for the use and benefit of such of the United States ! to exhibU to the House the large amount which the State would
as should become members of the tederal alliance oT the said , reieive even by this partial division of Uie Public Lnds. let us,
Stales and for noOther use or purpose whatsoever. Tour years i for a moraent, advert to the appropriations which have been made
after, articles of-Cession were entered into between the State, of (in behalf of other States, whose claims are precisely similar to
Virginia ana tne venerai congress unaer me aniciesoi vonieue-
w :. . . m ar t a . a
ration. In this instrument bearing aate tne ist Marcn 1704, tne
State of Virginia authorized certain Commissioners to convey,
transfer, and make over unto the United States in Congress as
sembled for the benefit of said States, Virginia inclusive, all right,
title and claim.j as well of soil as of jurisdiction, which the said
Commonwealth- hath to the Territory or tract of country within
the limits ofthe Virginia Charter, situate, lying and being to the
.Northwest ot inejunio rtiver, 10 ana ior tne uses anu purposes,
and on the conditions of the said recited act." Now sir, one of
the. purposes and conditions of the act, is in these words: That
all the Lands within the Territories so ceded to the United States
and not reserved for, or appointed to any of the before mentioned
purposes, or disposed of in Bounties to the Officers and Soldiers
ofthe American Army, shall be considered as a common fund for
the use and benefit of such of the United States as have become
or shall become members ofthe Confederation or Federal alliance
of the said States, Virginia inclusive, according to their usual res
pective proportions of the general charge" and expenditure ; and
shall be faithfully and bona fidt disposed of for that purpose, and
for no other me or purpose whatsoever. Tha deeds of cession from
are precisely
our own. Sir, I deny that Congress has any authority, either by
the Articles of Confederation, or the Constitution subsequently
1.1- t 1 . a Vfc 1 1 W a
adopted, to make sucn a disposition ot tne ruoiic uomam. as a
1 rustee, its powers were confined to the sale of the Lands: alter
which, as under any other trust, the proceeds should have heen
paid over into the Treasuries of the several States. But it has
thought proper to act otherwise, and the best amends it can now
make to the other members ofthe compact, is to deal out to them the
same measure it has pleased to mete out to a part.
I find, by reference to official documents, that the following
number of Acre have beenfgranted to 10 of the States for the
purpose of Colleges and Common Schools :
Acar.s. I ACKcs,
Ohio, - - - - 753 863 Alabama, ----- 935,590
Indiana, - - - - - 673,948 Louisiana. - - - - - 920,053
Illinois, 1,080 977 Michigan, - - - 1,1 48, 80
Missouri, - i . - - - 1,37.7,719 Arkansas, - - - - - 996,333
Mississippi. v- - 880,444 Florida, - - - - 923,564
In all about ten millions.
Sir, this is an immense amount of property'arAl, in time,' must
become a very ampli source of revenue for theparjposes pfEda
the ordinance of Congress, consist of" section NoT 16 in all the surveyed.
Townships. The Peninsular portion of the Sute of Michigan consists of nearly,
40,000 square miles one 36th part of which belongs to ihi Common School
Fund. In 40,000 square miles, there are 1,111 Townships of 36 aqaaS
miles each. But, dropping if entire Townships for the deficiency ; already
suggested, there will remain-11 00 Townships ; which is a fraction less than -the
true number. In 1 100 square miles, there are 704 thousand acres, which
at $5 per acre, the minimum price, would realize to the State $3,520,000. Ac
cording to another" estimate, he values them, atj $3",850,O00, and adda t these
estimates may seem to be extravagant, bat it is confidently believed that the re
sult will exceed, rather than fall short of the highest computation." m
And, Sir, the sales which took place in the summer of 1837,
under the greatest pressure of the money market, have proven
the correctness ofthe opinion, for, they have more than doubled
in ambtfnt the estimate of .the Siiperinteitdant. I .-do, not; htfw" ever
object to this manner of disposing of the Public Domain. I be
lieve it. is as' wise and salutary a disposition of it as can be made;
but T da object to a preference being given to any of the States,
I do complain, that every membef of this Uniori 'does iiot'
alike participate in atTan face's and benefits to which all are alike
entitled. , -
And now, Sir, let us advert, for a moment, to the . incalculable?
advantages which would result from the judidlotis a'plidaUb,Cfr'
so large a fund, as this would place at the disposal of the State,
to the purposes d'ohtemplated by the Resolutions. In despotic
Governments where the people have no voice, either in thi elec?
tion ofthe law-makers, or the appointment of those tb whont 1 .
the execution of the Law is entrusted; where the only privilege,
they posses is the privilege of paying taxes; where personal lib
erty is but a name, and the freedom of thought is chained ddfp to -the
caprice and prejudice of the despot, it is the interest, asTiV if
very generally the policy of those in power, to withhold from, the t
subject the blessings of a General Education.
The object of the institution and maintenance of every form of
"Government ought to be to secure the .existence of the body poli
tic, and to afford to the individuals who compose it, personal pree
lection, security of properly, and the undisturbed enjoyment of
the blessings of life. In popular Governments, ot which ours is"
an example, the body politic is formed by a voluntary association
of individuals. t It is a social compact, by which the whole
People covenant with each citizen, and each citizen with the
whole people, that all shall be governed by certain laws for ih&
common good. The first clause in our Bill of Rights declares
that all political power, is vested in and derived from the people .
only. Here, Sir, where the popular will is the only fountain tf
power, where the governors are the servants. of the governed,
where the avenues to promotion are open to character and. to
talent, where the character of the Representative is but thereflec
tion of the mind and feeling ofthe constituent bodyf his .all-im.
portant that the public mind should be enlightened by the general
diffusion of the blessings and advantages of Education. Here,
general intelligence is essential to wise legislation wise legisla
tion to good laws which are, every where, indispensable to na
tional prosperity. These three propositions, I think, may be put
down as axioms in our political system. Just and wholesome
Laws can only be expected from honest, vigilant and well inform
ed legislators, and from such laws alone, can prosperity znd
happiness be enjoyed by any people.
By the term, Education, Mr. Spealcgr, I do not mean the mere
communication of knowledege. This is but giving the power to
act, whilst the question whether it will Be forgood or for .evil;
whether the acquisition will be a blessing or a curse to the re
cipient and to others, will depend upon the manner in which the.
principles and disposition of the individual will influence him tr
employ it. Teach the art of writing to the man, in whose heart
j every other consideration is absorbed by the love of maney. and
he will . use it in counterfeiting the name of his friend or his
neighbor. Give it to him, in whose bosom the light of divine
truth has shed its benign and hallowed infltiencet and he will em- .
ploy it in the propagation of the saving message to "Earth s
remotest bounds." The Philanthropist will employ his knowl
edge of Geography and Navigation, to discover and supply '"the
wants of his fellow man; while the Pirate will use hts to direct
and to guide him to the work of murder and of deith. . The term,
Education, then, means something more than the mere imparting
of instruction; it is the engrafting of knowledge upon a good stock,
the application of all those means calculatedtoevelope the .
physical, moral, and intellectual faculties of rdanr -' It implies in- .
struction, it is true, in all the branchesrof knowledge which are
necessary to useful and efficient acticVuyn the sphere of the indi
vidual; but it must also include theCphysical training, which is
to render the body capable of executing the purposes-of the mind; ,
the skill which is requisite, in order to apply our -knowledge arrd
strength to the very best advantage; andj above all, the moral .
discipline, by which the character and the direction of ourefforts-
are to be decided.
Such, Sir, is the character of the training I desire ; and which if (
is the tendency of the Resolutions to impart to our people; and
who can doubt the salutary influence it wouitl exert upon indi
vidual happiness, social enjoyment, and natilnal prosperity T
Let us, for a moment, contrast the condition of an educated;
well-ordered family, with; its opposite, in the com mop walks of
life. In the one, prevails peace, harmony, and ctmfort; a mutu
al disposition to please, and to benefit, to impary and to receive
instruction. In the other, brutal passions, "haggard wretchedness
and strife, reign with terrific sway. On the part of .the parent,
imprecations and menaces, for want of resources for occupying,
amusing, or interesting, the younger minds, who, in ;return, re
ceive from the children, rudeness, strife, insubordination, and
even violence. Home has no attractions forthe children of such
a family : and all the leisure which can be had from the daily -toils
& engagements imposed upon them by The stern necessity otwtirkj
mg for a subsistence, is spent in wandering abroad in psrsqit or
amusement suited to their sensual, and too frequently nucicntf
propensities. 1 ' '"'1?: t
Personal dignity of character, and individual'- happiness, are"
not less promoted by Education than the peace and harmony; of
families and communities. It confers a quickness of conscience,
a strength of principle ? liveliness of sympathy, an erectness
and an' independence of character, which enlarges the capacity of 1
tlie individual for usefulnessiri any spliere where he may be call-j
ed to act. " Man, ignorant and uncivilized, is a ferocious sensu
al, and superstitious Savage. rlThe external world affords some
enjoyment to his animal feelings ; but it confounds his moral and
intellectual faculdes. Bxternal nature 'exhibits' to his mind a
mighty chaos of events, " and . a dread ilwplay of power. The
chain of causation appears too intricate to be unravelled, and. liia.'
power too stupendous to be controlled. ;Ordet and "beautylia-
deed, occasionally cieam forth to; his eye from defacced r r2e-V
"FotUr Etay on tht tvib of ttt Joranee. ;
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