Newspapers / The Weekly Raleigh Register … / Jan. 17, 1840, edition 1 / Page 2
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MOM th wnsViui wrusiu 'KB. VAN BUSREN-t-ABOLITIONISM THE I MISSOURI RESTRICTION. The friends of the Administration, it is well known, were recently making a systematic effort in some parts of the country to identity MtClat and Gen. Harrison with the abo litionists. There is no doubt in the worm, ef the Loco Kotos' having originally prefer red the charge of abolitionism against those df-linguished gentlemen, solely for the pur- osi of preventing it from being preferred against Martin Van Bijiiex. They wished tdbc beforehand with tljeir political oppo nents in the fidminattoYi'of the charge," for they kriew that abolition w;is the wciikr point, it which their own candidate. was. peculiarly -vulnerable. They were aware, and they are now aware, that, during the- pendency of the Missouri controversy, the only occasion up on which the two great pai lies,' the abolition ami the anti-abolition-"parties., have ever been arrayed in fierce eneounter.vthe only occasion, upon whjch the Republic has ever needed the aid of alt her true sons against the fell spirit pf Northern incendiarism, Mr. Van Buren was among the foremost of the reckless and fiery fanatics, who raised t'hsir parricidal arms against their country, seeking, (n open deft- jrance of the Constitution, to give a deathblow to. the institution of Slavery, with a full know ledge that the destruction of 'lhat institution ( must prove the destruction of the Union. There are some Van Buren p:iper3 at this me'", Which, not daring to let their readers r Icn that Mr. Van Buren was an actor mi wat. great and memorable . Abolition move ment, strenuously deny that he ever gave it he slightest countenance. v e are credibly informed, that his electioneering partisans in Tennessee, Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, North Carolina -Georgia, and divers other Slates-, boldly put forth the same deniar'-when-evcr the subject is mentioned' in their pres ence : they protest that the fanatical and irca sonuhje proceeding in the Missouri case was viewed by Mr. Van Buren with as much hor ror as by any patriot in the wjiole country. Having before ;is the documents for putting tlie matter to rest, we deem this, a lilting tune '.. for their publication. First: we. republish the Preamble and Jtesolulion adopted by the N. York Senators in Congress, to "oppose the admission of Missouri into the Uiiion except opou condition of her abolishing slavery witli '' in her limits : Preimhlc and Resolution. Whereas, the inhibiting the further extension of sla very in these United States, 13 a subject of deep con- j (cfrA to the people of this State; and whereas, we con- j .sidf r slavery as an evil muca to be deplored, ana tnai every Constitutional barrier should be, interposed to prevent its further extension ; and that the Constitution . of the U. States clearly gives Congress the right to re . quire of New States, not comprehended within the original boundaries of the U. States, the prohibiting of Slavery as a condition of their admission into the Union : Therefore, Retohed (if the honorable Senate concur thcrem,) f That our Senators be instructed and our representa ' tiyes in Congress be requested, to oppose the admiss ion as a State into the Union, of any territory not comprised as aforesaid, making the prohibition of sla very therein an indispensable condition of admission." On the 29th day of January! ' 1820, the ; Senate, look up the Resolution and passeji the same unanimously the following Senators be- ijig present : -. " McsjrsAdami, Austin, Barnum, Bartow, Browne, CiiilJs, Dudley, Dayton, Ditmiss, Evans, Forthing t.on, Hamrnoatl, Hart, Livingston Loundsberry, Mc ; Martin, Moans, Mallory, Moore, Noyes, Paine, Ross, RoMeiicrntz; SKinner, S .van, VAN BUREN, Wilson, Young 30." Professor Holland, who, during the last Presji Jential canvass, W3S selected by the frTu'as of -the Administration to write the bi- ! ography, of Mr. Van Buren, was forced to bear witness to the correctness of this tran script of the"Nn?Tv York Legislative records. , Mr., Holland's leading object, through his wljoie work, was to. make the hero of ids sto ry as palatable as possible to the South, yet ; hev,liad' not the audacity to think, for one ino- ; nient, of gainsaying a record-proof. He ad mitted, that Mr. V. B. had been a supporter of the Missouri restriction, i We quote from his volume the following direct testimony : The attention of the Legislature of IS'ew York was 'called! to the question of admitting Missouri into the Union, with the right to hold! slaves, int the message of i Gov. Clinton, at the openingjOt the session in Jarrua . ry,i 1820. " An expression ol their opinion was earn estly recommended. In compliance with this recom mendation, the House of Representatives adopted a re- r." solution instructing their Senators and requesting the j representatives of the State in Congress to oppose the adihisoion, as a State, in the Union, of any Territory not comprised within the original boundary of the U. States, without making the prohibition oflavcry there ; in an indispensable condition of admission! The Senate concurred in this resolution without division or ' drliate, among them Mr. VAN BUREN, though it was not brought before the Legislature by his agen cy; ,Sti!l he must be regarded as having concurred, at ' mat time, in the sentiment of the Resolution then ! ad opted -by the Legislature. . There' is another witness in the case, who tight to be, and unquestionably is, high au thrity with the friends of the administration .-TiWft mean Mr, Harris, the able Editor of the Mashville Union. That gentleman, while conducting a paper at the Northjwhere Abo r litionisrq was less unpopular than it is here, ' bore the following testimony to the course of -his caudidate, Mr. Van Buren, not only in ' the Missouri controversy, but 'on several 7 other occasions, which, though far less mem orable than tlie Missouri case, afforded an "equally favorable opportunity for the North ern fanatics to make a "display of their incen dijary principles. We quote from Mr. Har- x paper, the New Bedford Gazette, of No 'l m ember 2, 1836 : "In 1820, Mr. Van Buren voted that Congress had the co?i9titutionatpov,eT to abolish slavery in the Ter !' ritioris, andihstructed the New York Senators in , Cpngress t& xote against tlie admission of Missouri." - In 1830, he says that Congress has the ' consiitutional power to abolish slavery fn the ' liistrict u C(4umbia. tin 1821, We vted to give, free blacks the : rtgrrtr oi suiirae.- In 1822, he voted in favor of restricting the introduction of slaves into Florida. But, if all this irrefragable testimony is not stifricii'T.t to convince the friends of the Ad miuisiration that Mr. Van Buren was a Mis- F.sirtiri RefctrictionisV we can introduce yet an other witness, whose tostijnony they are not likely to jrainsay Mr. Van Buren himself. We have before us a letter ot Mr. V. B., that Tjiot only discloses the part he acted upon the occasion in question, but shows that he was r-. yw .Mr"" influenced in his treasonable course by some ulterior consideration, which, even in a letter to a confidential political friead, he carinot venture to speak of except in the dark and unequivocal language of inuenjo. Do not ther following words sound like ihe words of it conspirator ? J f " I should sorely regret to find anpr flagging on the subject of Mr". King. We are comijnitted to his sap port. It is both wise and honest ; and. we must have no fluttering in our cpurse, Mr. King's. views towards w are honorable and correct. The MISSOURI QUESTION conceals, as far as he is concerned, no dot : and shall irive it a tru& direction. You know what the feeling:? and views of our friends were' when I saw you, and vou know what we then conclu ded to do. My CONSIDERATIONS," and the aapcet of the Albany Argus, will shpw that we have entered on the ivor.'Un earnest. We cannot look back. Let us not, therefore, have any hal ting. I put sir II All OX ITS mOi-HIETT. If any of tlie Loco Foco Editors, after reading ail this testimony in gelation to-Mr.' Van Buren's course in the Missouri contro versy, affect to doubt that he licted with the abolitionists and the enemies ofhheUnion.they are guilty of the most absurd find contempti ble hypocrisy. Mr. V. B. stands convicted by the very strongest of all possible testimo ny, Legislative records, the testimony of his biographrr and his other leading friends, and, last not least, the testimony of his own letters. Many years have gone by, since the Missouri controversy was happily adjusted hy the persevering exertions and the match less eloquence of the immortal man, who then earned the glorious title ol " lbs pacihcatOr ol len millions of freemen," but it may be in structive to the politicians of the present day, to look back and recall to mind what were tlie views of the great prophets of Democra- cv in relation to uie uari auu icamu uitds u're, of which Mr. Van Buren was the zeal ous and active advocate. We know "that all the Statesmen in the West and South; with-' out distinction of party, and all the Newspa pers in those sections of the country, with out distinction of, party, regarded and spoke of the conduct of the Missouri Restrictionists as open rebellion against the Constitution and tlie Union. Mr. Jelferson, in his emphatic ianguage, denominated it "treason against human hope." We are. indebted to the liich au:;d Whig for divers- interesting extracts from the letters of that great "A postle of Lib erty," forcibly portraying the feelings jtf ab horrence and dread with which he regarded the conduct of Mr. Van iiren and the other Northern conspirators : ; Extract of a Idler from Mr. Jffirson to J. Alaras. December 10th, 1819 "The Banks, Bankrupt Law, Manufactures, Span ish Treaty are nothing. These are occurrences which, like waves in a storm, will pas3 under the ship. But the Mis&ouri Question is a breaker on which we los2 the Missouri country, and what more, God only knows. From the battle of Bunker's Hill, to the Treaty of Pa ris, we never had so ominous a question, &c." From Mr. Jefferson to W, lliam ShortS April 13th, 1S20. "Although I had laid down to myself, never to write, talk or even to think of politics, to know nothing of public affairs, and therefore had ceased to read neyvs papers, yet tha Missouri Question aroused and tilled me with alarm. I have been the most sanguine m believ ing thaj'our Union wpuld be of long duration. I now doubt it much, and see the event at no great distance, and the direct consequense of this question. My Only comfort and confidence ithat I shall not live to see this; and I envy not the present generation, &c. This treason against human hope will signalize their epoch in History, af'the counterpart of the medal of their pre decessors, oec. - From Mr, Jefferson to John Holmes. April 22, 1820. " This momentous question like a fire-bell in the nighyawakened and filled me with terror. I consid ered it the knell of the Union. It is hushed indeed for the moment; but this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. From . Jeff 'it son to J. Adarns. Jauaiit 22, 1821. . " Our anxieties in this quarter are all concentrated. What does tlie Holy Alliance, in and out of Congress, mean to do with us on the Missouri Question 1 And this, by the bye, is but the name of the case .- it is on ly the John Doe and Richard Roe of the ejectmont. The real question, as seen in the States afflicted with the unfortunate population, is, Are our Slaves to be presented with freedom and a dagger 1 For, if ( 'on gres has the power to regulate the conditions of the inhabitants of the States, within the States, it will be but another exercise of that power to declare thai all shall be free, &.c. Sueh were the views expressed on all oc casions by Mr. Jefferson ; and what let us ask, must now be his astonishment, if his great spirit still walks the . earth, to see and hear one of the , Missouri conspirators sup ported ns the Northern man with Southern feelings" " the especial champion of Jef fersonian Democracy?" Gen. Harrison made the most ardent and resolute opposition to the Missouri Kestric lionipts, and wa? on that account, cast out of Congress by his constituents ; and Mr. Clav, by exertions that have no parallel in Congres sional history, crushed" the conspiracy and saved the country ; and is it not a political and moral outrage, that these men should be denounced a3 abolitionists, while Mr. Van Buren is sustained as the great hope of South ern institutions? GENERAL IIARIHSON IN NEW ORLEANS. We observe inuhe NewDrh ans p ipers of the fr st -of the nymth a rail for a meeting of the Wh'urs'of that city, to be liebl at the Ro tunda of Si. Louis Exchange, nrwhe evening of the 4'h inst. for the purpose f respond - ing to "ahe 'nomination id the 'hiy; National Conventional Uarrisbui r, and to adopt pre- j Innmnry measures to insure the success 01 the Vhi;r c ause in Louisiana. " The call -is signed hx four hundred citizens, cotnpri.-iiiiw men of all classes and .professions, ami ccip ii'senling every interest! in (hat rrtat cit v. among. i,e), too, are many ol the oldest and most iftective supporters ol Oencrul J.ack' son and his . administration. This c.dl in the extreme South, with the large and re spectable list of names appended to it, is one of tin; most striking signs of the spreading popularity of the Ilarrisburg nomination, aixi furnishes ne of the bst nuguris we have seen of its success. National Intelli srtneer. Lft us lnrn to set a proni-r value on in- dt stry and inanulictliies Tie meanest nr- i;n'u";V '.; I t I ,r mtei sock 'j, U lioneM and-(hhgejtt, ps wnrlhv of honour not imlv as he supports him-eif and his dependents -. v i t hou t any : charge to (be public, and thus gives the means 0 life anil comlort Jo several l.uimjn creatures : but also, because he adds to tie funds f national wealth .ami splendour, U all, and convenience and ninien t to their- ufliiXrS r .intent lo lho?e Ol. higher condition. ; CONGRESSIONAL HISTORY. In consequence of a publication in the ".' Globe of Tuesday night, the Editors of the National Intelligen cer have been called upon to pablish the isubjoined re port of remarks made at the last session of Congress by Mr. SriXLT-W North Carolina, towards the elose of ; the debate on excusing one of the appointed member from scr.ing on the (Swartwout) Committee' of Inves tigation., Having themselyes taken tha reponsibifity at the last session of suspending the Jubfcestiod of thi3 report, (as has heretofore been frequently dcrte in ca ses of personalities occurring in the heat of debate,) and a question of tact having been raised upon that omis sion, the Editors feel bound now to insert the report then suppressed, as written out at the time, which, had circumstances permitted, they would still .have been glad to witlihold from the press. Nat. Intel. Housk or Rar-RKssxTATiVES January 19, 1839. Mr. Br-yuM having concluded a long speech, in which he had very pointedly reflected on the Whig side of the House ; Mr. Stanly said: Mr. Speaker, if I knew there was no gentleman very anxious to speak upon this subject, I should, for the first time move the previous question. Although I am always opposed to the previous ques tion, though I dislike the office of executioner ot tha freedom of debate; yet 1 think such debate as this ouht to be cut short, and this motion, if ever, would now be excusable. I wish, sir, to enter my dissent to some of the remarks just made, to those at least which I am able to under stand. I wish also to call the attention of the, Conser-; v itives to the continued abuse poured ouUgainst them by the partisans of the Administration, -wii. first let me notice some other remarks just made. The gentleman says, sir, that he " looks at himself, at his country, and at his party, as the great pillars to support the perpetuity of his country !" I took down these words as they were uttered, but I cannot agree that these are the great pillars to support our inst:tu-; tion3. ; The gentleman then, sir, forgetting where he is, imagining he is before a jury impamielled to try a felon, endeavors to excite our sympathies in behalf of Mr. Woodbury calls him "poor man," and says he has children who will suffer with him. I did not be lieve, sir, Mr. Woodbury had fallen so f iras to be thus regarded by his own friends ; and, though he has shame fully mismanaged his Department, and, by his blunder ing ignorance, has lost millions of the public money, yet I must, in his behalf, request that he be not yet regarded as a fblon. The Secretary of the Treasury will haidly thank his friends for thought by some that t tion of the Secietarv of such defence. It seems to b lis proceeding is but a prosecu tive Treasury. The Opposition have no such thing in contemplation. We only desiro a fair committee not a packed committee. We want a committee who will investigate and inquire into the causes of Swart-wont's defalcation, as recommended by the President, that additional laws, if neejsaxy, niay ire enacted, and other precautions res jrtod.t o, to prevent the like depredations in future. . We do not wish to have a party committee, which will make a whitewash ing report, and in fact prevent investigation, ; thereby protecting and encouraging defaulters as heretofore. We do not wish to make a sacrifice of Mr. Woodbury. If he has not ruined himself in public estimatidn since he has been at the head of the Treasury Department, nothing we can do, can injure him. But, sir, we are told that in the granite State, where Mr. Woodbury has been known "from the cradle to the grave," as the gentleman said, tnsre he is honored and beloved ; that he has been frequently honored with high oifices, and therefore must be a man of capacity and integrity. This, sir, does not follow as a matter of course. The time was when public station was conferred on merit alone ; when the qualifications for office were, is he honest 1 is he capable 1 but in these times the question is, is he a member of the Democratic family, and has he friends who have rendered or can render any service at elections 1 I could point to some instances in the knowledge of the gentleman. He has known office conferred upon a man of infamous char acter, for his services in a Congressional election. The gentleman said that hereafter historians would record it with singula? feelings of astonishment and re morse that the democrats assembled first in this Con gress with twenty-five majority !" I have never heard, sir, that the majority was more than thirteen. I should b-i glad to know how twenty-live is counted. ' liut, sir, we are told something of "gaggery and whiggery, of priestcraft, bankcraft, and democracy ;" we are informed that the Federal party, by coalition, have seized the reins in this House ;. and- then; we are informed that certain RepFesentativjs in thisj House have been 44 bought and pold. Hee, sir, we have a charge that a Certain party, in dissenting with the Ad ministration, are corrupt, and are 44 bought and sold." For whom was this meant 1 If: -cannot be mistaken. I call upon the Conservatives to witness tlie language daily applied to them by the Administration partisans. And, sir, who are those thus continually denounced 1 A small but gallant and patriotic band, who have, .at a most important time, stepped forward, at tlve risk of sacrificing themselves, to save their country from Ex ecutive tyranny. Sir, these gentlemen deserve, and will receive, the thanks of their country for their noble and patriotic conduct.. I'i'Uay h.y iiiiihf joiiis power ; they have spurned all selash cpnsiJeVatibns ; they have disregarded Executive smiles, and shown that they were not tlie slaves of the Presideht'but Rep resentatives of a free People. I hope the gentleman from New York will take notice of the language of Administration members continually applied to Con servatives. But well may this Administration hate the Conservatives of New York. The earthquake echo of their great victory is yet ringing in our ears.' It was, a victory worthy of the empire State, and tells those now in power, "you have been weighed in the balance, ;ind found wanting." What say the Conservatives from the Old Dominion to this cnarge that they have been 44 bought and soldi" I call upon the patriotic Conservatives from the land of Washington' and Mad ison to listen to the miserable abuse they receive from the administraUon almost dairy. Sir, I hon or and respect these gallant men ; they have given ev idence that they are still animated by the old Virginia spirit. Are these the men who have been "bought and sold 1" Sir, was it not meant for them 1 Here Mr. Brxux asked if the question was ad dressed to him. Mr. SfA? ir .replied, he may answer it if he pleases. Mr. Br2iu.1t then said that whe Mr. S. allowed he had any right or power to exercise any jurisdiction over him, he would answer it, and not before. Mr. Stanly, raising his hand, said, God in his mer cy deliver me from any jurisdiction over such a sub ject ! Heaven defend me from any superv ision of that gentleman's conduct ! Here Mr. BfscH rose, and, with violence of man ner, -angrily said : 44 Very well, sir, we will settle that in another place." Mr. Stanlt proceeded. Mr. Speaker, I "have said ! there were remarks in the speech just delivered which I I could not understand ; it would be impossible to re- ply to such a speech. There was much unintelligible ! jargon of 44 priestcraft, bankcraft, monopolies, aristocra i cies, democracy, ffasjrerv. and whiaserv." Sir. when the gentleman obtained the floor, immediately after my lnena trom Maryland, ( Mr. Jkxifer.) 1 listened to ! hear some reply to his remarks. But there was noth- , ing like an answer to his argument. And, sir, if I I should attempt to reply to the speech of the gentleman, I should fail 33 he did; I should be as unfortunate as -he was upon another occasion ; I should miss six times, , and fire twice before I was ready. j Mr. Speaker, I have reason to be propd of my con- stituents, and I do not wish them fr" jMWjt of me ; but if they knew the character of the subjects I have recently handled, (Messrs.Dc3CAN and Binum,) 1 eax 7 would be ashamed, and, instead of sending me teck here, instead of electing me agam to this high and honorable station, they would elect me doz-killer the verv first vacancv. i f -"7 - The gentleman told us that 44 Historians will record with singular feelings of astonishment and remorse . . ueuiocnus sent 10 una rxxiy iwemy-jice ma- j JOIl . . , . , , ' J I K" r ! g? ye? wlth Jreforf ouSh 1 ot be- beve tha Uhey record that the democrats had twen- ty-fire majority in this body. When the time shall j have passed by when " hurrah for Jackson !" shall be no longer the 44 open sesame" to office, historians, with astonishment and remorse, will record the char acter and conduct 'of mawjf of those whom these magic words have raised from jjgnincance' to seats in the House of Representatives! . When the erentleman was called to order by my j friend from Tennessee, (Mr. C. H. Williams,) he Saul tht his remarks caused the Wings to rise m ineir seats and 41 nauseate and sicken." I plead guilty to this, sir. J eonfess, whenever the gendenian speaks, I do nauseate and sickerii bui inore especially when I hear the Chair announce "the gentleman from North Carolina." 1 , Mr. Spe&er, the remarks I have just made have been provoked by a threat which I did not feel dispos ed to tolerate. 'Phis must be my apology to the House for the unkind language which may have been used in this debate. T Hid nrA intend to enter into this discussion. I rose merely to pay a passing tribute to the much abused, the patriotic Conservatives. I did not wish to come into collision with any of their revilers. I have high er and nobler objects in view. Let me say, in conclu sion, that I had no disposition to enter into angry con troversy; but, for any thing I have said, I am responsi ble to my constituents, or to any individual I may have offended. . . When Mr. Stanlt concluded Mr. W. Cost Johnson obtained the floor, and was earnestly entreated by Mr. Binum to yield it, that he might reply to Mr. Stanly ; but he steadily refused to do so, assuring the gentleman that he would find Mr. J. was actuated, in so doing, by a good motive. He found that the debate, alter being long continued and conducted with great earnestness, was at length begin ning to wear a slightly personal tinge. Nothing, how ever, had yet occurred to warrant any gentleman to take serious offence. But, should the debate proceed further, it might, perhaps, lead to unpleasant conse quences in discussion ; he meant, of course, nothing more ; nothing, he repeated it, had occurred which any gentleman ought to carry without the limits of the House ; but as some indications had appeared some little specks of war dimly seen on the horizon, he was confirmed in his conviction that he ought not to yield the floor, lest, worse consequences should ensue. Be fore he resumed his seat he should make a motion, which,: if it prevailed, would put a stop to tlie debate, &c. &c. Mr. Johnson- here referred to tlie Previous Q.ies tion, which he moved before taking his sear, refusing Mr. Btnum's earnest request to withdraw it, and which, being carried in. the affirmative, here ended the debate. MR. STANLY'S SPEECH. When the subject of viva voce voting was before the House of Representatives, and just before the question was, taken, Mr. Stanly rose amidst cries of "Order! order!'- "Question ! question !" Gentlemen may cry Question! question! until they arc tired. I shall not take my seat until I have said what I have to say. It would bettT become the Representatives of freemen to rise in their places and c dli a member to order who transgresses the rules than to be yelling "order" in their' sleeves, or under their desks. I am not only willing, hut anxiou3, to bring this question to an issue. The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Alford) had spo ken of the benefits of viva voce voting. The gentleman has not been here long enough yet to have experienced the evil results of voting viva voce in Congress. One fact, it has been said, is worth a thousand arguments. I Have been informed, sir, by an old member of this Houfe, (and if J am wrong I hope some friend of the Administration, will correct me,) that some five or six years igo, when the public printer was elected by bal lot, when Blair arid Rives were candidates on the one side, and Gales and Seaton on the other, in the dark days of despotism, when tlie iron will of one man was the law of the land, it so happened that Gales and Sea ton werg elected, notwithstanding the Adminisiration had a majority "in the House. The Editor of the Globe, hoping to ascertain who were the members who had disregarded the wishes of party, and pursued the dictates of judgment and con science, carried about a paper, in which it was required that each of the faithful should certify that they had. voted for Blair ! Upon enumerating the nam cs, it appeared that if Blair and Rives had received the votes of those, who declared they had voted for them, they would unques-' tionably have been elected. I understand that this pa per Was published in the Globe. Yet Blab & Rives were not elected. Since that period, continued attempts have been made to establish the viva voce mode for the ballot, I again appeal to any, supporter of the Admin istration on this floor to deny the correctness of this statement, if it is incorrect. W'hat a glorious specimen of Representative independence I The gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Reynolds,) thinks," in his abundant charity, that all politicians here are honest, Those who are well acquainted with that gen tleman, attribute .to him the character of honesty. -Conscious of his own rectitude, he believes all others are honest. Surely, sir, he could not have been here in the times to which I refer; he could not have been acquain ted with the signers of this declaration cjf party fidelity, drawn up by the Editors of the Globe. Human nature is frail, and we'have from the com mencement of the Government, been contending against 7 Oangers pf BACCtrtiTt3rKrw. - TVroSiWtl liaTT:ju-t mentioned affords another instance of 'its power. It was not the influence of the Editors of the Globe, but of the President, which forced the "Representatives of freemen to submit to such degraaation. But now we are told that Executive influence is no longer dange rous, and that the wishes of the President cannot con trol any of us in our voting. Sir, we know better ; I miht give a thousand instances to the contrary ; and believfng that substituting the viva voce mode of voting for the ballot is calculated and intended to force mem ,bers to regulate their conduct according to the wishes of the President, or the relentless, and sometimes de grading requirements of party, I cannot vote for it But, sir, we have heard much (though sejm little)of retrenchment and reform. It is time these long-continued professions were put in practice. We are about to elect a public printer. Believing that hundreds and thousands of public money are wasted upon the; pub lic printingvI am desirous, without knowing which party may prevail in the election, to save something to the country ori this score, and, before I resume my seat, I shall submit a resolution which will test the sincerity of those who arc preaching economy. I have beein in formed by one who has had some experience, that if the public printing was properly managed, nearly one hundred thousand dollars could be saved from the ex penses of printing for each Congress. If rumor speaks correctly, the expectants of the public printing are making bargains in advance for the spoils to be obtain ed from1 ibis sourc. I have been informed that diie who exp&tftl to be a candidate of the Administration party ha offered td another candidate of the same par ty to withdraw1 his pretensions upon payment of eiht thousand dollars. We have the most disgusting election eering exhibited to us hourly. Some of the candidates are taking members by the button, calling them from their seats, standing behind the columns of the Hall and urging them on in their efforts to aid their friends. I am sick of these disgraceful scenes. I wish to put an erid to this corruption. Gentlemen may rely on it, an indignant People are tired of words wilhdut acts; they wisli to see evidences of retrenchment in the ejpendi- jtures of the Government. Some of those who have had the public printing have made themsilves rich by I it. Blair and Rives, I learn, from an authentic source, ' have received trom the public Treasury, for the last five or six years, more than three hundred thousand dollars. j I do not sa j this sum was not paid for labor done: probably it pas; but I maintain it can now be done much cheaper, and it becomes our duty, if we are sin- cere in our professions, to ascertain if, bv a chance in our present plan, a large, amount may not be saved to the -country. These printers have grown, rich at the public expense, and now the supporters of the Admin- istration callintr for and suDDortinsr the nrevious ouestion. prulpavnrinor tr farm tYa IT -x --w - - "a nr xivucv uibv an wv tion of Public Printer, disregarding andtramolinff mn the rights of the People of New Jersey, to secure a por- n, a iareweu snce, 01 tne spoils ot then Inends. Yes, this has been the reason why a sovereign State the election of an unscrupulous partisan, your Clerk, who is avowedly and notoriously unfit to discharge This duties, and to bestow the puWic printing upon your favoritL I had intended to say fevf Words, updn the New Jersey case, but I will not now do so. North Carolina has been well represented upon that subject by a n uni fier, by a North Carolina nullificr (Mr. Rayner,) a ' nullilier from principle, and not swayed by attachment to a single individual, by one who held fast to his in tegrity when his great captain, as he said, went over to the enemy. But it will not be ui order now to speak of that. Before I offer the resolution to which I have just re ferred, I will, while I am entitled to the floor, say a word in reply to the inuendoes or insinuations which have fallen -from the gentleman from South Carolina. I mean, sir, the gentleman who proclaimed here the other day, with becoming modesty, that lie wa3 "born insen sible, to fear!" (Mr. Pickens.) The same gentleman who informed us that he "would not wear the proud est diadem that ever glittered on a monarch's brow, un less he could wear it untrammelled and free!" That "diadem," I suppose, sir, which that gentleman had in hi3 eye, was the -Speaker's chair; but he will find that his present associates will, give no "diadems," or gifts of any kind, without trammels. That gentleman had made some allusions to bank influence, in connexion with the Ilarrisburg nomination; he spoke too, of other "combinations," which he did not fully explain, There are some othW "combinations" to which the attention of the gcntlepian from South Carolina may hereafter be called. Fir the present, I wish to call the gentleman's attention io an article in a paper, "The Emancipator," I hold in my hand, which will enlighten him as to his coadjutors in crying out "combination and bank influence!" Mr. Stanly being ajbout to read, Mr. Cooper object ed to the reading of such a paper as authority. I do not wish to intrude upon the feelings 01 the gentleman, sir, and I will not insist upon it; I will have it printed as part of my speech, according to Democratic precedent, and I will lendlhs paper, to the gentleman from South Carolihaaftd he can read for himself. The article here alluded to was one from the Eman cipator, in relation to Gen. Harrison, which was copied into, the Register. This extract shows that the abolitionists oppose Har rison for the reasons they state, and I am willing any candid man shall decide who has given the best evi dence of kind feelings to the South,' Mr. Vain Buren or Gen. Harrison. I would most gladly meat the gentle man from South Carolina on this point. Gentlemen need not hope, by this ridiculous hum bugging cry of "combination and bank influence," to resist this nomination. Humbug it is, and nothing less. As to those who represented North Carolina in that Convention, their characters are as fair, as far above suspicion, as that of the gentleman from South Carolina. They are beyond the reach of such assaults. All of them were gentlemen of intelligence and of irre proachable integrity, influenced by the most patriotic motives. Several of them have iiad repeated marks of public confidence from the people of their State, and their uniform conduct through Mfe has shown they de serve the confidence reposed in them. They have act ed properly as delegates from North Carolina. Though I believe a large portion of the People were decidedly in favor of the greatest statesman of his country, (Mr. Clay,) yet they pledged themselves to abide by the wishes of the majority, and vvhen the time arrives, they will prove they are devoted to principles. They will not selfishly refuse to do their duty to their country, because he wlu was their first choice is not the can didate. The man knows nothing of North Carolina who thinks otherwise. 5 This nomination cannot be resisted by such disin genuous attempts. It is destined to sweep every thing before it: "A man may hear this shower sing in the wind." In the eloquent language of my friend from Indiana, (Mr. Proffit) whom, if I may be allowed a pun, the people of his District have sent here to their pr-fil; "it will be like a fire in one of our western prai ries, sweeping away every thing with resistless power." I have been pained to behold the long countenances in the Administration ranks since the news of the nomi nation reached us. I would tell them, for their comfort, "mourn sinners, mourn," your tune is at hand, the time is come when you can be no longer stewards. But let me entreat them to -practice economy in one respect before they go into retirement An abused and over confident people are sick of hearing so much of reform, and now wish to see a little of it. Let us have one specimen of retrenchment before Harrison comes in. THE ACCEPTANCE. To Dr. Thomas N. Cameron, F. A. Thornton, and R. C. Pritchard, Committee. Raleigh, Jan. 9th, 1840. Gentlemen : In compliance with your request, I hasten to reply to the Resolution of the Democratic State Rights Convention, handed to me this morning. I certainly feel highly honored in being selected as the Democratic Candidate for Governor, under circumstan ces so flattering to my feelings, by a body so respecta ble and intelligent as that of the Convention under whose authority you have acted. Whilst I had no wish again to enter into the stirring and exciting scenes of a political canvass, I do not feel myself at liberty to decline a nomination proceeding from such a source, sanctioned as I have reason to believe by at least that portion of my fellow-citizens, whose wishes I am under strong obligations to obey. It is now upwards of twenty-Sve years since I first tbw TOtive politics oT me day then a young man, the resident of a county, whose inhabitants have adhered with such steady unanimity to the principles of the Republican party ; I espoused with zeal and ar dor, the cause in which I found the country then en gaged, in the maintenance of the rights and honor of the nation. Thus trained in the school of Democracy, and taught to respect the virtue and intebigence of the people, I early imbibed those doctrines of political faith, which denies to the Federal Government the exercise of powers not delegated, and holds inviolate the reserv ed Rights of the States. With these convictions, it has been my object on all political questions both to vote and act, with that party, whose opinions, as I be beve, reflect the true principles of the Constitution, as well as the sentiments, wishes and feelings of the great body of the people. I have chosen thus to act with men of my own political views, believing it the surest means of advancing such measures and principles as I most approved. This rule of action led me to the sup port of Mr. Van Buren at the last Presidential election, and like thousands of others I doubt not, with as dis interested motives as those who profess so great ahor ror, at sharing in the 44 spoils of the victor." Nor do I hesitate to avow my intention to support him in the coming contest, in preference to the individual who has been selected as his opponent. I shall support him, for the faithful manner in which he has discharged the important trust confided to his hands and because he stands pledged to maintain unimpaired the property and Institutions of the South, against the mad schemes of the Abolitionists, by whom he is so generally opposed. 00 I shall support him for his firm and manly adher ence to the plan of an Independent Treasury that great measure of deliveranee which has been so bitter ly denounced, because it proposes to give to the Gov ernment the same right which is secured to every citi zens under theConstitution, of demanding his dues in Gold and Silver and because it seeks to save the hon est industry of the Country, from the greedy cupidity of the speculator ; and to free the Nation's money from the use, as well as from the 44 bars and bolts" of specu lating Banks. And I shall support him, because he is opposed to the power of establishing an United States Bank, and to the right of appropriating the public mo ney to objects not authorized by the Constitution and because he is committed to the permanent reduction of the Revenue of the General Government to the meas ure of its expenditure, to its necessary . wants. Such principles and measures, if properly sustained, cannot fail, as I persuade myself, to add strength to our free institutions, to render the people quiet and prosperous, and give additional security to the Union itself. ; Having thus candidly assigned the reasons for my support ; it can hardly be necessary to state the grounds of my objections. to the opposing candidate. If in the Convention by which Gen. Harrison was nominated, not a single man from a slave-holding State had the temerity to vote for him, it cannot be expected that our people shall do so. The very fact, that he is alhed with, and suppported by a Northern party, who upon all occasions have manifested the most decided hostili ty to the interest of the South, constitute in my view ample grounds for opposition to his election. And let me not bo accused of indulging in improper sectional I feeling. -So far from it, as a Southern man, I am a ; ready to acknowledge our obligations to the Democracy j of the North, for their efficient aid in relieving us froin j the burdens of ah odious Tariff, as for the patriotic I firmnes3 with which they have met the criminal dp I have been thus frank hi the avowal of my opiru0n in regard to' the Presidential candidates, not that I -deemed it so all important, but that our" opponent ' seem to consider it, as the sole test of merit, and there j fore did not choose to subject myself to the charge of j concealment. Let me not, however, be understood aj j complaining of this test, nor as objecting to its applica j tion, either to myself or friends but as simply adver. : ting to it as a ground of complaint by those, who are' so ready to condemn, what they are so ready to prac tice. For it cannot have escaped the recollection of every one, that the election for1 President will have transpired, before the Governor elect shall be called on to enter upon tlie duties of -his office. Whoever rav be President, I should hold myself abkc bound, as a citizen and a Magistrate, to the support of measures, called for by the public good ; and to oppose such a might operate to the prejudice of the country, or as in volved the exercise of " powera not delegated to tho United States, but reserved to the States or to the people." I desire to stand before the freemen of the State, not as the humble political partizan, but on still higher grounds. As a Nort'r Carolinian, ardently attached ti my native State, proud of her Republican character, arid of that patriotic feeling, which has eser marked the devotion of her people to the free institutions of the Country. Impelled by these high considerations, I am a friend to that system of Stat v policy, which shall lead to the gradual development of her resources. For sus taining by a judicious and economical application of her means, such wdrks of Internal Improvement, as shall be sanc&oned by public opinion, without incur ring a State debt, tr running into those extravagant projects, which must end in failure, and produce that embarrassment, wh ich ' the large mdebtodneas of our ; sister States, amounting to an annual tax of more than Ten Millions has at present so seriously involved them. For husbanding that funld dedicated to the im provement of the mind, and snstainin ; that system of School Education, which shall promise the greatest practical benefit to the poor and necessitous. Of cau tiously avoiding all obligations to the Federal Govern ment, but at the same time yielding a willing acknowl edgement of what may be its due, as well as to that of our sister States, by the constitutional compact Of demanduig the faithful observance of law, as well by bodies corporate, as by individuals. Of encouraging with a liberal spirit, individual enterprize, but withhol ding exclusive privileges, except upon obvious and pal pable demands of the public good. Of holding ajl chartered institutions to their undertakings, as the price of privileges granted. Of requiring from all public functionaries, fidelity in public trust, and from the re presentative a due respecto the "public will Of pre serving in undisputed purity the freedom of elections, and yielding a prompt submission to the will of a ma jority, that great principle of a representative govern ment -and zealously encouraging whatever; shall -sender the people of the State contented and prosperous, her character respected and bet institutions flourishing, solid and permanent. s Allow me in conclusion, to tender to you individu ally, the homage of my respect, for the polite manner in which you have discharged the duty assigned you, and to return to the Convention my profound ac knowledgements for the kind partiality which influ enced their selection. With sincere respect and esteem, Your friend and fellow-citizen, R. M. SAUNDERS. GENERAL HARRISON, x. In the discharge of the eitcngive trusts re posed in him tlie disbursements of the great amount of funds placed under his control, and the extraordinary powers conferred upon him, General Harrison might have amassed a princely fortune; and,. With similar oppor tunities, many a bra wling patriot of these de generate days would have done so. At one time he was Governor of Indiana, (then comprising what is now Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin,) ex-offieio Super intendent, of Indian Affairs, and vested with the power to appoint all the officers ; to lay off counties apd fix seals of justice; and with, a complete control Over the Legislature. He' was,' moreover, vested by a law of Congress with the complete control over the public domain at Vincennes and in the Illinois coun try, for the settlement of ail the claims to land made by the "French and British Gov ernments, or by courts or commandants claiming the rights to make such grants, the whole of tlie lanjJ so granted, or as much thereof, as might appear reasonable and just." With these great powers in his hand, President Jefferson, in 1804, sent him a commission constituting him sole commis sioner for treating with all the North-western tribes, with the power to draw for any money he might think necessary for the ao complisment of the objects committed tov him. As soon as Louisiana was acquired, he was made by a law of Congress at the suggestion of Mr. Jefferson) ex-offieio Gov ernor of "Upper Louisiana." He knew that Mr. Jefferson had it much at heart to con vince the inhabitants of the newly acquired territory of the great difference between our' Government and' he corrupt one they had so long suffered under. UndeMhU impres- , ion, Gen. II declined receiving the fees lie was entitled to by Jaw, although those for Indian lice: ses abne would have brought him two or three thousand dollars ; and re fused to purchase. any property, although he was tempted by the proprietor of three fourths of St. Louis and .ajlhejdjoining lands with an undivided moiety for assisting him lo build up the town. In he war of 1811, and that which t commenced in 1812, he re ceived almost a carte blanche as to the ap pointments, organization of the army, ex penditures, &c In' these various situations,, and with these multiplied opportunities, what wealth might he not have accumulated; yet, to his praise be it spoken, he regarded only the good f his country and his owa honor, and left his long career of public ser- vice poorer than he entered satisfied whir the approbation of his own conscience, and the legacy of an untarnished name to be queath to his children. Nat. Jnlell. ') The position in which ttfe Houft or Representatives of the United States now finds itself is about as remarkable an illustra tion of the danger of a first exfor as we te-. meinber.to have ever met with. The vice of the first refusal to recognise -the authenti cated credentials of the Member from New Jersey hangs like a mill-stone round the neck of Congress, and obstructs all its move ments. Except in having passed a bill trv make a partial appropriation for the pay of it own Members and its own contingent expenses,- the House of Representatives is at this moment as- far from entering seriously upon the proper business for which it has assembled- as if this was the second (instead of being the fortieth) day of the Session. r f J
The Weekly Raleigh Register (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
Jan. 17, 1840, edition 1
2
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