: 1 ..... .
, . yVr r-vV----' . "--n ?
' - v -TT H :)
. .. 4.
- . - - X '
- .
1 J
.1.8 -1
-
k
assess
Of the lion. Joseph L. Williams to his
i66nstituera$,thet People of the 2d Congress
4 Atonal District of Tennessee. !s
f 't- ;, .p.-'' :ri.' .
! jThe limits of a letter do not admit an ac
count of all the great measure's of the late ex
traordinary $essiM That session,
though called by the illustrious and lamented
Harrison,bad its course under the auspices of
'John Tyler. Had General Harrison surviv
ed) the fruits of the session' would have re
alized the hopes, and requited the confidence
of the People. The ill-fated accession of
Mr, Tyler to the Presidency, has proved the
source of disaster to the Whigs and'disap
pointment to the country. I am unable to
reconcile his course, 16 propriety in the
man or statesmanship in the President. Of
' the great measures jcohsummated by Con
egress, that which was deemed the paramount
measure, has fallen by the hand of John Ty
ler, m His Veto messages, and the singular
icircurnstances connected with them, 1 design
as the sole, topic of; this communication.
They are the feeblest documents that ever
, jcame from the Chief Magistracy of he.Re
. public. The official source whence they
.' cdlne, is all that secures for them importance
and respectful 'consideration. The authors
" thoughts seem to bej engrossed by the con
stitutipnal orancb of the .subject. He over
looks the wishes of the People, disregards the
necessities of the country and the Treasury,
derides the laborious efforts of the. National
' Legislature in a dogged adhesion ilo explo
ded theories and.stale refuted arguments.
His taste is, to define upon impracticable
ideas; to constitfttionalize hirnselfinto an
existence above and beyond the aspirations
of a'feeble worm ofV the dust. Distinctions
without a difference, are the essence of his
philosophy. To doubt, is the extent of his
science. " Pert'infidelity," is his creed.
To hold back and do nothing, is his example.
f- Confounding principles and abstractions, he
llscardsihe former while vainly grasping at
the latter, which defy, alike, the policy of
statesmen and the common sense of men.
He is without politics, though his vocation
is exclusively political. He is without prin
r ci pies comprehensible. to the natural mind,
1 or . applicable to theaffairs of State. We are
constrained to suppose that his soul disdains
all kindred to common sentiments of man
kind, and profanely aspires to communion
with spirits of other spheres. He designs,
tiiit occasionally, t5 keep within hailing dis-
tance of the earth.. Such "eagle-soaring up
on chickens' wjngs," might excite derision
did it not provoke resentment.
. V Mr. Tyler is against the sub-Treasury, and
. signed its death-warrant. He is against a
national bank ; and, affrighted that Congress
should legislate upon the subject, he, in the
spasmodic agonies of " strict construction,"
twice vetoes this work. He is alarmed that
Congress should transcend its sphere of ac
tion; and, in his insane solicitude upon a
subject which engrosses his dreams, while it
dhgages none bf his reason, he plunges his
Executive sword into the vitals .of the Con
stitution. He approaches. " strict construc
. turn"! for the observance of Congress, but in
dulges boundless latitude in tha Executive
While upbraiding the National Legislature
! with disparaging!" State-rights' and central
izing the powers of Government, his arro
gant abuse of the Veto, precipitates the en
tire system into the gulf of Executive "con
flolidation." Thereto power, as it is fami
liarly termed, confided to the President, part
' ly as a defensive power, to resist the possi
ble encroachments of other branches ot the
-Government, is aggrandized by this way
ward functionary, Into an imperial preroga
tive, which supersedes the representative
principle and superciliously defies the popu--4
lar will.
1 Respectfng currency and finance, he dis
approves every thing and recommends noth
ing. Jle tears down With rude hand; and,
in the arroffation it would seem, of an in
fallibility which disdains to build up, or re
: pair a breach, he will not even allow others
to rear Ud a suoerstructure Or lav a founda-
i . . ,
tion stone. ,
With no prejudices; personal or political,
against Mr. Tyler anxious, mueeu, to ap
prove his administration 1 am reluctantly
iimpelied to the most unfavorable opinion of
- . : i ! ft L" a".. C
. pis conduct. I uisiiKe nis moiives as niier-
rihle .from that conduct. I have no confi-
dence in his political integrity. His excess
ive affectation Of regard for his official oath,
is now well understood. The glare of sanc
timony with 'which he seeks to canonize his
Ve.to messages, serves but to. reveal the hy
pocrite the rnfire conspicuously..- The insin
cerity, the dissimulation, the duplicity, wor
thy of a Cromwell, of which he stands con
victed, works no material transmutation of
the man. Though an old stager, he is
! still the Virginia prude in politics. His ve
toes, when interpreted by surrounding cir
cumstances, do not succeed to conceal his
ulterior purposes. Having obtained all that
he can obtain from the Whigs; they being
-r-pfelwtadr by 4h oaf-term principle, from jre
-electing htm ; does be now sees to obtain as
, much from the other party by a gradual af
j filiation, with them 1 Is a stealthy sacrifice
. jf the Whigs all that a re-election is to cost
him? Ought not his good name to be worth
more to. him than so monstrous and unheard
of a consummation 1 And can he elude de
f election and avert a dreadfurrelribution ?
r Wtiat are the authentic facts illustrative
'of the foregoing reflections? Mr. Tyler ap-
peared -a delegate in the Harrisburg conven
j tion, the ardent advocate of Henry Clay; and
: he was nominated! for the Vice Presidency
oi the Harrison ticket, partly because the
Kentuckian had been superseded. Mr. Ty-
Jer came to thiscity, the supporter of Har
rison, on the same principle that Mr. Clay
- himself had then become a Harrrisnn man ;
the General bei-ng the selected candidate of
the Whigs; bui he renewed .his protestations
.of regret that Mr.. Clay . had been superse
ded cyen by the re vered Hero of North Bend.
Now, if it be true, as Mr. Tyler says, in
his first , vpto, that he! could not sign that
bank bill, "without surrendering all claim to
ftKe respect of Jionorable men all confi
dence on the partof the people all self
' respect all regard for moral aud religious
'obligation- without committing a crime
justly subjecting" hi in to the ridicule and
and scorn of all virtuous men ;" how dare he
go for Mr. Clay for the Presidency T And
howTdare he acdept thernomination with Gen
eral Harrison ? He knew that all parties
looked to a national bank and its correlative
issues, as the question paramount, of all the
questions. Her knew, as the whole country
knew, that Mr. Clay, if elected, would ap.
prove a national bank. How, then, could
he sustain Mr. Clay, and preserve inviolate,
h'i3 "self-respect," his ' moral and religious
obligation ?" As, according to Mr. Tyler's
last words, it Would be perjury in him, to
sign a bank bill; how dare 'he-select Mr.
Clay as the most unerring instrument of con
summating that infraction of the Constitu
tion i As he deems it the "crime" of nerin-
- I J
ry in himself, to do the deed, what becomes
of his " moral' and religious obligation,"
while urgently deputing another to perpetrate
it? Mr. Clay'4 notorious conviction that a
bank. was constitutional, so far from rescuing
Mr. Tyler from a predicament involving a
sacrifice of "self-respect" and of "moral and
religious obligation," only fastens him in it;
and that too, not by my shewing, but, by his
own shewing. What a man wilfully does by
another, he does himself.' ;
This argument is oppropriate to Mr. Ty
ler's support of General Harrison applica
ble in principle, if not in equal degree and
intensity. If he deemed it perjury in him
self, to support a bank, why did he sustain
General Harrison ? Why did he accept the
nomination for the second place on that tick
et ? Was not his acceptance of the nomina
tion his support of the chief on the ticket
his fraternity in the causer his mingling
in the shout thit announced its triumph an
irresistible implication, that he concurred re
specting the paramount matter involved, al
most unanimously avowed by the one party,
and quite universally imputedtby the other
party ? Th&,common current of these great
transaction?, bespoke the general character
which Mr. Tyler bore among men and amidst
parties; and this is the strong view, the brdad
test, which, without descending to minute
particulars, or local considerations, or spe
cial pleas, must deduce the equity of his po
sition and define the true boundaries of his
"moral and religious obligation."
The administration of the rules of evi
dence in determining position and credit,
properly goes rather to generality than to
particulars. Applying this test to Mr. Ty
ler, what was his general character amidst
the civil revolution of 1810? The answer
to the questioif, involves, not what A. or B.
particularly said of him, but, the general re
pute which he-sustained. This was indica
ted and confirmed by that unanimous verdict
of public opinion rendered on Mr. Ty
ler's accession to the Presidency. Even his
Inaugural Address, was not repugnant to
that verdict. Where was the Democrat who
then anticipated Mr. Tyler's Veto Messa
ges ? The great mass of his constituency,
respect that s4me "moral and religious obli
gation," which he, with such superlative os
tentation, announces; and they did not deem
him so far above the grade of mortal men,
that crime and infamy would attend his
treading the footsteps of James Madison. and
following " the light of his ever glorious
exanrple." L4t me not again be told of what
A. said of himin South Carolina, where there
were almost no Wrhigs ; or, of what B. said
of him ih Virginia, where he was rejected
by the popular voice ; but, let me refer to
his general character as a Whig nominee, a
Whig leader, a partaker of their common for
tunes, a share" ef the hostility of the com
mon enemy ; ind, above all, let me refer to
public expectation upon his installation into
the Presidenttal office.
If under, alHthese circumstances ; if,after
" an impressive dispensation of Providence,"
has made Mr.'fTyler the ' head of the Whig
party and the head of the Government, he
cannot, without violating his "conscience,"
go with his friends who placed him there, in
tfreir greatest measure of reform, I hold him
bound to resign the office. I hold him bound
to this alternative, not so much by the right
of instruction which he acknowledges, as,
by a higher and deeper 'principle the law
of honor. If he purposely imposed a fraud
On the Whig party, which I do not here
charge, resignation is the, only indemnity
which he cai award to a betrayed people
and to his'injiired reputation. This much is
exacted by the " moral and religious obliga
tion " to which he appeals. : If, on the other
hand, his accession to the first office, as an
unforseen accident, was accompanied by a
mistake as to fiis true position, and he can
not accomplish the greatest measure of-those
to whosQ favor, he owes his elevation, that
same Tav of honor decrees his resignation. He
is now the only man who can remove the
obstaclejattending the error- the only Chan
cellor who can repair the injustice incident
to the mistakei Will he administer the rule
of equity, whih is, in this case, but the law
of honor? Nd!. He glories, I fear, in the
agonies of a disappointed constituency, and
finds too much, consolation in the distractions
of the only party that ever propagated his
name-or. thought hi in worthy of promotion.
In vindication of his present course, Mr.
Tyler, in his first Veto, refers to hi3 ancient
opinion as to the unconstitutionality of a na
tional bank. This reference may prove too
much, and, therefore, nothing at all. By
analogous reasoning, I can prove almost as
much of General Harrison, and, still more,
of Henry Clay. If1 General Harrison were
now living, Were to veto a bank bill, and, in
justification, were to refer us to his original
opinion, that such an institution was of at
least doubtful constitutionality, what would
all candid measay ? They; would point to
the thousands 4f the people who had honest
ly changed their opinions arid become the
friends of a national bank. They would
point to his own changed or modified opin
ion, as his mor recent and authentic senti
ment. They vfould point to his Sherrod
Williams letter'; to his Dayton speech ; to
the general expectation of all parties and the
acclamation of-the country. Above all,
they would point to his denunciations of the
Vpto power as Arbitrary and despotic. Sup
posing Mr. Clay in Mr. Tvler's place ; and
supposing himtto veto a bank bill ; and sVp-
posing nun to justity, by referring to his a-ti-bank
speech many years since made the
least powerful Argument he ever pronounced
would not all candid men denounce such
special pleading? Would they not oint to
his change of opinion; to his subsequent
course j tohis general character sitce ; to
the common understanding of all parties ?
What isi Mr. Tyler's immunity from the chas
tisement of that rule? What exempts him
from the onus of that category ? jj
' In addition to the foregoing considerations
as to tlje general character which -Af r.: Tyler
bore as one of the Whig candidates,'! will
now cite, innfirnmtu5n, some specific
points of evidence that he was practically
identified with thaL party. Look at the tes
timony of the Hon. Mr. Botts, who declares,
that Mr. Tyler told him that he did notthkn
see how we "could carry on the Government
without a national baiik as an agent" neces
sary and proper;" and that he knows thst
Mr. Tyler reiterated the sentiment to divem
persons in divers places. Look at Mr. Tyi
ler's endorsement of General Harrison's Dayt
ton speech. That document recognised thq
constitutionality of a national bank. It als4
denounced the use of the Veto power! I
In the log cabin in this city, last autumn
and in other places, he referred, with much
complacency, to that portion of his caree?
which had been in resistance to the imperial
sway of this Executive power ? Do you re
quire more evidence that he was expressly,
or impliedly, and thoroughly committed with
the Whigs, to do what he hastnot ddne on
the subject of the currency, and, above all,
to abstain from doing what he has actually
done, by the Veto ? Surely not, unless Mr.
Tyler is an exception to all rules ; unless he
is exempted fiom the common accounta
bility of mankind. In that event, be must
be held as the living illustration of llunius's
satire upon Lord Mansfield. If Scotch
man's f smile" excite an ' involuntarv
emotion to guard against mischief,' so must
Mr. Tyler's soft words become the signal for
apprehended treachery.
The wanton pugnacity of Mr. Tyler to
wards the Whigs, his eagerness for as much
matter of difference as possible, is manifest
in the temper of his remarks, in the first Ve
to, upon the 17th fundamental article of the
charter. His comments were harsh and sa
tirical. He concludes that paragraph of the
Veto, in these words ; " Far better to say to
the States, boldly and frankly, Congress
wills and submission is demaridea. He
knew that the members of Congress who
had voted for the character, preferred the
principle of the. unconditional establishment
of branches within the limits the States ;
and that that article, stating the conditions
on which the branches were to be located
was intended solely to appease his supposed
scruples, or these of some of his friends.
And yet, he eagerly availed himself of it, for
malignant animadversion.
In that Veto, the stress of his argument
was, that the " local discounts" provided for,
were not necessary to the power of Govern
ment to collect, safely keep, and disburse
the revenue, and incidentally to regulate
commerce and exchanges. The Whigs in
Congress, though displeased with the temper
of that Veto, were still reluctant to quarrel
with Mr. Tyler. For the sake of the great
interests involved, they were willing to yield,
even a second time, to his alleged difficul
ties of conscience. The Veto had repudiat
ed " local discounts" and "shadowed forth"
the " simple principle of exchange." The
Whigs, therefore, immediately resplved to
have another bank bill an "exchange bank"
- trusting in the sincerity of the fiifst Veto;
not suspectiug that Mr. Tyler wasjsporting
with their credulity and their forbearance.
Among the members of the House of Re
presentatives, who were most zealojs in the
work of conciliation, may be named, William
Cost Johnson, of Maryland, and Thomas
Butler King, of Georgia, assured as they felt
themselves to be, by Mr. Tyler, that he
would approve an exchange bank.
On the morning of the 16th ultimo, before
the fiist Veto reached the Capitol, Mr. Ty
ler said to the Secretaries of the Treasurv
and War, that he " thought there ought to
be no difficulty about the bank question;
" that he had sufficiently indicated in his
veto what kind of a bank bill , he would ap
prove ; and that Congress might, if they saw
fit, pass such a one in three days. In ad
dition to the assurances before referred to,
which commanded the confidence of Messrs
Johnson and King, Mr. Tyler communed
with other distinguished, members of Con
gress, directly or through his Cabinet, as to
the kind of institution he would approve, ac
cordant to the objections of the Veto. "He
examined the provisions of the second bill
after it was drawn up and before it was re
ported." " On full examination he approv
ed its proviiioris." He preferred that it
should not be called; what it really was, an
exchange bank, and suggested another name,
which was adopted. " The bill was report
ed and passed, in all essential particulars, as
it was when it came through his hands."
But before the bill, thus originated, passed
through both Houses of Congress, he declar
ed that he would rather cutoff his right hand
than sign it; anH, on the 9th instant, it fell
under, the socond Veto frpmJheLlKiJce.
That Veto " attacks, in an especial manner,
the very provisions which were inserted at
his request ; and even the name of the cor
poration, which was not only agreed to by
him, but especially changed to meet his ex
pressed wishes, wa3 made the subject of his
criticism."
These startling facts, are avouched by
members of his late Cabinet. Such a mass
of tergiversation, such a complication of
duplicity, is monstrous in the view of every
man who values truth and fair-dealing. As
if resolved to avoid even a decent appearance
of consistency ; as if to render his tergiver
sation as glaring as it was sudden and licen
tious ; he indulges the very excess of op4
probrium against the creation of his own
brain. Not content with simply negativing
his own exchange idea, he, in the 2d Veto,
denounces that bank as a " national monop
oly of brokerage 1 ! " On the 15th or 16th
of August, he suggests his preference for
the exchange bank. Several dayVjtbereaf
ter, he " examines and approves i(3 provi
sions ;" and, on the 9th of September, he
denounces the whole, to the people's Repre
sentatives, as a " monopoly of brokerage !!!"
These things have given me great pain.
I regret these convictions of my own judg
ment which I cannot avoid or repress.
1 am not sensible that I have, in this com
munication, done injustice to Mr. Tyler.
I have no interest, no predisposition, no mo
tive -to treat him with harshness or disre
spect. Should he even retrace his steps ; or
seek to cancel that conduct which now stands
0ut in unrelieved and flagrant colors ; or,
without express expiation of the past, found
or propose some measure of.relief, adequate
the public necessities on this great sub
ject ; 1 shall hold myself in readiness lairly
to estimate the merits of his measure. I
would be gratified, because, agreeably dis
appointed, if his future conduct should be
marked by a candor and single-rnindedness,
tending to obliterate the recollection of the
past. '
Could I find pleasure in the disgrace of
his admistration ; were I his personal enemy ;
could I essay to tarnish a name once'deem
ed unsullied ; I might extract, from his pre
sent position, aliment for revengeful conso
lation. I would rejoice, could some inspiration in-,
terpose to regenerate the man, or rescue
him from the present necessities ofhis repu
tation. '
Meanwhile, until light penetrates his
mind, it becomes vou to consider the follow-.
ng question :
; Will you sustain the representative
principle of your Government, or, the One-
man power of an Executive despotism?
JOSEPH L. WILLIAMS.
Washington, September 1)6, 1841.
REMARKS OF Mr.
LANE,
OF INDIANA,
On the Veto Message of the President, returning
the Fiscal Corporation Bill.
House of Rkprksentatives, Sept. 10, 1841.
Mr. Laise, of Indiana, remarked that he
had said nothing on the subject of a Bank at
the present session, but now the time had
come when it would be unbecoming in him
to remain silent. To do so, he would be un
true to himself, untrue to those who had con
fided their interests to his hands, untrue to
the Constitution and to the Government un
der which he lived. The gentleman from
Virginia (Mr. Gilmer) had commenced his
speech this morning by expressing his hope
that a scene such as they had witnessed on
that floor might never be enacted again.
What ! ha it come to this, that they were
to be deemed . wanting in respect to the
President if they spoke their sentiments free
ly and candidly of him? Now, he could
never endorse such a doctrine as this, and
he trusted that Congress would not do it, in
order to shield the President from the wide
and overwhelming outbreak of public indig
nation which awaited him from one end of
the country to the other. Yes, we were told
that we should'be moderate, that we should
speak in terms of mildness and conciliation,
and not evince the slightest displeasure or
disapprobation at the most extraordinary
course which he had taken. Now, he (Mr.
L.) would tell gentlemen that they might cry
" peace," " peace," but there would be. no
peace. This nation would instantly be con
vulsed to its very centre ; and the " slow,
unmoving finger of scorn," whether in high
places or low places, would be pointed at
the President for his treachery to the nation
and to the Whig party that elected him.
This might be regarded as strong language,
and he admitted it was, but it was the lan
guage of truth and of just indignation. He
had spoken of John Tyler, as a public man,
in such terms as he and every one else had
a right to. speak, under the strong provoca
tion he had given to all who detested perfidy
and baseness, whether in private or public
life.
The geniljman from Virginia (Mr. Gil
mer) has told us (continued Mr. L.) that if
Mr. 1 yler had, at the commencement of this
session, given in his adhesion to Mr. Clay,
all would have been well that we should
have had no difficulty, and that the question
of the succession has had much to do with
our present difficulties. Mr. Clay's friends,
so far as I know, have not acted with any
view to. the succession; we are content to
leave that matter to the People, and in good
time they will attend to it. We hear much
of personal rivalry. Who, I ask, ever dream
ed of John Tvler's being a rival of Henry
Clay ? The idea is preposterous. Compare
John Tyler to Henry Clay ! How, and in
what particular are they alike? Sir, John
Tyler resembles Henry Clay as the lowliest
barn-yard fowl resembles the proud bird of
Jove, the messenger of the gods, when he
plumes his wing for the clear upper sky, and
bathes his plumage in the summer cloud.
Gentlemen may speak of Henry Clay in con
nexion with the title of legislative dictator,
but they do not affect the well-earned repu
tation of that brightest, noblest, and purest
of living patriots and statesmen. He needs
no eulogv from me or defence before the na
tion. During the whole of this session his
conduct has been any thing rather than dic
tatorial. . He has steadily pursued a course of
policy in strict accordance with his known
principles and, opinions, in" .furtherance of
the wishes of nine-tenths of the Whig party ;
and if, in this great struggle, he is doomed to
fall, he will fall a maty r to principles which
are as true and unchanging and eternal as
the attributes of God.; he will fall covered
by the ruins of that Constitution which his
whole life had been devoted to preserve and
defend and what prouder monument could
mark his resting place 1 His name is asso
ciated with the holiest recollections of Amer
ican history. You, sir, remember the Mis
souri question you remember the storm of
nullification, and his agency in the settle
ment of those questions; you remember his
noble defence of liberty in the South Ameri
can republics ; and when Greece appealed to
the sympathies of free, civilized man through
out the whole world, he held out to her the
first hand of welcome bis was the first
voice of encouragement, raised in the, Amer
ican Congress in behalf of suffering Greece ;
and the redeemed Greek now mingles the
name of Clay with the name of Marco Bozar-
ris in his national battle-crv. Sir, whenever
the name of Henry Clay is mentioned in con
nexion with the Presidency of. the United
States, he will be the candidate not of a
factious clique, but of the great Whig par
ty the triumphant and ever-glorious Whig
party of 1840.
Mr. L. said men might change, party might
change, but that there was no change in the
principles upon which the great VYhi party
came into power'; and he would assert thatJ
one of the great measures of policy advocated
at the recent Presidential canvass, at least
in his own district, was, " Bank or no Bank."
And notwithstanding that nine-tenths of the
Whig party are in favor of the establishment
of a National Bank, as he had already re
marked, President Tyler had chosen to veto
both the bills to effect so desirable an object.
John Tylerjit seemed, was disposed to estab
lish the one-man Government in the most
odiousform. Whom had he counselled
with? He (Mr. L.) insinuated nothing; he
macbi the charge that John Tyler desired to
establish the one-man principle in this Gov
ernment; and he made this charge, based
upon the fact that not one of his confidential
advisers, not one of his Cabinet, ever saw
the message he sent to this. House yesterday
until they saw it here. What, he (Mr. L.)
would ask, would the. American People
think of the conduct of President Tyler, who
had declined to consult with his constitu
tional advisers on so grave and important a
question as this was, and yet permitted an
individual who sat in, this Hall to see what
the -contents of the message were, a portion
of which had actually appered in the New
York Herald, three or four days before the
message was delivered to this House ! ,
Now, he would not say that the letter-writer
wrote the message, because God knew, it
would add nothing to the gentleman's repu
tation. He repeated, what he understood to be
the fact, that not one, even the humblest, of
President Tyler's Cabinet ever saw the Mes
sage until it was read in this House ! This
was a most extraordinary course of proceed
ing one without a parallel in the history of
the Government, and one that reflected any
thing but credit on a man who could treat
his constitutional advisers with such disres
pect and indifference constitutional advi-
sers, too, many oi wnom were very highly
distinguished for their genius, their learning,
and their ardent patriotism, and before whom
John Tyler himself would stand abashed, as
in the presence oi superior intelligences.
That Cabinet was composed of some of the
most able and talented men of the great
Whig party, and yet they were to be treated
in this cool and contemptuous manner by a
man "dressddin a little brief authority,"
and who accidentally, and unfortunately for
the country, became President of the United
States. John Tyler was fastened on to the
tail of the Whig ticket, like a small boat to
the stern of a gallant ship, if he might make
the contrast as in refence to the lamented
Harrison. Who, he would inquire, knew
any thing at that time of John Ty'er's prin
ciples being contrary to those of the Whig
party I And yet now he sets up his opin
ions in opposition to those who elevated him
to power, lie said in his Message that this
question of a Bank was the most embarrass
ing one that had come before him since his
installation into office, that it was the great
est difficulty he had. Yes, it was a difficul
ty over which John Tyler would never get.
Of Mr. TvIpt. nrivafplv. hfi knpw nnthintr.
and had no desire to know any thing; but,
... a , i Ji r
acting in his official capacity, he (Mr. L.)
J ' ' - o'l
knew more than he couta nave wished to
know, lie would not name that man in
connexion with Arnold, Burr, and Hull, but
would leave it to others to say to the coun-
,k0l,.. f u r
" John Tyler" ought not to be added to the
K J V uvitiv v v ij v wiiv i v a avri wi vs iiuiiiv vs
list, for having thwarted the wishes and viola
ted the principles' of the Whig party, who
placed him in power.
He (Air. Lane) could not have allowed the
present opportunity to pass by without say-
ing something on this important subject.
"With reerard to what has been said by his
colleacue, (Mr. Proffit,) he would only say
that no doubt that gentleman represented
r - : .i., i i t
..... rT . , v i
UIU niS own. HOW ever, Hit IR-uimc muai ue-
termine as to who was right and wno was
- .
wronsr. Mr. L. after having given a history
nf what haa takpn nlar.fi at the Drcsent ses-
i.. . i . c.
cmn in ro hitinn trt tno pai a n i isn nip n r ni a
'3 1 I lit iwiwuwn w w.w ... -
. . . , , , t i u-i: I .1 :.v
oariK, saia inui uie jreuyie ucnccu iucm-
selves to have been betrayed, and art! ully
deceived, and that their indignation knew
no bounds. What right had John Tyler to
. . .
allow his name to be Dut on the Whiff tick
et if he was not a bank man ? He (Mr. L.)
voted for him under the conviction that he
would feel himself bound by the decisions
of the Supreme Court. But now the records
were seurcneu ... uuer iu - -
I I . I n. j-inr K K r it i a
not in tavor 01 a DanK ; anu mey uau ueeu
ioiu inai wueii mr. jia a nuuiiuanyu
reiected at the Harrisbursr convention John
Yes, Shed tears ! And,
tytI,., t iimotinn nrae tn lio first ar tpd linnil ?
After reading his first message, he (Mr. L.)
V IIUl lUU0IIVil I. - w uu " - " " I
After reading his first message, he (Mr.
beiran to distrust his devotion to Whig prin-
ciples. He thought he had seen in it, lurk-
Tvlpr shed tear !
after all, it was attempted to be proved that twtof dtth, but she has been cured by yr. ?-
, i I - i . nn. TEKS'S PILLS; or, are yon not glad that Ms
he was not then a bank man ! Did he no has re8tored 0 by Dr. pVtmYwosbbov.
retain General Harrison s cabinet f And 4iEDlcnrE. ,
. .1 I - I UeaUl. iUV IIUW I U9 UIIHWU uujn.iwvn.1
ing under a special gueouieUungLb4JUnu u knpawMijo the demand for tbia med
at the exercise of the veto power when the cine.ss to hush the rushing wind.
onnortu nity should occur.
Mr. L. next noticed the various objections
taken by the President to both the bills
, . , , . j ; , . , i
which he had vetoed, and commented par-
ticularlv on the last message. They had
passed two bills, supposing that they would
meet all his object ions ; but he had vetoed
tint Cnn.
... : u
gress migni give mm uiree uio.ni.s X)
three months' time for deep and deliberate
reflection on this subject ! VVelli as on'
Ion as John Tyler was rresiaent oi me
United States, the country would get nothing
approximating to a bank, though it might
'. U 1 r n ciiK.Trpnaiirv with ' thfi SDfi.
cie clanse in it." John Tyler was President
by accident and chance ,- but he might rely
upon it mat, in iour yers ucm.c, mcj
put him out, though not by chance. He had
nf u;a rrr-ont reenert fhr the noDiilar
suuivcii v mo fi' - -l r r
will. Now be fMr. Lane) only wished
had been expressea more iuhsuuh.- .
a m t- A - h n
by means of vetoes, and that he had taken
some more acceptable mode of showing his
devotionjto the Constitution and to the wel
fare of ,tb People.
gress were about to adjourn, it might be as that his Pills are not quack medicine; but a scientific
well to let the question rest till the next ses- compound of simple .which has been the rewlt of ma
sioo , but his firm con, ic.ion was, ffi!S
He (Mr. L.) endorsed every word of the
very excellent speech of the gentleman from
Virginia ($tr. Botts) on the Veto Message.
He expressed, on reflettion, his full concur
rence in what had fallen from the gentleman
froni Tennessee, although he had dissented
from him at the time. With respect to the
President, he did not know that he had spo
ken of him in a more severe and caustic
manner than . he deserved, and when he
(Mr. 12 returned to his constituents he
would' tell them that John Tyler was no
longer an exponent of Whig principles? tbat
he had trampled them under foot, and acted
basely and treacherously to the Whig party.
Who, he should like to know, wouloS after
this, look upon John Tyler as an cxnonent
of Whig principles? He, for one, would
not. He (Mr. L.) had, in making these few
remarks, endeavored to discharge his dutv io
himself, to his constituents and to the coun
try. There might be a time when modera
tion ceased to be a virtue, and when it would
be criminal to withhold the expression of a
man's honest and just indignation at an act
which would be regarded as one of the great
est curses in the history of our country.
JEWGOOD,KEWGOODS!
JJ Confectionary, Fancy, 7if
sir, JetccUeru and 2SiS etfkfryrW-
LThe Subscribers, thankful for pat favors. Inform the
public, that they have now opened their large and
choice collection of GOODS brouglil from the North,
and flatter themselves they hove as fine an assortment
in the Confectionary and Fsnry tine, as has ever
been in this market. The following are a few of the
articles :
Artificial Flowers, 16 doz ; Fancy Mugs, 8 doz of
Glass, Britannia and Silver plated; Ladies' Ringlets;
Puffs and Wire Curls; Mohair Caps; fine Work and
Fancy Iioxes ; Looking Glasses, from Ihe smallest to
3 and 4 feel square, with gilded frames ;'Haket ;
Snuff Boxes, from 5 cents to $5 ; Shell side Comb?.
and all other soils ; Fausjl.trge Wooden and small
Metal Clocks ; Steel, Whalebone, Bamboo, Dirk
Canes; Finest Shaving Utensils, Thermomelers,
Mathematical Instruments in boxes; Sun Dials, Dirk,
Pen and Pocket Knives; Pistols; Teeth, Cloth, Hair,
Hat and Shoe Brushes; Blacking; Slates; finest
Razors ; Bells ; Fishing Utensils ; CoftVe Mills ; Pins;
Needles and Cases; Spool-stands; Silk, Buckskin &
Bfnd Purses; Miniature Frames; Lucifer Matches ;
Night Tapers ; Powder Flasks ; Shot Belts ; Percus
sion Caps ; Smoking Pipes ; Corkscrews ; Waflets ;
Pocket Books; Whips; Scissors; Beads and Necklaces;
Paper; Pens; Quills; Ink; Penholders; Wafers;
Seahtig-wax; Lelier-etampe; Pencils; Buttons; Coral;
Inkstands ; Pictures.
GAM11S, as Dominos, Chess-men, Backgammon,
Lottery, Ten-Pins, Cup & Bait, Graces, Jumping
Ropes. &c.
TOSfS, of every description, as Marbles, Hum
ming Tops, Drums, Rattles, Whistles, Mouth Or.
gans, Harps, Trumpets, Magic Lanterns, Paint Boxes,
Magnetic Toys, False Faces, Cannons, &c. Dolls, Ka
leidescopes. Microscopes, large Trunks, for children.
CONFECTIONARY, a very large assortment, viz.
Seidlitz and Soda Powders, Macaroni, Dates, Prunes,
Figs, Oranges, Lemons, Raisins, Filberts, Palm, Wall
and Cocoa Nuts, Almonds, Ground Peas, Currents,
Citron, Candies, Chocolate, Pepper sauce. Pickles,
Lemon Syrup, Sweet Oil, Pine Apple, Green Swiss.
and Common Cheese, Preserves, Brandy Fruit,Nut
megs, Cinnamon, j.iquonce.Musiaru, sardines in l in
Canisters, Anchovies at 12$ cis. per doz , Tobacco,
chewing, smoking, and Snuff, Cigars, Philadelphia
Porter, N. J. boiled sweet Cider, Champagne, Muscat
and Rhenish Wines; Succory, a substitute for Cof
fee, Richmond Sugar, and Ginger Cakes,. Dills cele-
biated Sugar, Butler ani Water Crackers, Sperm
and Hulls' Tallow Candles.
I T7 v ot t d v r l.i .1 i. IV
e., v m . T ,cw
Silver Table and Tea Spoons, Desert Knives and
Forks, Side, Pocket and other new Silver Combs,
Hand Bells, Breast Pins, Ear-rings, Pencils, Finger
Kings, Thimbles, Watch Guards, Chains and Keys,
Belt Buckles, Spectacles.
PERFUMERY Genuine Oil of Roves, Macassar,
Bears, Antique Oils, Cologne. , Florida, Lavendar
Waters, Jessamine, Windsor, Rose, Transparent, Cas
tile and other boaps, lergamot, -Cinnamon. Lemon,.
Peppermint Essences, Oppodeldoc, Freckle Wash,
Pink Saucers and Lilly White.
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Finest Violins,
Bows, Strings, Bridges, Screws, Finger Boards, 4c,
Guittars and Strings, Flageolet!, Fifes, Flutes, Cla-
rionelts. Accordeons, Brass Trumpets.
BOOKS Spanish, French, German and Engl.sh
Grammars and Readers,-Geographies, Russell's Mo-
dern Europe, Primers, Spelling, Picture and Song
dooks, rveV n, iiwn rtu' '
FENCING AND BOXING APPARATUS
I Foils, Swords, Gloves, Masks, Hats, ureastplalea.
Tf f rbMM f!hMii f
I a wm v a-vm J mwmiz m sw v t
From 25 to 50 per cent, leu than the regular price
is, being bought at Auction, viz:
h 40 pieces of Prints, from 10 to 22 cents per yard.
I Af Aivr l"!h'il. Iron's HonltrrhJlV at 3 1 enta a ilnz.
"- - ,
w 1 T CI II- n Ll.. T T-!ll
JMOU8lin ue ijsir.e, onaiijs, vamuieu. jcoub, isim
.., (4.. n.,i k.t. pi. u..i. T in.
Coanr; Beaverteen , Satinett, Irish Linen, Twist-
ej Silk, Vesting, Ladies' Collars, Gloves, 8tockings;
besides this, a quantity of Dry Good as usually kept,
I r- i-i -ii l'. i.i 1 . r. . u
all of which will be sold on reasonable terms fur Cash.
G. W. & C. GRIMM E,
Opposite the Market House,'
Fayelteville Street.
August 12, 1811. ' 66
aB wonderfui cures effected by thb medicine,
y afC lhe aU enjcr0Minf; BUbjectof the day. Go
i where you will, and you near oi noiningDuiwr.Ducn
a One has been cured by Dr. PETERS VEGETA
. aalnv rm Yk-wvtf-a 1 t - a.
tsL.t; riL.L.z, or, you kjiow mw. omikkjo wmw
Really, this medicine must be verv good, or it eooIJ
not cure so many. It w good. For many yearn it
has passed on in the " evea, -ileiit tenor of its way
curing hundred, Jj f
A life medicine that will procrastinate death for m-
ny years, snail it not enter every now 1 oaauuuoi
be used by every individual 1 lno-yrlrt
want it. ou know not what to-morrow may bring
forth Allsbouid use this remedy. and remember tha
hMhh i the first blessine from God.
The immense and 'increasing popularity of these
Pills, is another proof of the infallibility of the old
adaffe. that " truth is powerful and will prevail.' Oth-
er Pills are only puffed, but Dr. Peters s are purchased
and rec0mmended unul the demand for
become almost universal.
I Dr. Peters would impress this fart upon the public.
. f"i, ' .uk a. rwnl at lar.
Qn f raanT peculiar virtues of the Vegetable
I pau,' fs, that while very powerfttl in their effects,
I thev are narticularlv' mild and gentle in their action.
Unlike the genendwy of .c..tie.r .ppboUon
by tto.
who an opportunity to decide upon u;eir me-
(8. as an inestimable public blessing.
Withnnt an nxhention in anv a or country, no me -
I - 1 . , ,
it dicinebas spread with such rapidity and given such
. .are in the Citv of Ra
a-k. I II III Wf.W KHI AH LIFilll,LlUII
leigb. by Messr. Wiuums & Hrwoon, and UV
M. Masqs dt C.; and in FayettevUie, by E. J. Hals,
at New York prices.
M.y, 1S4I. ly.
Si
V 4 .
r. i
1 &
5P-
1
a
"-5S i
a