THE PROGKRESSIVE FiAiRMER, NOVEMBER! 3, 1887.
PROCEEDINGS
C3
Of the National Farmers' Alliance and
- Co-Operative Union of America,
at Shreveport, Louisiana.
The National Farmers Alliance and
Co-operative Union of America met in
regular session in Shreveport, La.,
Oct. 12, 1887, at 10 o'clock a. m.
The following officers were present :
C. W. Macune, president; J. A. Tetts,'
first vice-president; G. B. Pickett,
second vice-president; J. M. Perdue,
third vice-president; E.B. Warren,
secretary; R. F. Butler, Treasurer;
Ben Terrell, lecturer; B, F. Rogers,
assistant lecturer; Nat Draughn ser
gent at arms.
The president filled vacancies by ap
pointing the following brethren tem
porarily: W. S. Rushing of Missis
sippi, chaplain; J- A. Green of Texas,
door-keeper and O. M. "Wright of
Louisiana, assistant door-keeper.
The Alliance was opened in due
form.
The president announced the follow
ing committee on credentials: McGee
of Mississippi, Polk of North Carolina
and Jones of Texas.
By consent T. B. Ruff of Tennessee,
a member of the Agricultural Wheel,
was duly initiated into the Farmers
Alliance.
The following committee on order
of business, was announced: G. B.
Pickett of Texas, Linn Tanner of
Louisiana, Oswald Wilson of Florida.
The committee on credentials repor
ted as follows:
We, your committee, find the fol
lowing brethaen entitled to seats in
this body. Mississippi, J. G. Hamil
ton, R. S. Magee, T. E. Grome, Hazle
. hurst; W. B. Mosely, Chester; T. L.
Darden, Fayett, W. S. Rushing, Car
thage; T. W. Sullivan, Carrollton; E.
L. Martin, Jackson; R. T. Love, Ches
ter; C. T. Smithson, New Port; W, R.
Lacy, Carthage.
Arkansas, W. H. Moore, Belfont;
John A. Ausley, Prescott; George Mar
tin, Sulphur Rock; Joseph Tisdale,
Texarkana.
Florida, Oswald Wilson, Marianna.
North Carolina, L. L. Polk, Ral
eigh. Alabama, J. M. Robinson, S. M
Adams, I. N. Gresham and J. M. Lang
ston, Six Mile Alliance; H. P. Bane.
Louisiana, J. C. Jones, Ruston; W.
M. Vickars, Shreveport; A. T. Hatcher
and L. C. McAlpin, Lula; R. L. Tan
nehill, Winfield; E. McDonald, Ray
ville; Litfn Tanner, Cheney ville ; P. F.
B. Pratt, Bastrop; J. M. Stallings,
Ruston.
Missouri, A. B. Johnson, W. D.
Ham, Popular Bluff; J. W. DeSpain,
J.Graves.
Tennessee, J. H. McDowell, Union
City; A. E. Gardener, Dresden.
Texas, J. S. Massev, F. Hoflheinz,
A. M. Turnbull, J. A. Green, W. P.
Hancotk, J. M. Renick, R. A. Binford,
XX Fairchild, T. M. Smith, R. P.
Briscol, N. H. C. Elliott, H. C. Maund,
C. E. Cade, D. C. Whitman, L. L.
Sloss, D. J. Eddleman, C. A. Lever
ton Evan Jones, I. Stoddard, R. J.
Wallace, R. M: Kay, S. O. Daws, Matt
S. Wallace, R. J. Sledge, John O'Byme,
H. C. Maund.
The Alliance adjourned until 1:30
p. m.
1:30 p. m., President Macune in the
chair. The Alliance opened in due
form.
The committee reported the follow
ing order of business:
Morning session open at 8 a. m.
1st. Roll call.
2nd. Reading of minutes.
3rd. Officers' reports.
4th. Introduction of Resolutions.
: 5th. Report of standing committee.
6th. Report of special committee.
7 th. Unfinished business.
Afternoon session open at 2 p. m.
1st. Special order. t r
2nd. Unfinished business. '
3rd. New business.
4th Good of the order.
Night session opened at 7:30.
1st. Special order.
2nd. Unfinished business.
3rd. New business.
Piesident Macune delivered his an
nual address, " which was full of inter
esting facts and suggestions.
MESSAGE.
Brethren of the Farmers' National Alli
ance and Co-Operative Union of
America:
This is indeed an auspicious occa
sion. It is the first session of this
body; and this body is the first organ
ization of the real cotton raisers ever
J inaugurated oh; a ' plan '. calculated to
assist tne poor man. It is a time in
the history of cotton raising, when the
price of that staole is not fimial to t,h
j the cost of producing it. . This is a
gamenng oi representative men from
States, men who represent the great
V
est of all industries, assembled here,
not merely for the pleasures or emolu
ments to be gained by their attend
ance, but I trust imbued with proper
conceptions of the great responsibility
resting upon them, thoroughly alive
to , the conditions of the times, and
firmly resolved to work out the proper
and true solution of how to relieve
the depressed condition of agriculture
in our beautiful southland, and when
found, to stand shoulder to shoulder
in one solid phalanx, till the effort is
crowned with victory. As the first
legislative body ever convened in the
order, you will have a great work to
perform, and the future prosperity of
this great movement is therefore,
largely in your hands. Your atten
tion is called to the causes that com
bined, created the necessity for this
organization. The plan on which
organization has been effected com
prising the Organic law of the order,
both written and unwritten, and the
objects and conditions it is expected
to achieve, in the event that success
attends the effort. The laws to be
made by this body will be statutory
and will be based upon and explana
tory of tjie Organic law; they should
be prompted by the necessities that
gave rise to the existence of the order,
and executed with a. spirit of devotion
to the objects we seek to achieve,
bounded only by the limit of possi
bility. Mr. Garvin, in his history of the
Alliance in Texas, says, that it was
started somewhere between 1870 and
1875, in Lampasas county by a num
ber of farmers, who associated them
selves together in a defensive league,
to resist the encroachments of land
sharks, who proposed to rob them of
their homes. The history of the move
from its inception up to 188G, was not
attended with much interest. It had
grown by August, 1885, to the num
ber of about 700 subordinate Alliancs,
and had changed its objects and work
ings, until they resemble very closely
those of the present. From August,
1885, to August 1886, a most prodig
ious growth was recorded ; the increase
was about 2000 sub-Alliances. Among
the reasons for this rapid growth, and
probably one of the most potent, was
the fact that all other occupations were
either oganized, or were rapidly organ
izing, and the farming interest was
unable to cope with them, without or
ganization, therefore the necessity for
organization for self defense. Again,
the results of combination had redu
ced the price of all products the farmer
had to sell to such an extent, that in
many cases they would not pay hire
lings wages to the one who produced
them, and were really grown at a loss.
The rule was, that a year spent in the
most vigorous labor and rigid economy,
would with good management yield a
bare subsistence, and in many cases it
yielded less; and would finally result in
a surrender of the farm to the mortga
gee merchant, and the addition of one
more family to the army of renters.
It seems to be an admitted fact, that
organization was the only hope of the
farmer, and as the Alliance was pre
sented as strictly a farmers organiza
tion, its ranks were rapidly filled with
all those who felt disposed to unite
and resist the encroachment of other
organizations, and who realize that it
required organization to meet organ
ized power. Such large numbers join
ing a secret organization in so short a
time, rendered proper instructions as
to the principles and objects of the
order impossible; consequently many
joined who were not as well posted, as
they should have been, and vast differ
ences were entertained, as to the policy
to be pursued in order to accomplish
with speed and certainty the objects
of the order.
Some contended that the only hope
was in the ballot-box, and that united
political action was the . only way for
the Alliance, ever to accomplish any
thing; others realizing the danger to
American institutions, by the introduc
tion of a secret political party, con
tended that we must eschew politics
altogether, and that the Alliance was
a social and benevolent, organization,
calculated to make a man a better
farmer and a better neighbor. Others
had different conceptions; some that it
would make all farmer's boys orators;
some that it would stop horse stealing;
some that it would make all its mem
bers truthful and honest; and the con
tention between the different factions
was beginning to assume alarming pro
portions, as a family quarrel,, when
the called session of the farmers State
Alliance of Texas was helds in the city
of Waco, in January last. One object
of that called meeting was, to devise
some plan of extending the work into
other States. The Louisiana State
Union -which had met just prior to
that time, had elected and sent to that
- m
meeting a deligate, to co-operate with
the State Alliance of Texas in the ex
tension of the work. It was there
shown that there was already in exist
ence an organization in the northwest
ern States calling itself the National
Farmers Alliance but that it was a
very loose organization, and was non
secret, that the door to membership
was to wide for it to meet the wants
of the times in the South. It was the
prevailing sentiment, that none but
those most interested in farming
should ever be admitted. It was, after
a full investigation, decided that the
organization as it existed in Texas, and
the other States of the South to which
it had spread from and by the author
ity of the Texas Alliance, could accom
plish nothing by joining the National
Farmers Alliance of the Northwest,
and in view of the fact the cotton belt
of Americe was a circumscribed coun
try, there was a necessity for a Na
tional of those residing in the cotton
bele, to the end that the whole world
of cotton raisers might be united for
self protection. This was a grand con
ception, and one succeptible of results
beyond our expectations. It was
therefore decided to organize in con
nection with Louisiana, a National
Farmers Alliance and Co-operative
Union of America. To make it a
strong National order, with the one
great battle cry of co-operation as the
universal principal upon which all
could unite. Co-operation in its broad
est sense, that is that we will assist
one another, that we will stand shoul
der to shoulder in bearing the crosses
and burdens of life, tnat we will intel
ligently pull together in everything,
in buying and selling, in producing
and consuming.
There is a necessity for enlightened
co-operation in everything ; leaving
local issues for local or State Alliances
to settle. The necessity for the exten
sion of the work lay in the fact that
other States were in as bad a con
dition as Texas and Louisiana, and
that as the interests of the cotton pro
ducer were identical, and the evils
from which they were suffering gen
erally, the greatest good could not be
effected without uniting the whole
cotton belt. It was necessary to the
local business experiments already
commenced, that they be made gen
eral and be participated in by all of
our class, in order that they prove a
greater success. Single towns or
counties could not inaugurate a move
that would affect the cotton business
much, and a whole State could not
accomplish as much acting alone as it
could in conjunction with the other
ten. It will be seen then that in the
organization of this National Associa
tion, the object was to organize the
agriculturists of the cotton belt for
business purposes ; and that purpose
has been carried out, and has been
found to give sufficient scope to the
ability of all, and that the dissentions
spoken of in the early history of the
order, in regard to politics and other
subjects have entirely died out, and
given place to an enlightened effort to
accomplish something grand a busi
ness organization.
If we look back through the history
of this and other countries, we will
see that some branches of industry
have always been knocking at the
doors of legislation, and when weak,
begging for class laws that would as
sist their business efforts; if they were
strong, they would either demand or
buy such favors ; but in either case
they have too often been successful.
It is proverbial that the other two
great classes of production, the manu
facturing and the commercial, which
includes railroads and transportation
lines, have been largely built up to
their present condition of wealth and
prosperity by government favors and
assistance. Now if this be true, at
whose expense 'has the government
done this, as there are only three
classes of producers? It must evi
dently have been at the expense of
the third class, which is the great
agricultural. The agricultural class
then, has not only received no govern
ment favors, but has been bled to en
rich other classes. This is now fully
realized, and is productive of a deter
mination on the part of our people to
submit to such wrongs no longer. But
in spite of the necessity for action,
many of them realize, and those who
do not should be taught a lesson by
those who have been successful in
procuring favorable legislation. They
do not organize a new political party
to carry out their plans, they call upon
the government to correct the evils, or
provide protection as the case may be.
It is realized that class legislation is a
great evil, because it builds up two
classes at the expense of the third.
Then either let the third class be the
recipient, or do away with class legis-
lation. If a party was organized for
that purpose, the party would die
when that purpose was accomplished.
Under our system of government, we
should not resort to a new political
movement to carry out every reform
necessary. We have the two great
principles and conceptions of the
genius of our institutions as contended
for by John Adams and Thomas Jef
ferson, as a basis for a division into
two great political parties, that should
suffice; let every one carry his ideas
of reform to the party to which he be
longs from principle. And as the ag
riculturists comprise a large majority
of all the voters, he will necessarily
comprise a majority in each party.
But his greatest influence in politics
can be brought to bear, not at the
hustings, but in the halls of legislation,
by the proper and judicious exercise
of the right of petition. There they
step forward as Alliance men strong,
and united, and demand that the gov
ernment redress wrongs committed
by it, but in partisan politics, the
members of our order should partici
pate, not as Alliance men, but as citi
zens; because politics is for the citi
zens. Let the Alliance be a business
organization for business purposes, and
as such necessarily secret, and as
secret necessarily 'strictly non-political.
This is somewhat of a digression but
is made in order to show the ideas
that were entertained at the time this
National Association was launohed
forth on the sea of experiment as a
business organization of the farmers
of the cotton belt. The plan on which
organization has been effected is to
some extent new, and while it perhaps
contains nothing original, it is experi
mental, in that it combines the features
of several different systems. Being a
secret organization, it is necessarily to
some extent like the father of all
secret organizations, monarchical in
form; but being a chartered associa
tion, under the law of our country for
business purposes, and being composed
of a people who. are familiar with, and
devoted to a republican form of gov
ernment, its written law is in conform
ity to that system. You will there
fore find in the construction of a code
of statutory law that you must pro
vide for a membership who occupy a
qual relation to the order, that is, the
constitution is the written organic
law, and outlines a republican form of
government. The secret work is the
unwritten organic law, and is co-ordinate
with the written, and outlines a
limited monarchy. By keeping these
ideas in view, you will avoid confusion,
and will find questions of law much
easier of solution.
It is a great pleasure to be able to
congratulate you on the rapid exten
tion of the work under the plan out
lined. There are now State organiza
tions in States, and in many States
the work is progressing in a very satis
factory manner, as the report of the
secretary will show. The plan of
organization seems to meet the neces
sities, with perhaps a few modifica
tions. There appears to be no promi
nent defects in the plan as a National
enterprise, and as complete jurisdic
tion is surrendered to the State Alli
ances when organized, it. rests with
them to make laws to meet locaf con
ditions. There is a feature of the
Alliance that is very important, and
has always been a part of the unwrit
ten work, that it might perhaps be
well to introduce some laws and regu
lations in the written work, in order
that it may be more universally, un
derstood. That is the trade system,
and the co-operative efforts being
made to act in harmony in the sale of
products and purchase of commodities.
On the success of this feature much of
the prosperity of the order depends ;
hence some general laws and recom
mendations should be in print, in plain
and easy-to-be-understood language, so
that all may understand, and tend to
wards one and the same object. Much
might be said as to the future of this
great movement, and still it is all ex
pressed in the single sentence, "There
is no limit to the possibilities." How
ever, I call your attention to the fact
that our people, owing to -money pres
sure, and the fact that cotton is our
great money crop, are disposed to rely
too much on it, and purchase many
things that should be produced at
home ; therefore this body should
strongly recommend more diversity of
farming, to the end-that our people
become self-sustaining, and therefore
less dependent.
State Alliances should be called upon
to take steps to assist their members
in procuring the facilities for. diversi
fying their products, and to assist them
in the sale of their surplus; and, fur
ther, these States raise 7,500,000 bales
of cotton yearly; a little , over two
thirds of this enormous crop is sold in
Europe, and the price not only fn
that, but for all that is used in Am
xo iiacu iu vrieai, uritian, and vet
our, government does not allow one
yard of cotton cloth imported without
a tax of about 60 per cent, of its value
This enables American spinners to un
dersell the British looms, and prevents
the importation of British cloth but
does not prevent British spinners from
discriminating against American cot
ton in every conceivable manner, and
in constantly crowding the price of
the staple down, so as to enable them
to compete with the American spinner
The condition simply is, that the
British spinner fixes the price on every
pound of cotton raised, and the effect
of our laws is to make him virtuallv
interested in reducing the price of our
cotton. Were it not for this tariff-la
discrimination against him by an od
valorem tax, he would as soon see cot
ton hight as low; and would, perhaps
prefer it high. '
Our people occupy the ridiculous
position of not only paying the New
Englaud spinner about 50 per cent,
more for the cotton cloth than it is
worth, but they, by submitting to that
law, allow conditions that very nat
urally reduce the price of every pound
of cotton they raise.
It is not claimed that as cotton plan
ters and Alliance men we should de
mand the abolition of all tariff, that
would "not be our province in that ca
pacity. We may do that as citizens,
if we choose, but as cotton raisers and
an Alliance business organization, we
have a right to demand the correc
tion of evils that afflict and sap the
very life blood from our business.
Merchants, bankers, insurance men
and all others do the same. But in so
doing we should be careful that we do
not inflict wrongs on others, or on
other interests.
It is claimed by many intelligent
and honest thinkers, that if we reduce
the tariff on manufactured cotton
goods, that we would ruin American
manufacturing; and we might with
propriety reply, which is the most es
sential, that the few American facto
tories keep on paying a dividend, of
from 20 to 45 per cent, and that the
many farmers become tenants, serfs
and slaves, or that the manufacturer
be placed upon a level with the agri
culturalist, and that each be allowed
the fruits of his own labor and a fair
interest on the money invested ? But
our object is not to show the effect
that a reduction of the cotton tariff
would have on the mills. In the first
place there is no surplus of cotton
raised in the world, and this is proven
by the fact that there is no accumula
tion of it. Now it is that the old doc
trine of price being regulated by de
mand and supply holds good in this
instance, but in a country where every
seventh person is either a pauper or is
the recipient of public charity in some
shape, the demand is very materially
modified by the ability to purchase;
and that whenever the ability to pur
chase is enhanced, the demand will be
very materially increased.
Now, if by reducing the tariff, Eng
lish cotton goods were introduced
cheaper, goods would increase, the
ability to purchase and the incresed
demand would act upon the limited
cotton supply by increasing the price
of the raw cotton, which would in turn
again raise the price of the cloth to its
present price, or, perhaps, higher, and
still keep up the increased ability to
purchase by the increased amount of
money put in circulation by the cotton
producers, who would be receiving an
increased price for his cotton. There
fore, the result would be not to lessen
the price of cotton goods, but to in
crease the price of raw cotton ; and it
is held that the increased demand, as
far as justice is necessary, compensate
the mills for the loss of profit.
In conclusion, it is hereby recom
mended, that this body formulate
some plan of universal co-operation
among our people, whereby each Sub,
County and State Alliance shall have
an agent, and that the National agent
be chairman of a board composed of
the different State agents, and that a
system be established for conducting
the production and disposition of the
cotton crop. Such a board could
have accurate and reliable information
every month as to the condition of the
crop in every neighborhood in the
eleven Southern States. They could
negotiate and consummate arrange
ments tending to an increased price,
and should all negotiations prove oi
non effect, they could adopt a grad
uated ' scale for the reduction of ylG
cotton crop, which would be an injus
tice to none. This plan is simply
offered as a suggestion, and it is hope
that something of this character wu
hfi Wanted. C. W. Macune.
r.
To be continued next weecj
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