THE INDUSTRIAL AND EDUCATIONAL INTERESTS OF OUR FEOPLE PARAMOUNT TO ALL OTHER CONSIDERATIONS OF STATE POLICY.
9:
RALEIG-H, N. C, MARCH 25, 1890.
Vol. 5.
No. 7
IP
THE NATIONAL FARMERS AL
LIANCE AND INDUSTRIAL
UNION.
PreiW.t L. L. Polk, North Carolina.
Address, 'AG & St., K ft, WashiDgton,
D. C.
Vice-Pi esident B. H. Clover, Cain
bridge, Kar.sas.
Sec: .-tary J. H. Turner, Georgia. Ad
dress 010 E. St., N. W, Washington,
D. C.
Treasurer W. H. Hickman, Puxico,
Missouri.
Lecturer Ben Terrell, Texas.
EXECUTIVE BOARD.
C. W. Macune, Washington, D. C.
Alonzo Wardall, Huron, South Dakota.
J. F. Tillman, Palmetto, Tennessee.
JUDICIARY.
R. C. Patty, Macon, Mississippi.
Isaac McCracken, Ozone, Arkansas.
Evan Jones, Dublin, Texas.
ROATC CAIOMXA FARMERS' STATE ALLIANCE.
Prcsidciit Elias Carr, Old Sparta, -J.C.
Vice-President A. H. Hayes, Bird
town, N. 0.
Ster-rtarv E. C. Beddingfield, Raleigh,
N. 6.
Treasurer J. D. Allen, Falls, N. C.
Lecturer Thos. B. Long, Asheville,
N. C.
Assistant Lecturer R. B. Hunter, Char
lotte, N. C.
Chaplain J. J. Scott, Alfordsville,
N. C.
Doc- Keeper W. H. Tomlinson, Fay
etteville, N. C.
Assistant Door Keeper H..E. King,
Peanut, N. C.
Serreant-at-Arms J. S. Holt, Chalk
LevefN. C.
State Business Agent W. H. Worth,
Raleigh, N. C.
Trustee Business Agency Fund W. A.
Graham, Machpelah, N. C.
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE NORTH CARO
LINA FARMERS' STATE ALLIANCE.
S. B. Alexander, Charlotte, N. C,
Chair uan; J. M. Mewborne, Kinston N.
C; J. S. Johnston, Ruffin, N. C.
NUTS TO CRACK AT THE FARM
ERS' FIRESIDE.
The difference in the price of pro
duce in the West and the price in
New York or Baltimore would build
and equip a railroad across the con
tinent every year. Banner.
If Kansas farmers enjoy the present
high tariff, let them continue to roll
up their S2, 000 majority. High priced
iron and lumber and low priced corn
is what it gives them. Kirwin Inde-
What is the difference between the
Lower House of Congress and our
public school? In our school it is
nothing but read and write. In Con
gress it is all Reed and wrong Che
topa Democrat.
A Missouri newspaper, commenting
on a ball given in New York which
cost $50,000, exclaims: " On with
the dance; let joy be unconfined; two
hundred and ninety thousand bushels
of corn will pay the bill."
The American laborer must make
up his mind henceforth not to be bet
ter oil than the European laborer.
Men must be contented to work for
less wages. In this way the working
man will be nearer to that station in
life to which it has pleased God to call
him. New York World.
In the year of our Lord 1889, the
United Kingdom of Great Britain re
ceived imports of goods and products
in excess of goods and products ex
ported to the amount of five hundred
and fifty-five million dollars. What
did it pay for this excess ? Money ?
Oh, no. Coupons. Interest receipts.
Is it any wonder England favors the
gold low price standard ? If the
money volume in the debtor nations
were double England would get but
half as much property as it does now
for the same sum. Missouri World.
Between 1860 and 1880, notwith
standing we had a fearful and most
destructive war, the nation gained in
wealth nearly 100 per cent.
The reason?
People had much paper money and
excange was comparatively free.
And mind you, during this time
gold and silver were hidden away and
had nothing to do with commercial
transactions.
Great Heaven! will people never
get their eyes open? Kansas Com.
moner.
We want it distinctly understood
that The loiter has no fight to make
as between Democrats and Republi
cans, but we shall oppose any man in
either party, before nominations are
made, who is an enemy to our order
I or the principles of justice our people
are contending for, and no amount of
abuse from a subsidized press will de
ter or intimidate us in the least.
loiter.
And we want it distinctly under
stood that The Advocate will continue
to oppose any man in either party offer
the nominations are made as well as he
fore, "who is an enemy to our order
or to the principles of justice our peo
people are contending for." Why
stop when the nominations are made?
If either or both of the parties place
men of the character named in nomi
nation, the fight should be increased
rather than abated,- and there should
be no let up until all such men are
sunk into everlasting oblivion. In the
name of high heaven let us have a
little consistency in our political sug
gestions. Kansas Advocate.
The colony of Victoria, in Australia,
owns its railroads, its postoffices, its
telegraph lines and its express fran
chises. It works all these at a profit
to the State. It3 profits from railroads
last year were $16,000,000 and from
its postal service, telegraph and ex
press business $1,140,000. Its surplus
on last year's transactions of railroads,
postoffices, telegraph and express
offices was $34,400,000. Victoria has
a debt of $1 65000,000, but as all of
this was contracted in building rail
roads, waterworks, etc., which pay a
handsome profit, the colony is not
worrying over its indebtedness. It is
about the. size of Kansas and has the
same population. National Advocate.
There is a growing sentiment in
favor of government ownership or
control of railroads. Those who are
most responsible for that sentiment,
are the railroad managers themselves.
Railroads are public necessities and
should be run in the interes of the
public. When it costs $173 to move
$93 worth of corn from Illinois to
Michigan, it is argument furnished by
the railroad for government owner
ship. When one man can buy a link
of railroad, 45 miles in length, in
Michigan, for $650,000 and thus con
trol the freight rates of the State, and
in 60 days put that money back in his
pocket, out of Michigan industry, it is
another argument for nationalizing
the railroads. Alliance Sentinel.
Senator Plumb, of Kansas, has in
troduced a bill providing for the
propagation of the American buffalo.
The bill donates a strip of land and
the usual amount of money, etc., etc.
Now, if there is anything of a legis
lative character that would aid in
paying off the mortgages from Kan
sas farms, it would bo a national herd
of fat, slick buffaloes. If anything
would give courage to men who pass
the long winter evenings reading by
the light of a roaring corn fire, the
beautiful and soul-inspiring provisions
of a Kansas land mortgage, it would
be the knowledge that the American
bison would not become extinct. Let
the bill pass at once; it bears directly
upon the cause of all our troubles.
Kansas Economist.
The average circulation of bank
notes for the past twenty years, has
been about $300,000,000. The inter
est rated at 10 per cent, would be
$30,000,000 per annum, making a
total of $600,000,000 paid by the peo
ple in the last 20 years to national
banks in interest for the same money
that the government lends to the
banks at one per cent., leaving a profit
of $540,000,000 in the hands of
banks, practically a free gift of the
government from the hard earnings
of the people.
Labors Tribune, (Carthage, Mo.) im
proves as the weeks pass. It reports
and comments:
It is an actual fact that cattle are
selling in Cherokee county, Kansas,
at one cent a pound. Just think of a
1,000 pound cow selling for $10!
How does this strike you, farmers ?
You could have sold these same cows
in 1866 for $50 to $60. Feeders in
Kansas say they can not pay over six
cents a bushel for corn and feed to
cattle at the present prices they are
getting for them. Is it not about time
you were doing a little thinking for
yourself, if you have not heretofore
done so ? Ihe Alliance Sentinel.
WHY HESITATE OR WAIT?
Why hesitate or wait ? We have
silver enough and gold enough and
nickel enough and copper enough and
paper enough for all the purposes of
money. The people are waiting for
its issue. Let Congress give heed to
these facts, and not worry them with
unnecessary delay. Hurry up and
strike for money while the iron is hot.
The money metals are all ready.
Gather them up and send them jing
ling through the marts of trade and
down the corridors of time. Scatter
the silver certificates, like olive leaves,
broadcast. Like oil, they will give
health and comfort to the people in
whose hands they will fall. The
National View.
LETTER FROM FARMER'S A
WIFE.
Perquimans, Co., N. C, March 5, '90.
Mr. Editor: After quite a while
spent in silence, we again knock at
the door for admittance. The weather
has been open and warm all winter,
and our farmers have been taking ad
vantage of it. They are preparing
for a crop in real earnest. They have
broken up land, mended fences, made
compost, and some of them have been
ditching. Well, it is good to be in
time about everything, so we will say
" hurrah for the farmers of old Per
quimans, and three cheers for them
the world over !" for they are waking
up to their own interest and are going
to stand up to their own, and demand
their rights. There has been so much
said about hard times, that I am al
most ashamed of the words, but we
must not complain, but be thankful
to the Giver of all, that we are no
worse off than we are. Some of us,
it is true, could not pay up last year,
for two reasons: First, we did not
raise much to sell; and second, we
could not get anything for what we
did have to spare. " Every cloud has
a silvery lining," and there is a brighter
side in the future that will certainly
be turned toward us, the poor down
trodden sons and daughters of the
tillers of the soil.
I read " Old Fogy's " reply to " A
Unit," and think it a grand piece. By
the way, who is he, any way ? I
should like to take a peep at him.
Sisters, what are you doing ? I
don't believe you are asleep, for farm
ers' wives and daughters don't get
time to sleep as much as they ought
to, at least I don't, I am sure. There
is work for us to do, and we shall not
be found wanting. We can help in
many ways, and we must do it.
Success to The Progressive Farmer
and its noble editor.
Yours fraternally,
Mrs. M. C. Carver, Cor. Sec'y.
WHICH IS BESTr"
A problem that is rapidly forcing
itself upon the attention of the Ameri
can people is whether corporations
shall carry on the commercial trans
actions, including transportation as
well as all other ramifications of busi
ness life, or whether the governmeat
shall gradually assume control and
absorb the functions that are now car
ried on by corporate s and are daily
more and more passing into the con
trol and management of incorporated
companies.
Thomas W. Higginson in the Nation
says: "There are a good many per
sons, I take it, who have reached just
this point of conviction namely, to
hold that, if the government carries
on the postoflfice fairly well, as it cer
tainly does, it may well undertake the
telegraph also, as in England ; that if
it can conduct a bankrupt railroad,
through a "receiver," it could also
carry on a successful one; that if a
city can supply its inhabitants with
water, it might as well try the experi
ment of supplying them with gas.
How far this tendency is to go, such
persons do not undertake to say and
here stop short of Mr. Bellamy and
his thorough supporters; but in the
meantime they are willing and glad to
put themselves on record as looking
in that same direction. They find
themselves confronted with a situation
which has nowhere been better stated
than by a strong opponent of State
socialism, Prof. A. T. Hadley, of Yale
University. He says in the Political
Science Quarterly for December, 1888:
" Modern life demands organized busi
ness action. There are two great
organizations, either one of which can
manage it organized capital, or or
ganized government." It this be the
real alternative, there certainly is an in
creasing number of persons who
would prefer to trust the government.
This is, at any rate, the present
writer's inclination.
In the consideration of this ques
tion there are salient and important
points to consider. While Mr. Hig
ginson emphatically places himself on
record as in favor of government con
trol, and perhaps the majority of the
thinking, reasoning people will coin
cide with him in the opinion, quite a
large number will take the other view,
claiming that the State lacks the per
sonal individuality incentive that still
attaches to the corporation, no matter
how large its numbers, power and in
fluence; also, that the State at best is
but inefficiently managed.
On the other hand the advocites of
S ate control show the immense dan
ger arising from the power of corpor
ations, centered in the real individual
continuity of management, and pos
sessing all the selfish greed that can
be developed in an individual, while
it cannot exert any of the generous
and charitable instincts and practices
that frequently rule even in the most
wealthy individvals. While in the
State, even with the corruption that is
said to adhere thereto, the elements
of continuous individual control can
not exist in our government, and the
selfishness akin to individual greeting
cannot rule, and as for the inefficiency
of State management it is largely the
bug-a-boo of political place seekers,
being their only shouting capital to
use for personal advancement, for the
government affairs are as skillfully
carried on as any private or corporate
affairs, the grumblers to the contrary,
notwithstanding. Then to the en
largement and extension of govern
ment business would naturally create
a closer and more systematic adminis
tration of its affairs.
By close inspection of the sources
ot argument pro and con it will be
found that for government control
originates from persons allied and in
sympathy with the people, while thote
against government control and in
favor of corporate management exclu
sively, are from per sons whose interest
and sympathies are predominated by
the corporate and money powers of
the land.
The question has many phases;
however, and requires careful study
and consideration, and movements for
or against should be carefully weighed
and judged before they are advocated
or entered into. Farmers1 friend and
Orange Advocate.
DEACON SMITH'S PROTEC TED
? RAM.
Near the town of O, in the State of
Ohio, lives old Deacon Smith and his
wife Betsy on a fifty acre farm. It
was a great grief to them when their
only child went to the city to work,
but the land was too poor to support
all three, and John always eat
ThanHgiviPf '1l.02 at ul .uC. L.-t-June
w.-" the, deacon sheared his pet
ram he put by the twelve pounds of
fleece, thinking to buy John a suit of
Sunday clothes. A little later a
wool-buyer from Massachusetts pur
chased the fleece, making a deduction
of one-third, however, for grease, so
that the deacon only received $2.40
for his wool. The wool-buyer took
his purchase home with him and, ad
ding two pounds of cotton at 8 cents
per pound, for lining and wadding,
he had the raw material for a com
plete suit of clothes into which it was
accordingly made, and in the autumn
returned in its new form to the cloth
ing store at C.
The day after Thanksgiving the
deacon and John started for the town,
taking with them the farm produce,
for which the following prices were
obtained :
25 bushels oats, at 21c $5.25
7 babhele wheat, at 78c 5.46
65 pounds beef hide, at 2c 1.30
140 pound quarter beef , at 5c 7 00
3 dozen eegts, at 13c per dozen 39
5 pounds batter, at 14c. per pound 70
Adding to this the $2.40 he had got
for the fleece and carefully saved, the
deacon walked into the clothing store
with $22.50 in his pocketbook, enough
he imagined to buy a suit of clothes
and pay his taxes. But clothing was
higher than he thought. The price
of an imported suit was the amount
contained in his pocketbook, and a
similar grade of American goods cost
exactly the same. "It is the duty that
makes goods so high," remarked the
clothier. 44 But Mr. McKinley told us
last fall that the consumer did not pay
the duty," objected the deacon. The
stoorekeeper smiled and the deacon
bought the suit, planning to pay his
half-yearly tax of 17 50 by cutting
thirty-five cords of wo.d. So chat all
the old man and Betsy have to winter
on is McKinley's speeches, and there
was more heat in them just before
election than is to be found in mid
winter. Truly
American farmers are slaves,
American mill-men are knaves;
And politicians don't caie a
For Deacon Smith's protected ram.
Rail Fence.
When the masses of labor come to
understand the value of an economic
education, we will hear no more
wrangles about the relative value of
parties and candidates ! Officers-elect,
no matter who they are, will know
what will be expected of them. The
yrea t work of the hour in which in
telligent labor should engage is to
educate the public mind on economic
questions; point out the errors of the
present system and unite with all who
are willing to substitute a better.
Labor must appeal to the virtue and
intelligence of the .people and not to
their vices and their ignorance. In
dustrial Age, Minn.')
SUB-TREASURY BILL.
The Farmers' Alliance Method of Deal
ing With Public Questions.
l Old Fogy " in the Wabbicyton Post.
Editor Post: There is at present
very much talk and discussion over a
bill recently introduced in the United
States Senate by Senator Vance, from
North Carolina, and known as the
sub treasury bill. For introducing
this bill by request the distinguished
Senator has been unkindly criticised
by some and highly complimented by
others. The environ uients of those
who have written and spoken on the
subject have had very much to do
with their conclusions. Newspapers,
deriving their support from railroads,
bankers and merchants, whose inter
ests center in towns and cities, natur
ally sympathize with those from whom
their support directly comes. On the
oiher hand, papers that derive their
support from the agricultural classes
have long known the oppressed and
deplorable condition of the tiller of
the soil; and they gladly give their
support to a measure that they honest
ly believe will benefit the farmer.
There are exceptions to both classes.
We know of newspapers published in
country towns that oppose the sub
treasury bill because they do not think
it a wise one, and on the contrary we
know city papers that will defend it
when convinced that it is a wise and
safe measure. Let us then, without
prejudice against the bill, or sympathy
for it, analyze the bill.
Briefly, the bill proposes to allow
the producer to place in warehouses,
to be erected or owned by the govern
ment, the products of the soil such
products as all must have such
products as are annually exported.
It further proposes that the govern
ernment shall advance to the producer
80 per cent, of the locil values of the
products warehoused, and that the
producers may retain ownership for
any term less than one year, and that
the government shall charge for such
servu enough to cover cost of in
surance, handling, etc., and 1 percent,
oa the 8( pr cent, of the values ad
vanced.
The objections against the bi.11 ar,
first, that it is a new or "M
scheme, and that it visionary,
is the product of "liay seeders," w '
are not accustomed to finance or legis
lation. When Fulton proposed 1 'to
navigate the rivers with a steamboat"
similar objections were raised. When
Harvey discovered the circulation of
the blood no respectable physician
over forty years of age accepted the
discovery as a fact.
'This is equally true of telegraphy
and many other innovations in ideas
prevailing at the time an important
discovery is made. So that if these
objections were founded in fact
they would prove nothing. But
when it is known that they are
founded in ignorance of historical
facts, then these objections appear
ridiculous, and those who pose as en
cyclopedias of political knowledge
must feel that at least one volume of
facts, if swallowed, was not digested.
Joseph, the secretary of state for
Pharoh, established warehouses in
the cities against the time of need.
In 1763, Frederic II, of Prassia,
opened the government warehouses
for his people. He loaned money to
the government, and the beneficial re
sults are known to ali students of his
tory. In 1848, the French Republic was
forced to adopt a system of warehouses
similar to the plan in the bill intro
duced by Senator Vance.
The warehousing of products en
abled France to pay the indemnity
forced by the Germans, and gave
France the financial prosperity that is
hers to day.
The French plan is just the reverse
of the English. They protect the
poor, they encourage small holdings,
and fewer French leave their country
than any other nationality.
The "national monte de piedad" of
Mexico is a modified form of the
French plan for the benefit of those
needing loans. If those who are so
anxious to condemn this bill will ex
amine the facts they will at least save
themselves from appearing rediculous.
The second objection urged is the
cost of the warehouses. To this we
reply, that the people who pay a large
per cent, of the taxes of the country
are asking for it. The farmer and
laborer furnish a large per cent, of
the defender? of our country they are
asking for it.
Congress has appropriated from
1882 to lSb9, $S2,000,000 for improv
ing creeks, rivers and harbors. It has
appropria ed in the same time as much
for Indian service as we ask for to
build the warehouses. It has appro
priated Lr the District of Columbia
alone in ten years as much ms the
warehouses will cost. It gave the Pa
cific Railroad an empire of land, and
appropriated more money icr the
railroad referred to than it would cost
to build the warehouses.
Congress by law has collected in
forms of tax from the people and paid
in interest for these Pacific railroads
thirty millions more than we ask for.
We have collected from the people
in ten years, as shown by the treas
urer's report, over $2,000,000,000 in
the tariff tax; we have collected from
the people in ten years twelve hundred
millions in internal revenue, and sure
ly the farmers have paid some little of
this enormous tax. Now we certainly
think we are entitled to some consid
eration. We ask a respectful hearing,
and really think if the principle of
"the greatest good to the greatest
number " is not obsolete, that if we
can prove in Congress our system to
be a good one, we are entitled to the
expense without further argument in
that line. There is no good reason
why the "bed rock" of our country
should Ve ignored.
Third. It is said by others that this
is paternalism. Is it paternalism for
us to be provident ? Is it not wise to
prepare lor emergencies ? Is it more
paternal to issue money on products
of value than to issue to banks on
evidences of debt ? Is it more pater
nal for the government to look after
food products than to look after whis
ky in warehouses? Is it more paternal
to aid the farmer than it is to aid the
manufacturer? Is it more paternal
to aid the farmer than to aid the Pa
cific railroads? If so call it paternal
ism and make the most of it.
Other plans are being offered.
Show us a better plan and we will
adopt it. We want relief and want it
quickly. Most important of these is
the plan for loaning money on land.
We canvassed that plan in our conven
tion in St. Louis. It was found that
a large per cent, of the farmers in the
South (mainly colored) and a very
large per cent, in the North and West
were renters and croppers, and if
money was loaned on real property it
would exclude those that were too
poor to own farms of their own from
'he benefits of a low rate of interest.
The Alliance seeks to extend to the
lest toiler the same advantages
ii offers the largest planter. Jf
proics : Politicians would L us
alone Wt V:
' j .Luiuce. wci
quickly settle tt race question. The
Alliance has already done more for
the colored man than all Congression
al legislation from 1870 until now.
Again, it was said " that if money
was issued on lands that much of it
would go into the hands of the large
holder, and that if those who were al
ready in debt were desirous of availing
themselves of the privilege they could
not do so, for the government could
not accept property as security that
was not free from all forms of liens
against it. Again, if a land-owner
was in debt and the debts were due,
there would be foreclosures on the
part of the money-loaners with the
view of getting the lands in at low
rates, when there was a certainty that
they could borrow utoney of the gov
ernment on them at one per cent.
Again, this would not give us a flexi
ble volume of currency, which we
claim is desirable. The press dis
patches in reference to the California
Senator's resolutions say that bankers
are flooding the Senator with tele
grams, saying: "This plan of yours
would ruin banking."
Shall farmers be ruined to make
the bankers prosperous ? Is that to
be the issue? Is it wrong to issue
money on produce or lands and right
to issue it to bankers at one per cent.,
and athen loan millions more on no
per cent, at all ? Will you please tell
us if our plan is not wise what the
present plan is like unto ?
Old Fogy.
Washington, March 12.
HOW SHE WON HIM.
" How did I come to fancy my
wife ?" repeated an old gentleman, one
of the successful men of his 2ge, whose
wife was noted rather for her domes
tic virtues than social qualities. "Why.
I saw her sewing, busy mending ana
repairing the clothes of her little
brother. I haa been meeting society
girls, who sat idle and listless, or who
stared hard at me, bt I never felt
drawn to them. When I saw Lucy
bending gracefully over a bit of plain
sewing and repairing rents and sewing
on buttons I thought of wl at she
would be in her own home. It made
me wish to hive her in mine. I knew
she would make a good wife, and she
has.