THE INDUSTRIAL AND EDUCATIONAL INTERESTS OF OUR PEOPLE PARAMOUNT TO ALL OTHER CONSIDERATIONS OF STATE POLICY.
RALEIGH, N. O- SEPTEMBER 9, 1890
Vol. 5
No. 31
v
I
THE NATIONAL FARMERS' AL
LIANCE AND INDUSTRIAL
UNION.
President L. L. Polk, North Carolina.
Address, 511 9th St., N. vY., Washington,
Vice-President B. H. Clover, Cain
oridge, Kansas.
Secretary J. II. Turner, Georgia. Ad
dress, 511 9th St., N. W., Washington,
D. C. .
Treasurer W. H. Hickman, Puxico,
Missouri.
Lecturer Beu Terrell, Texas.
EXECUTIVE BOARD.
C. W. Macune, Washington, D. C.
Alonzo Wardall, Huron, South Dakota.
J. F. Tillman, Palmetto, Tennessee.
JUDICIARY.
R. C. Patty, Macon, Mississippi.
Isaac McCracken, Ozone, Arkansas.
Svan Jones, Dublin, Texas.
S ;?.TH CAROLINA FARMERS' STATE ALLIANCE.
President Elias Carr, Old Sparta, NT.O.
Vice-President A. H. Hayes, Bird--own,
N. C.
Secretary E. C. Beddingfield, Raleigh,
tf. C.
Treasurer J. D. Allen, Falls, N. C.
Lecturer Thos. B. Long, Asheville,
N. C.
Assistant Lecturer R. B. Hunter,
Huntersville, N. C.
Chaplain S. J. Veach, Warsaw, N C.
Door Keeper W. H. Tomlinson, Fay-
-.teville, N. C.
Assistant Door Keeper H.. E. King,
Peanut, N. C.
Sergeant-at-Arms J. S. Holt, Chalk
Level, N. C.
State Business Agent W. H. Worth,
Raleigh, N. C.
Trustee Business Agency Fund W. A.
Graham, Machpelah, N. C.
iXSCUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE NORTH CARO
LINA FARMERS' STATE ALLIANCE.
S. B. Alexander, Chariot' e? N. CM
OnairnanjJ. M. Mewborne, KinstonN.
0.: J. S. Johnston, Ruffin. .N. C.
VIEWS OF A PATRIOT
V STATESMAN.
AND
Not erf Us but With Us--A Friend of
the People.
Judge Norwood of Georgia, is one
of the purest men and one among the
most b-Iiliint statesmen of this coun
try, li ; represented that Site twice
in the Lower House of Congress and
once in the Senate. A man of broad
views, of eminent ability, of spotless
character and possessing a bold, manly
nature, free from selfishness, a true
friend of the people, he stands among
the foremost; of American statesmen.
He, like thousands of others, does not
and cannot oelong to the Alliance, but
his whole heart is with us. He is the
author of a most 'valuable and able
work: "Plutocracy; or, American
White Slavery," a book which every
Alliance man and patriotic citizen
should read. We give extracts from
an interview had with him by a cor
respondent of the Atlanta Constitution
showing what manner of man he is.
Oh! for more Norwoods in this day
of demagoguery and corruption and
of slavish servitude to the mandates
of corrupt money power ! Read and
digest:
'The telegram saying I have come
home to enter the race for the Senate,
was news to me. I have been in
Washington for nearly three months
on strictly professional and private
business giving no thought to State
politics and, yet, I was charged with
being in the race in this district, try
ing to defeat Lester.
" And now comes another report,
that I am running for the United
States Senate. This, also, is untrue.
I do not see, however, any sin in it,
if I am. The senatorship is not pri
yate property. I know no one so big
in this democratic country that it
would be impious or imprudent to op
pose him. There is no pre emption or
homestead on any office. All offices
are for the benefit of the holders of
them. And when the people act on
that rule, select only men who know
what to do, and have the courage to
ii That the people want defae, we
will have a true representative govern
ment. Electing men because they
have wealth, or because they are poor,
or are good fellows, or from any other
cause except abily, integrity and fit
ness for the place, is a travesty and
burlesque on representative govern
ment." As Mr. Norwood was inclined to
come to an untimely pause, he was
asked: "What do you say of this re
port that you are a candidate for the
feenate ?"
" I have already said it is news to
me, he answered. "I say more ex
plicitly, I am not. I prefer private
me. I hare tried both Houses of
Congress, and, left to my own choice,
1 would not re enter political life.
a He fcenate is not what it was fifty
forty, or even twenty years ago. It
is getting to be a banker's office, rail
road headquarters, millionaire's con
suiting chamber. I am told that
some men in it cannot write or spell
correctly. Money put them there.
So you see at once, the Senate suits
but two classes of men the wealthy,
who are independentof the salary, or
those who are not able to make, in
any business, as much as the salary.
I am not of the first class, and I hope
I am not of the second. Hence I say
that, as a matter of personal desire, I
prefer private life.,T
"But even after your letter appeared
in the Savannah News, some people
insisted you were a candidate, and
they say so now."
" My dear sir," continued the states
man affectionately, " who can prevent
politicians from preverting truth,
from distorting facts, from setting up
candidates in their imagination, just
to claim the credit of being the heroes
who defeated the imaginary opponent?
Don't you. remember the bully in
' Georgia Scenes ' who was surprised
by Juige Longstreet down on his
knees, swearing and bellowing, goug
ing his thumbs into the ground and
eternally damning the imaginary fel
low he was beating Wd gouging, and
who answered the Judge's question
by saying he ' was just seeing how he
mighter fit ?' Politics is full of just
such heroes. Some of them are in
this community. They are going
round snorting and swearing how
they laid me out in this campaign.
There are fifty of these sparrows who
killed Cock Robin with their bows
and arrows.
COLONEL NORWOOD AND THE ALLIANCE.
I requested permission to ask a di
rect question. uItseem3 " I started
to say something to keep up the con
versation, when the Senator inter
rupted :
" Understand me," he said. " I have
no desire to conceal anythiug relating
to public affairs. So go on."
1 then asked a home qus Aon the
circling lancet of inquiry was driven
into the statesman's breast.
"It seems that the bone of conten
tion in the election of a United States
Senator will be between the Alliance
and those opposed to them, or their
measures. Now, where do you stand
in that contest ?"
" If you wish an answer to that you
must give me space enough to answer
in my own way. I hope there is no
man, except the robber around, op
posed to the Alliance or their pur
poses. I consider the movement set
on foot by the Alliance as the grand
est since the Declaration of Indepen
dence, or the destruction of the Bastile
and the overthrow of the Bourbon
dynasty. This movement is a second
declaration of independence, and of
equal importance with the first. The
first was a protest against paying a
tax of a few pence on tea. The
second is resistance to the illegal tax
of hundreds of millions a year. The
first was resistance against paying an
unjust tribute to a king. The second
is against paying unjust bounties to a
rotten, moneyed aristocracy. The
first was against those who ruled by
divine right. The second against
those who rule by moneyed might.
The first was against usurpation. So
is the second. But I can stop to go
through the lis i of wrongs the Alliance
has rijen to redress.
u These wrongs must be enormous
and cruel to have stung to action the
class of society which has always
been the last to complain of grievances,
though they are the class upon which
the most and the worst burdens fell.
This movement is not for the benefit
of farmers only. It3 success will
benefit and bless the entire 64,000,000
"people and their prosperity. And I
am aware that the statesmen of the
country have not taken the Alliance
by the hand and cheered them on by
wise counsel and liberal support; for
if this organised effort to arrest the
concentration of all our wealth into a
few hands and the consequent com
plete centralization of all power in
the same hands shall fail, I see no
hope for the impoverished sixty odc
millions except in open revolution."
Questions were then fired rapidly
as the interviewer warmed up to his
work.
THE SUB-TREASURY ANALYZED.
" What do you think of the methods
by which the Alliance proposes to get
relief from their burdens ?"
There is the rub.' Itseem3tobe
the thing to do, to jump on the Sab
Treasury .bill. Did any great move
meat ever start out with everything
perfect? I do not believe that any
bill as important as this was ever
passed without amendment. But the
Alliance has been treated as if they
were children did not know what
they want and their bill as the off (
spring of stupidity. To my way of
thinking, this was not true statesman
ship nor patriotic.
" Tne Alliance is composed of the
staunchest patriots and best citizens
in this and in all counties, I mean the
agricultural class. They did most of
the fighting in '76 and 1861-65, North
and South. On their valor rests the
glory of our generals, whose names
fill the trump of fame, while the rank
and file remain unknown. They bear
the heaviest of taxation. They pro
duce our wealth. They have had a
fearful ' awakening by the pinch of
poverty and the sheriff's hammer.
They have organized for self protec
tion and the welfare of us all. Oat of
hundreds of thousands of voting men,
a select, intelligent body was sent to
St. Louis, Mo., and devised a plan for
relief. It has been treated as if the
production of a lunatic asylum. The
treatment of that bill, in my judg
ment, is unwise, impolite, unjust, un
statesman like and unpatriotic. It has
been laughed at and sneered at and
why ?
44 Pardon me for giving a brief
analysis of it. Its object is three fold
I. To relieve the farmers from being
forced to sell at the time and for the
price named by the purchaser. Is
not that result necessary to keep the
producers from rapidly approaching
bankruptcy ?
44 2. To prevent depreciation of
values by the arbitrary contraction of
the currency by Wall stree; and,
third, to increase the volume of the
currency.
44 Would noi the first benefit the
producers directly ? and would not
the second and third be a blessing to
the whole country except Wall
street ?
44 And yet the whole bill, framed by
men far above the average in intelli
gence and presented by hundreds of
thousands of suffering men and fami
Iks, u waved off with the back of the
hand, and the petitioners are informed
that they ask" for what they know
nothing about.
44 For instance, they are toll they
would become the prey of speculators.
That is not certain. It is a bare as
sumption. But, admit it, in the name
of mercy, are not the farmers already
the prey of speculators and mort
gagers ?
44 2. They are told that 80 per cent,
is too large an advance. That does
not give the merits of the question.
It is mere detail. If too much, that
per cent, can be reasonably reduced.
44 3. That it is unconstitutional to
elect warehouse keepers that they
must be appointed by the President.
Admit it. Would not the representa
tive recommend to the President the
man recommended by the depositors
of produce, and the President appoint
that man, just as postmasters are ap
pointed ?
44 4. The bill invokes governmental
paternalism. Well, grant it. What
has this government been for thirty
years but paternal in the most unjust
way ? Has it not been forcing its
sons, who are farmers, to deliver over
all their net earnings to their brothers
who own factories ? Can any pater
nal injustice outstrip that ? If pater
nalism is to continue, let all the chil
dren share alike.
44 But, that is perfectly absurd, im
possible, says the statesman. Suppose
it is, the best way to expose a bad
proposition is to show the reductio ad
absurdum. 4 The best way to get rid
of a bad law is to enforce it rigidly,'
said President Grant. The best way
to get rid of the paternalism of the
tariff, bounties, etc., is to insist on
universal paternalism, or no paternal
ism. If this bill involves paternalism,
then it or something as good is neces
sary to save the farmer-from ruin. It
deserves a. trial. If it is only evil,
discussion will show it. If good in
part and bad in part, discard the bad
and put something good in its place."
THE QUESTION OF CONSTITUTIONALITY.
44 Of all the objectors to this bill,
not one has stopped to frame a better.
They say it is unconstitutional. So
it is to hold negroes in slavery. Why?
Because the Constitution was amended
to prohibit slavery. So it is to deny
to negroes any political right enjoyed
by white citizens. Why ? Because
the Constitution was amended. If
the Constitution cam be amended
three times in three years to protect
5,000,000 negroes from slavery, can't
it be amended once in 100 years to
save 60,000,000 whites from slavery?
" 1 revere the Constitution as much
as aay one. The trouble is, we are
not living uader the Constitution, and
have not lived under it sinoe 1850.
The South stood by it stood firm for
strict construction. The North let
us have the Constitution ' and they
took money. Since the war the Sou h
has still contended for strict construe
tion. The Norh has sat in admira
tion of our innocent simplicy, approved
our rhetoric, smiled at our reverence
for waste paper, encouraged our hon
orable resolve not to touch a dollar
that we could not find named in the
Constitution, and said to us: 4 That
is perfectly beautiful ! Farmers
sliould stand by the Constitution !
Please hand over $47 of every $100
to foster our factories.'
ll So that the Sub Tra3ury bill be
unconstitutional, thai obstacle is easily
removed. That once sacred instru
ment must be amended in order to
more clearly define and restrict the
p wers of Congress. If not, Congress
will soon obliterate State lines and re
served rights."
THE ALLIANCE AND ITS DANGERS.
41 Do you think the Alliance will
hold together or go to pieces, like the
Grange ?"
44 A full answer to your question
would be lengthy too long; for in it
is involved the discussion of all in
ternal forces and weaknesses and ex
ternal assaults. I v.ish I had time to
give ray views on this point, for 1
would almost despair of relief from
present tyranny by the money power
should the Alliance go down in defeat.
But I shall not flatter them. I have
no favors to ask. What I say to
them is not inspired by the present. 1
am not a member of the Alliance
order, but was an Alliance man before
the organization was formed. 1 had
thought and felt so much on this sub
ject, on retiring from public life I
formulated my views in my book,
44 Plutocracy, American White Slav
ery," as a feeble picture of what now
exists, and a prediction of what is to
be. And my hope of peaceable deliv
erance for the wlfole country abides
with the Alliance.
44 But it is beset with dangers, more
within than without. It must con
quer as an army conquers by unity
of irpose, unity of acting; no di
vision, no straggling, no desertion,
no absence at roll call. It must put
no one in command who is not heart,
soul and mind in accord with its aims
no one in the remotest way in affili
a:ion or sympathy with the enemy;
no one unwilling to lead where the
majority directs. And (he rank and
file must-stand by their leaders."
THE MOVEMENT MUST BE NATIONAL.
44 The movement must be national.
If sectional, it is doomed. To be
national it must bury all past preju
dices. Are the men, North and South,
able to do that ? If not, union is im
possible, an 1 defeat and disaster cer
tain. Northern men say we of the
South cannot conquer our prejudices.
This is to be disproved or affirmed by
the action of the Southern Alliances.
44 The eternal danger lies in the in
sidious assaults that the money-power
will make oh it in a hundred ways.
One is by inducing the Alliance to
select leaders all over the country
who are weak in will, needy in purse,
and can be controlled and made to
4 bark with the hounds while running
with the hare.' The Alliance will
have to beware of 4 sympathizers '
The Alliance needs supporters, advo
cates, bold, outspoken friends not
sympathizers. But 1 must stop, I
have said enough, but not a tenth part
that I would say."
To the last question, 44 Do you in
tend to make any speeches ?" Mr.
Norwood answered, as he snapped his
valise and strapped it to the fourth
hole. 44 Speeches! What for ? If the
people don't know- what they want, I
cannot instruct them. If they do
know i-nd I am sure they do speak
ing is unnecessary. The chief issue
before the people of Georgia is her
representation in the United States
Senate for the next six years, and that
issue requires no discussion, especially
as there is, so far as I know, but one
candidate f or the office."
BRO. MERCER A T COINJOCK.
Coinjock Alliance, No. 1,249.
Mr. Editor: Oar Alliance has been
aroused and warned of its duty by
our much esteemed brother, W. S.
Mercer. He delivered a lecture on
the 24th of July that would do any
man good to hear. After the lecture
he took us through the secret work
ings of the order in such a plain and
impressive manner that none could
fail to see and understand its impor
tance. He is the first and only one
thit has ever given us any instruc
tions since our Alliance was organ
ized. Yours fraternally,
J. F. Garvinton.
NUTS TO CRACK AT THE FARM
ER'S FIRESIDE
Press Opinions from Many Sources.
There is but one way for the farmer,
mechanic and laborer out of the many
troubles -and difficulties which now
harrass them on every side, and that
is, to stand firm and united in one
grand movement for G d and hu
manity. Union, Luray, Ya.
The farmers of South Carolina are
told by the politicians that Tillman
will ruiu the credit of the S ate, but
they are slow to believe that a man
who is a credit to a State will ruin the
credit of the Siae. They sy that
they "will k-ep one eye on him, any
way. Cott-m Plant.
The progressive man is sure to be
accused of incpnsistency. But the in
consistency of progress can only be
injurious to any individual. As well
might the tree be said to be in:on
sistent that produced leaves only last
year and leaves and fruit thi3 year, as
to say' that the man is inconsistent
whose increased knowledge of facts
causes him to change his methods of
thought and action Colorado Farnur.
In April last this writer served no
tice upon the papers opposed to the
organization of the farmers that if
taey were determined to measure
arms with the farmers ; if nothing but
a fight would satisfy them, the farm
ers would not evade the issue. It
occurs to us that said opposition papers
are welcome to ail advantage and
glory they have been able to extract
from the results of this quarrel of
their seeking. Cotton Plant.
Let the Alliance not grow discour
aged at defeats. Shoul i any of our
plans fail, let the forces only be drawn
off the field to reform for a new and
more determined attack on the strong
holds of monopoly. Victory will
come, but it will be after long and
hard fight. The work of the Alliance
has already born Iruit, and prospects
grow brighter all along the line Keep
up a campaign of education, co opera
tion and organization. Alliance Tec
sin.
The Farmer at School. If this
farmers' organiz itiorrshould accomp
lish nothing more, it his proved to be
one of the greatest schools of political
economy ever known, and is doing
more to set people to thinking for
themselves instead of allowing others
to think for them than any other so
ciety in existence. Go where you
may, you will find the masses talking
intelligently upon subjects that a few
years ago they were wholly ignorant
of. They -no longer look to party
bosses for their opinions, but study
for themselves Exchange.
We wish to say to the members of
the Alliance that when you see a man,
bobbing up with advice as to how the
order should be run on a political
standpoint and at the same time die
tating that the order should keep out
of politics, is proof that he is working
the wires for some purpose. Don't
be fooled on these pretending friends;
they are simply talking for a purpose
and that purpose will not promulgate
or help our order. When you come
across one of those self-constituted
advisors ' spot him and keep your
weather eye wide open. Luray Union.
The course of certain newspapers in
this Stite forced the Farmers' Asso
ciation into politics, to the undoing of
said papers. The same papers are
now pursuing the same course toward
the Alliance. They will not be aole
to force the Alliance into politics un
less such a course commends itself to
the cool judgment of the Order; but
the treatment the Order receives at
the hand 3 of those papers will solidify
the Alliance mind until it is imper
vious to all suggestion or criticism
from the-se sources. We can stand
that sort of warfare if thr-y can.
Cotton Plant.
----
LETTER FROM FLORIDA.
Fruitland Park, Fla., Aug. 2 1, '90.
Mr. Editor: Allow me to offer a
few suggestions to my brother Alii
ance men through the columns of your
paper, in the following manner: He
peating the oft-repeated declaration
that what the farmers of old North
Carolina need most is a renumerative
market, instead of protection. I have
proclaimed for years that with such
she could and would produce soon ten
times as much as she now does. We
have all the protection, such as it is,
and more than we need. I have
claimed, a'so, that Florida was an in
viting field to cultivate as a market
for many of our products, before I
came here to see, and now am better
satisfied, after having spent nearly two
years at many different portions of
the State, that such is the case.
Much of the tobacco used here bears
the North Carolina Vand and is pur
chased in Nev York. Many of the
cigars used there a e purchased in New
York, but made here So much for
our product alone ! Florida can use,
jiud would, a large amount of the sur
p'us fruits of summer, such as peaches
and apples, at more than satisfactory
prices Poultry and eggs, Carolina
bacon and sausage, panats tnd pota
tots, rice, &c. And last, 'nut perhaps
not least, Carolina liquors Ho vever,
the last it would be good, perhips, if
it could be ieft out, as nearly as pos
sible, of the commerce of a civilized
people; but it is no use dtnyirg the
lac!, ihat there is a demand for it to
some considerable extent. Then the
question arises, how could such a re
lationship be brought about to secure
Florida3' patronage ? I answer very
easily, in my humble opinion, by or
ganizing a transportation and trading
company. Pla a sea-worthy mer
chant man in a weekly line from Wil
mington to Jo,x and up the great St.
Johns to Sanford, which would touch
the principle central business points
of peninsular Florida, and by placing
freight and passenger rates at a very
reasonable rate and buying Florida
serai tropical fruits to take back. Such
a scheme, would be so much appre
ciated, in my judgment, that it would
soon take tri weekly trips to supply the
growing demand, and it is only 24 to
30 hours from Jax to Wilmington,
and about 12 to 20 from Jax to San
ford, where, as now, owing to so many
connecting freight lines, it takes ten
days to get freight through, on an
average, and freights are so high on
cheap and perishable commodities,
merchants nor pecple here cannot
afford to order from there.
You vould be astonished to know
the demand, were it possible to ob
tain something in good shape. Good
peaches would retail here at 5 cents
each, eggs 30 cents, now. I was in
formed iy a fruit man in a prominent
business town that he had not seen a
peach t ils y-ar in market, nor an apple.
There are many other things that would
be in market that 1 have not men
tioned, were such a scheme inaugu
rated. I' would take some money
and enterprise, but it is to be had, and
a renumerative market is just as in
dispensable to the farmers and, rather
more so, than production, which is
bur. of small benefit when at a loss.
Yours, &c,
W. B. Murray.
WHAT THE FARMERS WANT.
Triangle, Lincoln Co., N. C.
Mr. Editor: We the farmers of
North Carolina, think we have been
slaves long enough. We now stand
in a united body and call upom oui
mastero nice-holders for a little free
air to breathe. We have labored for
twenty five years to gain a little free
dom. The more we work the more
we are taxed, as we add a little to
our little amount of thh world's
goods we are taxed for it, so the
laborer is taxed for his labor.
We piy the sum of $3,000 out of
our school funds to support the Super
intendent of public instructions in this
State. Wiiy cannot the Bjard of
Education attend to our public
schools? I have been informed by
our magistrates that' the superinten
dent of our county charged ourcounty
nearly $400 for his services. Q lite
a handsome salary. Would not a
young farmer's son be well pleased to
receive one-half of thai amount for a
year's work on the farm ? But the
educated men say it costs so much to
get an education. It costs somethin-g
to get a farm. You can buy a farm
for $10 to $20 per acre, you can buy
stock to work that land with for from
$125 to $150, and it costs something
to buy wagons and farming tools, and
it co3ts something to keep everyth:r
in repair. And we are taxed for this
land and stock and tools, and taxed
for the grain and meat that we raise
on the farm, but the educated maa is
taxed nothing for his education and
they want all the positions of honor
and fill all the offices an1 let the farm
ers dig and toil and pay taxes and re
ceive abuse from professional men.
The farmer pays taxes, pays the mer
chants, pays the doctors' bills and the
fertilizer bills and lawyers, and last of
all comes the preacher and bo waats
what little is left to educate his chil
dren. I believe in supporting the
Gospel, but his children are no better
to work than mine and yours. Take
away the farmer and the iron master
ad tinner and commerce and prog
ress will stop.
5ow, broth sr farmers, etand-out
for your rights and if anybody gets
mad he has his lifetime to get glad.
J.' M. Fixger.
... r.