4
THE SUB-TREASURY BILL.
Dr. Beall's Reply to " United Action."
Lenoir, N. C., Aug., '90.
Mb. Editor: Your correspondent,
" United Action," in The Progressive
Farmer of August 12th, starts out as
if he was raally a seeker after truth.
He says, "he would like to ask his
brothers of Caldwell, county some
questions for information." But be
fore he writes hilf a doz9n sentences
he reveals the fact that his real object
is not to get "information," but to
ridicule, criticize and find fault with
the action of the Caldwell County Al
liance in rejectfng the " Sab-Treasury
bill," and for putting forth a plan
which they believed to be more prac
ticable, more conservative, and broad
enough for all classes, who suffer
equally with the farmer, and from the
same cause, to stand upon and fight a
common cause.
If you will give me space, Mr.
Editor, and I fael sure your cou-tesy
will not deny me," I will answer, as
briefly as possible, all the brother's
questions avid give him all the " infor
mation " he asks for.
The truth never loses anything by
a fair and free discussion.
Many of our most intelligent and
conservative brethren cannot sub
scribe to the " Sub Treasury " scheme,
and as I hive not seen in any Alli
ance paper a fair presentation of ob
jections to it as we see them, I am
glad of this opportunity to let our
brethren in North Carolina know
them through your widely-circulated
journal.
I will write first of the l: Sub
Treasury bill " and then of the " Cald
well plan." When the National Alli
ance first formulated its demands and
the Sub Treasury scheme ana sent
them dowrn to the Sub Alliances for
approval or rejection, in our innocence,
as freemen; we thought we had a
right to discuss them and judge of
their fitness to promote our prosper
ity. But, judging from the tone and
logic oi our brother's letter, we mhsed
the true idea, which was this: To
ratify the infallible edict of a great
central power without questioning.
As a free born American citizen 1
proves: against the idea that of any
body's doctrine I shall approve what
I believe to be wrong. The National
Alliance demanded that the United
States government should purchase
and control the railroads and telegraphs
of the country. How many Alliances
in North Carolina approved that de
mand ? I doubt if a single one did, and
if they did it wa3 without thinking of
the enormous cost, the corrupting
tendencies, and without seeing the
tremendous centralizing power sought
to be placed in the hands of the gen
eral government.
Now, sir, if that demand can be re
pudiated by a single Alliance and it
still be considered loyal to our order,
in the nime of common justice and
common sense I ask why should we
be com polled t o adopt the Sub Treas
ury bill as a test of loyalty, when to
many of us it seems as obj: ctionable,
impracticable and centralizing as the
other ? Oh! but, says your corres
pondent, "united action is our only
hope." Unity of action in a good
cause is right and desirable, but if
any action is shown to be injurious in
its tendencies and results or even
doubtful, then to demand that all in
or out of the orier shall still stand by
it, is the height of folly. Such a course
cm result only in disaster to our
order. Better a thousand times ac
knowledge our error, repudiate it and
begin a new course. This principle
is as sound in economics and politics
as in morals.
Now, what are some of the reasons
that caused our County Alliance, and
many Sub-Alliances, to reject the Sab
Treasury bill ? First, because it vio
lates that principle of our order hich
demands equal rights for all and special
privileges to none.
Our State Alliance has again and
again demanded class legislation, but
this bill is the very essence of class
legislation, demanding for the farmers
special privileges which are denied to
all other classes. And worse, still; it
gives special privileges to the prosper
ous farmers which are denied to the
farmers and laborers who never have
a surplus; and besides all this it de
nies any privilege to that large class
of our order the mechanics. Not a
farmer west of States ville, and not a
great number east of it, no; a single
mechanic throughout the State would
get a single dollar of that " fia;
money."
Our order again and again has de
nounced trusts and combinations to
raise the price of the necessaries of
life. This bill puts it in the power of
the rich farmers and those who buy
the warehouse certificates to force the
most gigantic trust on the necessaries
of life ever known. What does the
rich farmer, or any one who has a
surplus of wheat or corn, want to put
it in the warehouse for if it is not
to hold them till he can squeeze from
the needy consumer such prices as he
wants ? What, then, becomes of our
brother farmers, in and out of the
Alliance, who have to purchase these
necessaries on account of a fail rvf
their crops ? What becomes of that
large class of our brethren th ma
chanic, who are always compelled to
purchase the necessa.riA9 nf lifo ?
But they say the bill will enable
our f urmers to borrow money on easy
THE PROGRESSIVE FARMER SEPTEMBER 9, 1890.
terms. What, then, becomes of that
other -principle of our order which
discourages our members from going
in dot and borrowing?
I, lets the people have money at
a nominal cost," says your correspon
ds. I answer, the needy farmer
cannot get the money without pawn
iug hi3 crop and then only for 80 cts.
when the market would give him a
dollar in cash. And it is a fact that
people who are needy enough to pawn
a thing hardly ever redeem it. We
of the South have always denoun red
the principle of giving special favors
by legislation to the manufacturers.
We have alwaj sjdenied that the gov
ernment has the right to take money
out of the pockets of one class, either
directly or indirectly, and put it in
the pockets of another class. " But,"
says the advocate of this bill, " the
government has given special favors
to the manufacturers, and now we
demand special favors for the farm
ers." This is the logic il outcome of
the protection theory, but it is not
consistent with Alliance principles.
We would consider it a great evil
for a mad dog to bite one of our
legs. Would it cure us of hydro
phobia to let him bite the other leg ?
It seems to us that it would be '-otter
to neutralize the poison with caustic
and kill the dog.
But if the advocates of this plan
can ignore the principles and Consti
tution of our Alliance, it would hard
ly seem worth while to mention trie
" Constitution of the United States,"
which expressly declares that nothing
shall be a legal tender but gold and
silver, and which nowhere gives tie
government the right to lend money
to individuals. It matters not to him
if it is a radical departure from the
financial principles of the ablest finan
ciers among our forefathers Gallatin,
Hamilton and Morns. He is willing
to throw aside' the fixed laws of politi
cal economy, the well tried systems of
the greatest and most prosperous
commercial nations of the earth
England, Germany and France, and
risk all upon the untried theory of a
visionary novelist, which will prove
as deceptive as " the baseless fabric
of a dream."
And the untried theory must be
made the test of our loyalty 1 Men
born and raised on the farm, know
ing from experience all the toils,
wants and burdens of the soil tiller,
must be pushed aside if they do not
accept this test. Our true and tried
statesmen who have stood in the
" imminent deadly breach " for the
rights of the people, who have never
faltered or lost heart in the darkest
hours of our country's trials, must be
tried by it. Not by their honor, their
integrity, their experience, their great
talents, nor their great public services,
but by this paltry test must they stand
or fall. France, one hundred years
ago, intoxicated with madness and
led by madmen, destroyed her best
men by the guillotine. Loyalty to a
faction and not loyalty to country was
the test.
Lavoisior, one of the greatest scien-
tists who ever lived, one of the great
est benefactors France ever had, espe
cially to her farmers, was cruelly be
headed by one of the dominant fac
tions. One of his countrymen ex
claimed, "It has taken but a few
minutes to destroy this great life, it
will take a hundred years to make an
other like it." The world felt the
shock and stood aghast in horror, and
r ranee to-day hangs her head in
shame and sorrow over the cruel,
senseless act.
Shall we repeat the folly and mad-
ness of the French revolution, and
politically destroy the pillars of the
temple and destroy ourselves in the
ruins ?
In my next I will discuss the
" Cald well Plan " and answer some of
your correspondent's questions.
R. L. Beall.
LETTER FROM THE CENTRAL
COUNTY.
Hickory Mountain.
Mr. Editor: Thinking that vour
readers would, perhaps, like to hear
from the central county of the State,
1 avail myself of your columns to cive
a few points. It has truthfully been
said that "in unity there is strength,"
and the farmers though slow to ap
preciate the aphorism, have at last
grasped the idea. There is, in my
opinion, a brighter day ahead for the
farming: interest. We have not. as
yet, secured free coinage, but -we
nave made a great advance in that di
rection. We have wrung from a
hostile Congress a. bill which is ger
mane to it, and we have forced the
leader of the Republican party to de
clare in favor of reciprocity, which is
out anotner name for free trade. Let
the good work go on, gathering
strength as it moves, until every class
of citizens in this great country
shall have an equal chance in the race
for competency.
The crops in our section are re
markably fine. Corn and cotton are
better than for years.
Respectfully,
Samuel Thomas.
Bro. J. C. Parker, Secretary of
Maple Grove Alliance, No. 356, writes
that ome of their members do not
take as much interest as they should,
but that he hopes they will join hand
in hand and march forward with the
rest of them.
DIAGNOSIS BY CONSTITUTION
AL DOCTORS.
National Economiet.
A certain class of individuals, in
eluding Senators and members of
Congress, are just at present giving
the people considerale advice and n
struction in regard to ihe Consticu
tion. The ability to construe ,he exact
meaning of the Constitution seems to
follow an election to Congress. A
few months sojourn at the capital of
the nation as a member of either
branch of Congress is presumed by
some to qualify aperson, no matter
what may nave been his previous con
dition or ability, to properly interpret
the most intricate provisions of the
national Constitution.
In order that the plain people, who
for the safety of the couatry consti
tute the membership of the Farmers'
Alliance, may decide for themselves,
and bring to bear upon this question
the good common seme which as a
class they possess, the full powers of
Congress as stated in the Constitution
is printed herewith in full. The
original Constitution as signed Sep
tetnber 17, 1787, consisted of seven
articles and their subdivisions. Since
that time there has been fifteen amend
ments added.
The first ten amendments were
proposed to the several States Sep
tember 25, 1789. The eleventh
amendment was submitted September
5, 1794. The twelfth amendment,
December 11, 1803. The thirteenth
amendment, February 1, 1865. The
fourteenth amendment, June 16,
1866. The fifteenth and last amend
ments relate to personal rights or
qualifications for holding office. Sec
tion 8 of article 1 of the original Con
stitution designates the following
powers of Congress:
Sec. 8. Tne Congress shall have
power to lay and collect taxe, duties,
imports and excises, to pay the debts
and provide for the common defense
and general welfare of the United
Stages but all duties, imposts and
excises shall be uniform through
out the United States; to borrow
money on the credit of the United
States; to regulate commerce with
foieign nations, and among: the sev-
' '
eral States, and with the Indian tribes;
to establish a uniform rule of natural!
zatioo, and uniform laws on the sub
ject of bankruptcies throughout the
United States; to coin money, regulate
the value thereof, and of foreign coin,
and fix " the standard of weights and
measures; to provide for the punish
ment of counteifeiting the securities
and current coin of the United States;
to establish postoffices and post roads;
to promote the progress of science
and useful arts, by securing for lim
ited times to authors and inventors
the exclusive right to their respective
writings and discoveries; to constitute
tribunals inferior to the Supreme
Court; to define and punish piracies
and felonies committed on the high
seas and offenses against the law of
nations; to declare war, grant letters
marque and reprisal, and make
rules concerning captures on land and
water; to raise and support armies
but no appropriation of money to that
use shall be for a longer term than
two years; to provide and maintain a
navy; to make rules for the govern
ment and regulation of the land and
naval forces; to provide for calling
forth the militia to execute the laws
of the Union, suppress insurrections
and repel invasions; to provide for
organizing, arming, and disciplining
trie militia, and tor governing such
part of them as may be employed in
tne service oi the United States, re
serving to the States respectively the
appointment of the officers, and the
authority of tr lining the militia ac
cording to the descipline prescribed
Dy congress; to exercise exclusive
legislation in all.cases whatsoever over
such district (not exceeding ten miles
square) as may by cession of particular
States, an i the acceptance of Con
gress, become the seat of the govern
ment of the United States, and to ex
ercise like authority over all places
purchased by the consent of the legis
lature of the State in which the same
shall be, for the erection of forts,
magazines, . arsenals, dock yards and
other needful buildings, and to make
all laws which shall be necessary and
proper for carrying'into execution for
foregoing powers and all other powers
vested by this Constitution in the gov
ernment of the United States, or in
any department or officer thereof.
Sections 9 and 10 of article 1 limits
the power of Congress and the States:
Sec. 9. The migration or importa
tion of such persons as any of the
States now existing shall think proper
to admit, .shall not be prohibited by
the Congress prior to the year one
thousand eight hundred and eight,
but a tax or duty may be be imposed
on such importation,-not exceeding
ten dollars for each person. ? The
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus.
shall not be suspended, unless when,
in cases of rebellion or invasion the
public safety may require it. No bill
of attainder or expost facto law shall
be passed. No capitation or other di
rect tax shall be laid, unless in pro
portion to the census or enumeration
hereinbefore directed to be taken.
No tax or duty shall be laii on
articles exported from any State. No
preference shall be given by any
regulation of commerce or revenue to
the ports of one State over those of
another; nor shall vessels bound to or
from one State be obliged to enter,
clear and pay duties in another.- No
money shall be drawn from the Treas
ury but in consequence of appropria
tions made by law; and a regular
statement and account of the receipts
and expenditures of all public money
shall be published from time to time.
No title of nobility shall be granted
by the United States; and no person
holding any office of profit or trust
under them shall, without the consent
of the Congress, accept of any present,
emolument, office, or title of any kind
whatever, from any king, prince, or
foreign State.
Sec. 10. No State shall enter into
any treaty, alliance, or confederation ;
grant letters of marque and reprisal;
uoin money; emit bills of credit;
make any thing but gold and silver
coin a tender in payment of debts;
pass any bill of attainder, expost facto
law, or law impairing the obligation
of contracts, or grant any title of no
bility. No State shall, without the
consent of Congress, lay any imposts
orduties on imports or exports, except
what may be absolutely necessary for
executing its inspection laws; and the
net produce of all duties and imposts,
Uid by any State on imports or ex-
Ywt.a shn.1 h tor tne use oi tne
iw, 0l
Treasury of the United States; and all
such laws shall be subject to the re
viiion and control of the Congress.
No State shall, without the consent of
Congress, lay any d'lty of tonnage,
keep troops or ships of war, in time
of peace; enter into any agreement or
compact with another State, or with
a foreign power, or engage in war,
unless actually invaded, or in such
imminent danger as will not admit of
delay.
Let the above provisions be read
carefully, for within their powers and
limitations every law upon the statute
books relating to the material interests
of the people are based. By and
through these provisions Congress has
made laws for the establishment of a
United States bank, for the disposal
of the public . domain, to divide the
surplus in the national Treasury among
the States, to make grants of land to
railroads, to give subsidies to steam
ships, to improve rivers and harbors,
grant pensions to soldiers and annuities
to Iniuns, to issue legal tender paper
money at any ticne, to establish nation
al banks, refund the national debt,
demonetize silver and. change the unit
of money; to tax State bank issues
out of existence, erect monuments and
statutes by the hundreds, purchase
lands and build warehouses, store and
care for whisky, control interstate
commerce, purchase Alaska, buy
patent rights, guarantee the payment
of Pacific railroad bonds, pay interest
on these bonds to the extent of $62,
000,000; loan to the banks, witnout
interest, over $60,000,000 at a ti ne;
purchase its own bond?, and pay as
premium up to the present time $43,
000,000; loan money to the world's
fair and cotton exposition; expend
$300,000 yearly experimenting in dsn
culture, grant pensions to civilians,
appropriate money to fire and flood
sufferers, rent out water privileges,
sand expeditions to the North Pole,
sustain a bureau of education, expend
an enormous amount on a geological
survey, put in operation a weather
bureau, establish coast life saving
stations with a corp3 of practically en
listed men, build lighthouses along
the coast, authorize the construction
of bridges, and to arm a large corps
of men to police the sections of,coun
try where distilling is done, under a
system of internal revenue laws, which
have not a line in the Constitution for
a foundation.
There are thousands upon thousands
of laws similar in character to those
mentioned above. Yet they are based
upon nothing but the implied powers
of Congress. The Constitution ought
to be plain in its provisions. It was
framed by plain men and ratified by
those of still more humble attainments.
Taking this view of th matter, why
is it so very improbable that & calm,
considerate thinker, though he may
bea farmer, is not capable of forming
quite definite conclusions as to what
may be right or wr ng under the
Constitution. This instrument was
intended to benefit all w rthy classes,
and its objects are perverted when
such results are not attained. Agri
culture is now suffering from legisla
tive privileges granted to the enemies
of labor in production. It demands
redress and is met with the reply that
such demands are unconstitutional.
As proof that these demands are
within the provisions of the Constitu
tion, the language of the Constitution
itself is given in this article, and a
partial list of laws that have been en.
acted are enumerated. If Congress
has the power to do what the records
show it has done, it can go further
and legislate for the relief of the
farmer. Lt it be done.
-
Bro. D. Y. White, Secretary of
Alliance, No. 371, Chatham county,
writes that his Alliance had a grand
rally on the 21st of August. Bro. D.
Reid Parker, of Trinity College, was
the orator of the day and spoke for
one hour and a' half. It was the best
Alliance speech that ever has been de
livered in western Chatham. It did
not'' seem like hard times to look at
the many good things that were put
on the table. He writes that they
have 50 members and hare paid $30
to the Business Agency fund.
WEEKLY WEATHER CROP BULLETIN
For the Week Ending Saturday, Aug.
30th, 1890.
. Central Office, Raleigh, N. C.
The reports of correspondents of the
We.Wy Weather Crop Bulletin, issued
by the North Carolina Experiment
Station and State Weather Service,
co-operating with the United States
Signal Service, show that the week
ending Saturday, August 30th, has
been generally favorable for the ma
turing of crops. The temperature has
been about the average during the
day time, but the nights have been
too cool. The temperature ranged
during the week from 94 to 52 degrees.
The weather was rather dry until the
28th, on which day copious rains fell.
Some very heay showers occurred
Thursday night at a number ofplaces.
The average rain fall for the week
was 1.65 inches, which is 0.25 inches
above the normal. September is gen
erally a dryer month than August.
The cotton crop is still above the aver
age. It is opening rapidly and pick
ing is in progress. New cotton is al
ready in market. The tobacco crop
also will be a fine one. Cutting and
curing is going on, and the curings
are generally reported good. The
rains during August have, however,
made in the lowlands a rank growth
and there will be some rough, coarse
tobacco which is too big for good
treatment. The crop of corn, rice and
potatoes is good.
Eastern District. The temperature
has been about the average during the
day, but the nights have been cool
with heavy dews. Lowest tempera
ture reached 54 degrees. Cotton
shows rust in some places, but not
widespread. It is opening and pick
ing has commenced. Rice harvest in
progress in the southeastern counties,
crops excellent and some weeks earlier
than usual. Good crops of potatoes.
The average-rainfall for the week in
this district was 1.75 inches, which is
somewhat the average. A very heavy
rain storm i3 reported on the night ot
28th at Rocky Point, Pender county.
Central District. The average rain
fall ''for this week was 1.00 inches.
Heavy rains occurred during night of
28th. At Raleigh, Wake county,
2.25 inches fell. The highest tempera
ture was 94 degrees, the lowest 52.
The nights have been cool and un
favorable to most crops. Cotton is
still above the average, is opening
fast. Picking is progressing rapidly
and new cotton is in market. The
tobacco crop will be a fine one. Cur
ings are reported good. Fodder is
being saved. Corn and potato crops
good.
Western District. The weather has
been warm and cloudy, with cool
mornings, and dry until the 28th.
Heavy rains fell on the night of the
28th at a number of places, the aver
age for the district being 2.15 inches.
The wet weather is unfavorable for
cotton; however, Saturday opened
dry and warmer. Cotton has com
menced to open. Tobacco is being
cut and cured rapidly. Corn is good
on uplands and lowlands. The week
was favorable for making hay and
fodder.
H. B. Battle, Ph D.,
Director.
C. P. von Herrmann, Signal Corps,
Assistant.
THE LAW AND LOGIC OF IT.
The controversy between the New
York Central Railroad directorate and
the Knights of Labor brings the
question of railroad control control
once more in a concrete form and
visible shape before the whole people.
Without entering into the merits
of the controversy itself, there are
some things to be considered from the
standpoint of the general community
which demand a rigid examination.
A proper reply to the issues we shall
raise will, in the end,fhave much to
do with forming and moulding even
the opinions of jurists and courts.
Judges are but men, and court
dicta is formed by human influences,
no matter how reverential may be the
estimation in which they are held.
First, then, we may ask what is the
function of a railroad and the corpor
ate direction thereof ? The answer is
simple and direct. A railroad is a
public highway, operated by machin
ery, whjse motive-power is steam.
Its directorate are public carriers and
nothing else.
A tramway, whose equipment is
operated by steam, is none the less a
public highway.
A macadamized road, the vehicles
of which are moved by animals, has
long since been recognized as public
property by all civilized people.
Can a scientific highway be any
more than that? Of course not.
Tnere is not a legislative discussion ia
this or any other country, from: the
beginning of the railroad system, in
which any other position than that jf
public highways and common carriers
has ever been assigned to railways or
their ownership.
As to the corporations by which the
roads are directed and managed, Lord
Chief Justice Coleridge expressed the
legal position in one-sentence when
he said: "A railway is a public trust,
charged with remuneration for private
capital invested."
The proof of this, if any were
needed, is found in the fact that a
railroad cannot exist without the rmh
lie consent, as embodied in a f ranch??
granted by representative publV aISe
thority. iu
It follows, then, that in order t
earn profit and be protected there;n
that the railroad company is bound t '
execute the public trust placed unde
its management. To do that it ml
have its road-bed and appurtenance
in perfect condition, while its eqn
ment and working force, human and
mechanical, must always be kep ;n
working order and harmony.
Fullfilling these conditions, obeyino.
the laws and faithfully serving the
public, a railroad corporation is unde
legal relations, entitled to all the pro.
tection a State can give it. But the
courts thereof connot discriminate be
tween degrees or qualities of equip,
ment. They must, certainly, and will
if honest jurists, regard the corpora!
tion and its obligations as a whole
If a railroad obstinately refused to do
its work because the locomotives were
out of order, a court would rightfully
declare its franchise forfeited.
Why, then, should there be dis.
crimination against its labor equip,
ment in any event or when the direc
torate, for its own selfish and tyrani
cal purposes, as is the case with the
New York Central management, de
clines to be in harmony with the
laborers it employs ? The State will
deal with the laborers or directors as
citizens; it can only deal with the
corporation as a public trust, carrying
a yaluable franchise, which demand's
service, which service must be exe
cuted at the cost of the franchise
itself.
This is the simple logic as well as
the law of the matter. The State
should see to its enforcement. The
United. States, under its powers to
regulate interstate commerce, should
see to it that the railroads do the
work for which they we&e created.
If citizens breed discord, let them be
lawfully dealt with.
AN ARGUMENT AGAINST THE
y SUB-TREASURY SCHEME.
Away, far, far in the future, if the
Sub-Treasury Bill is ever resurrected
from its legislative death, deposited
there several months ago by Congres
sional discretion, we imagine how
such a measure will be debited in the'
halls jf Congress. We can hear the
eloquent Senator from Boodleibm
thundering invective against such a
rash measure. Arising to his feet,
arrayed in his " stud horse' clothes,"
his exuberance of guts puffing and
quivering with emotion as he grinshc;
his teeth and wails:
'O! Mr. President," he would
thunder, " is this nation going to get
down so low as to build barns ? That
is what the bill proposes to do. Are
we going to give these rural jays mil
lions of money, to be wrung from our
suffering manufacturers, only to be
squandered on pig styes and corn
houses ? Are we going to lend out
the public money at one per cent, to
hayseed socialists and rustic com
munists, when oar trusts and monopo
lies can make one hundred per cent.?
Do you want to tear the commercial
bowel i out of this nation by doing
this for the rich and predominating
farmer ? Are the trust managers and
railroad magnates to be robbed of
their slender wages to sew on the
farmer the golden buttons of aristoc
racy ?
"No I a thousand times infinite no 1
Down with the oppressors of our great
businesses, and let the greatest nation
this mud pill ' has ever seen continue
on its unparalleled career of pros
perity. " Mr. President, I do most heartily
protest against this reckless expendi
ture of the sacred public funds. I ad
most sincerely in for an economical
administration, and, hear me gentle
men, I am not in favor of the United
States going into the general produce
business, as this bill proposes. The
farmers of this great country are now
in the soup in hot soup. Let them
stay there, ' for if we trust representa
tives try to get them out we are bound
to burn our hands; see ?"
With this last significant peroration
the Senate boodler sat down amidst'
the deafening roars of the various rep
resentatives of the great business in
terests of the country, supposed to be
representative Senators of the people
and law makers for the nfiAion. And
in another moment the established
order of business deposited the Sub
Treasury Bdl in the National mausol
eum, along with some other ancient
Congressional lumber, and there to
sleep the sleep that knows no waking
Farmers, this will surely be the fate
of that bill which promises to relieve
the present depression and benefit all
the nation if you do not rouse your
selves t from your present political
lethargy and show your strength and
might and stand up for your political
rights and freedom.
Bro. A C. Hayes, Lecturer of
Brassfield Alliance Durham county,
writes that thev now have 47 male
and 15 female members. They have
been organized over two years ana
think they have been greatly beneutea
in financial matters. Their members
have given fewer mortgages this yea
than ever before, and have learned
economize.
i