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I r I THE INDUFyiAL AND EDUCATIONAL INTERESTS OF OUR PEOPLE PARAMOUNT TO ALL OTHER CONSIDERATION'S OF STATE POLICY. 5 Vol. 6. RALEIGH, N. C, APRIL 28, 1891. No. 10 PEOGEESSIVE FAEMEE. : 5' CIRCULATION. The actual circulation of Volume V, which closed with the issue of Febru ary 17th, 1891, was as follows: February IS, 1890, 12,840 August Sept. 19,1800, 16,680 26, " 16,680 2, " 16,800 9, " 16,800 16, ' 17,040 23, " 16,800 30, " 17,280 7, " 17,040 14, " 17,280 21, " 17,280 28, " 17,280 4. " 17,280 11, " 17,760 18, " 17.760 March 4. 12,000 11, 1H, 25, 1, 8, 13, 13, at, 27, 3, 10, 17, 1: 13, 12. 10,500 10,.V0 10,800 10,800 10.800 10,800 10,800 11,040 11,040 11,1(50 11,W0 11,400 11,280 11,2X0 11,400 11,4N 11,400 11, 30 11, fi40 12, :wo 13,8() 16,:) 16,080 April October Nor. ii-i, J,trx June Decemb'r I8,2ai 18,240 18,240 9, " 16, " 2:5. 18,240 July January 6,1891,18.240 13, " 18,240 20, " 18,41 " 27, " 18,240 February 3, " 18.240 10, " 18,240 17, " 18,2411 August, First 6 months, 307,0S0 Second 6 months, 458,160 Making a total circulation for the year of 765,210; averaging for 52 suc cessive issues, per issue, 11,716, and showing a net increase for the year of 5,100, or more than 113 per week. The above statement is taken from the records kept in the ofhce of The Progressive Farmer, and is correct to the best of my knowledge and belief. J. W. Denmark, Business Manoger. I am Book-keeper for Edwards cSc Broughton, Printers and Binders, Ral eigh, N. C. The press-work on The Progressive Farmer has been done for the past three years by Edwards & Broughton, and I have kept account of the same. I have compared the above statement with the account I have kept, and find it tallies throughout, and is correct. T. J. Bashford. Personally appeared before me, W. T. Womble, Notary Public, J. W. Den mark, Business Manager of The Pro gressive Farmer, als: T. J. Bashford, Book-keeper for Edwards & Broughton, and make oath that the statements contained above are correct to the best of their knowledge and belief. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and affixed my notarial seal of office this day, February 26th, 1891. W. T. Womble, Notarial Seal Notary Public. EDITORIAL NOTES. We are now to have reciprocity with Spain. We are not sorry. For uni versal reciprocity is simply free trade ; and we are in favor of free trade, straight and simple. Let the taxes for the support of the government be so levied as to bear equally upon all classes and let trade be made as free as the winds of heaven. Mr. Blaine's reply to the hasty and ill-advised demands of Italy is a very able paper; and, what is more, it is unanswerable. Italy does not show to advantage in this controversy. It is certain that Baron Fava, the late rep resentative of Italy in this country, has a rare genius for blundering, and the Italian Premier himself has shown a wonderful capacity for jumping at a conclusion. The Herald, we are glad to see, is now after the Coroners of the Ameri can metropolis. The Herald, according to its own modest admissions, has se cured the living people of New York from ever so many of the evils of mis government. We are glad it has now taken up the cause of the dead. We have always suspected that it would be difficult to live decently in New York, were it not for the influence of the Herald ; and now that all in that line has been done that an exacting public can demand, that great paper means to give its attention to the decencies that should control those men whose busi ness it is to tell how men took their de parture out of Gotham for the unseen world. There are six murderers" in a single prison in New York who cannot be executed on account technical quibbles ; and while these men are escaping the consequences of their crimes on ac count of the law's delay, other men are doing murder with frightful frequency and promptness. We think accused persons ought to have speedy and fair trials; and when sentences have been passed upon them the executions should follow promptly. It is the cer tainty of speedy and just punishment which deters from crime more than the severity of it. I 9eins to us that there must be son in .the method of leer, ling wrong roceedure in any State where tl Ojmmber of criminals increase who cannot be exe cuted. The Code method is in vogue in New York as it is here in North Carolina, and we think this method gives rise to complications which have no other tendency than to delay the execution of justice. A New York contemporary points out the fact that the United States is becoming a nation of cities, and it thinks the rapid growth of cities means rapid national development. That de pends. If, by development is meant the rapid using up of our national resources, our contemporary is, per haps, right. But if development means the formation of high-class in dividual and national manhood, then our contemporary is wrong. Men, as a rule, grow in the country and are consumed in the city. There are few features of city life that do not tend powerfully to the destructions of man hood. There is something inherent, as it would seem, in mercantile and man ufacturing life, which operates to nar row and harden human character. In 1861, the 6th Massachusetts regi ment was on its way to Washington. When it reached Baltimore it was met by a hooting and yelling populace, and was pelted with rocks and stones. The other day a portion of the same regi ment visited the Monumental city. This last time they were met by a military escort, addressed by the Mayor and feasted at the Corrollton. Well, what of it? Why the war is over, and kind ly human nature has buried the bitter memories of the terrible struggles, and holds out the hand of fraternal greet ing to men of all sections of our com mon country. Nobody but a few old dried up, frigid politicians whose very narrowness of nature has squeezed out of them every drop of kindliness, can hate forever. We are not sorry we fought our Northern bretren in the late war, ana we are giau a tnousana times glad that we have manliness enough to forgive them and love them. Baltimore was true to the instinct of resistance in 1S61: and Baltimore is true to the instinct of fraternity in 1801. Bravo Baltimore; The number of papers, in this sec tion who are willing to take Mr. Cleve land for the Democratic standard bearer next year, in spite of his open hostility to free silver, seems to be in creasing somewhat. We are sorry to see this, but we cannot help it. The Alliance demands the free coinage of silver, and it Avould be very glad to have the Democrats help it get its de mand hi that particular allowed ; but if they are not willing to help the Alli ance in that matter they must hold themselves ready to take the conse quences. The Alliance means to de feat Mr. Cleveland sheuld he be the nominee of his party, if it shall be in its power to do so. We say this now, because, we do not intend to lay our selves open to the charge of having in jured any party without nrst giving that party notice. We have no ill will against Mr. Cleveland. We honor him for his patriotism, his courage and his manliness. But he has taken a posi tion which, as we think, is harmful to his country, and he shall not win upon that position if we can help it. We notice that some of our North Carolina exchanges are still insisting that the Alliancemen should give up the free silver issue, and consent to fight the battle of 1892 upon the single issue of tariff reform. This insistence shows that those editors have a very low estimate of our intelligence. We demand tariff reform, it is true ; but we know we connot get such reform, so long as the political make-up of the United States Senate remains what it is now. We also demand the free coinage of silver. And we know we can get this demand allowed by the Senate as that body now stands. Does any man suppose we are soft enough to give up an object which we can secure, for one which we know we cannot secure, at least for some time to come? We knew we were hayseeders, and we knew the lords proprietors of public opinion in North Carolina had a very moderate estimate of our mental capacities. But really we did not know that any considerable number of our fellow-citizens took us to bo sheer idiots. We want tariff reform, and wo want free silver; and we mean to have both in due time. But wo shall get free silver first. Do ye hear? THE ALLIANCE AND PARTIES. Judging from communications which frequently appear in . Alliance organs of late, it seems that the Third party idea, and the relation of the Alliance with parties and politics, have become paramount with the brethren. Opin-! ions vary, it appears, amongst us upon a matter which should, above all others, possess the elements of har mony. In the humble opinion of the writer the observations which he ven tures to give below about constitute the attitude the Alliance should assume, under certain contingencies or alterna tives, consistently with its pledges and obligations, in dealing with the two parties which have heretofore shown their tendency to move heaven and earth, and still continue with the same desperation, to attain supremacy at any cost. With regard to any positive identifi cation or permanent co-operation of the Alliance with either party, cer tainly neither can expect it. Our course should be to steer clear of any party that does not uphold our policy and principles. How can we, with the lights before us, do otherwise? What assurance has either party given us that we can rely upon either so far as to become absorbed in either? What claims have either upon us other than a point action? Should circumstances actuate us to deem such a course ad visable, upon questions vital to the very soul of Alliance principles, and therefore for the good of the people? We have not forgotten what one of the bitterest partisan leaders, a man who once stood foremost in the U. S. Senate, said about the two parties. Here is what Roscoe Conkling said, and the only change in either party since has been for the worse: "We have two parties in this country, and what are they? They have been going down, down until they have almost rea ;hed the lowest depths. What a comment ary upon the politics of a great coun try ! They represent two colossal or ganic appetites thirsting for ppoils. The two parties are like wild beasts trying to devour each other. The American citizens are intelligent and far above the average citizens of tbefold world. They are the prop and stay of the republic, and have the spirit of free dom in them handed down from father to " son. They are honest, intelligent and energetic. The men who make the laws for them on Capitol Hill do not appreciate them." Such being the case we would, in committing ourselves to either party, be placed in a quandary. How dove tail with either party ; which one shall we choose to co-operate with? Why, at any rate, should we act within either any more than they should act within us? What claims have they upon us that we should be subservient to them? If we start out with a de pendent attitude our prestige and inde pendence is gone. Our grievances must be righted, and if one or both parties fail to give us relief, or con form to our principles, what then? The answer is too obvious to require statement. As to party supremacy, one way or another, our principles and needs are such that it weighs naught in the balance when such a consider ation conflicts with our policy. We owe neither fealty nor homage to either party. And pray, why should we? With regard to politics, we've got to deal with it untrammeiled ; free from the apron-strings of either party. A course has got to be pursued that con forms to our doctrines. A mental res ervation, in case we adopt a dependent course with any outside influence, is bound to be held which will bias future action when called into play. But unless we go into politics, in some shape or other, its hard to see how our ends are to be reached, and this we can do with perfect non-partisan con sistency. We must have some sort of a political slogan. Are we to be non descripts on the sea of politics? Must we be either styled fish, flesh nor flowl, not even a red herring? So, construe it as we may, either in name or practice,, politics is bound to enter into our deliberations notwithstanding how some may construe our constitu tional limitations, which prescription does not prohibit our connection with any party to the extent of depriving us of the privilege of acting, in politi cal concert, whenever we find it to our advantage to do so. Thcro aro no two ways about it, evasion won't do, we've got to face the music. This whip-tho-dovil-around-the-stump policy in nothing but child's play, and is a limited and falso inter pretation of the constitutional injunc tion requiring uh, in our aims, to labor "in a strictly non-partisan spirit." We've got to toe the mark, take the bull by the horns, and come out flat footed and be done with it. A good cause can be temporized to death. All this equivocation only means indecis ion. We must know our surroundings ! or we will be dashed to pieces amid j the breakers before we know it. These tame qualifications and pusillanimous dodges are only so many concessions of weak-kneed inaction. It is an avowal of timidity and a shame-faced acknowledgement of what we would fain accomplish. We should come out open and above board and be done with it, so that outsiders can see that we have no smothered meaning, no smouldering intent. We will obtain outside respect ten times more by com ing out defiantly, if need be, backed by and replying upon our own indomitable strength, than by an exhibition of all this shilly-shally, higgle-haggling. Sooner or later its got to come to this we've got to be baptized before the world with some sort of political shib boleth. The nondescript role has got to be despensed with, and mawkish squeamishness laid upon the shelf to give place to something more tangible. If we act unconditionally with any party we've got to submit to its name, and that would be a death-blow to us as an independent order. The creed of the politicians is to be true to the party first, and to the people next. No such doctrine as this suits us. Party must be subordinated to suit the best inter ests of the people. Politicians who are slaves to caucuses and the party lash must be made to step down and out. We need statesmen and not nar row politicians. Call that a new party movement which ignores existing parties, if you choose, but, one thing certain, desig nated as it may be by outsiders and the scurvy press, we've got to pursue, if necessary, an independent course, a course in harmony with the policy and aims which have been antagonized by both the great political factions which have not adopted one measure that ac cords with the proposed reforms that liave sprung into existence in conse quence of the intolerable grievances that corrupt legislation, with its soul less indifference towards the desperate wrongs of the people, have engendered. If no other resource is left us, we should upon an independent agricul tural platform, relying upon our in herent strength and instinct of self preservation to combat the antagon izing elements which confront us on all sides, and live and die on that line. Yes ! if there is no other alternative left us, (and from present indications, judging from the attitude of outsiders toward us, such a course seems inevi table) we must be a law unto ourselves, turning our bacKS upon ana caring for no faction, no party, no creed that hampers tke great reforms we are struggling to consummate. By pur suing such a course we can, with per fect consistency, hold ourselves free from all political complications. In short, it is very apparent, we've got to use superior to Democracy, superior to Republicanism. We must make our politics fit our Alliance principles. We should make, if anything a party to use us for party purposes. To reach our ends we must have no political partnership with the dirty work of partisan politics, or else we will resem ble, or may be compared with, a couple of tumble-bugs rolling their ball along in fitting companionship together. As to leadership, the very term is obnoxious to independent individual ism. The political demagogue' day is at an end ; his occupation is gone ; the good sense of the people, having at last seen through his shallow-minded sel fishness, no longer look upon him as an oracal, but have relegated him to graze in a pasture where he properly belongs the silurian depths of politi cal oblivion. The idea of any man, or set of men, leading the masses in an imputation of a total obliteration of personal independence, and subordi nates judgment and conviction to an object dependence upon outside per suasion to wild and sway us at its own sweet will. A blind subjection to leadership is an ignominious surrender of ourselves into the hands of those who choose to use us as pliant tools to advance their own selfish aims, and the people, instead of having servants to do their bidding, will be servants themselves by such blind subserviency. No, wo must bo leaders ourselves, and put men in place who will obey our behests instead of obeying theirs. What we need, aye, and can most surely accomplish, is not a gradual change of the existing state of this (this slower process we've practiced long enough, heaven knows, and waited and waited until patience has ceased to be a virtue) but a sudden shifting of the scene that, with the force of a cata clysm, will sweep away the oppressive despotism that binds us hand and foot, and make it simmer down to honest live and let live methods. We sorter did this kind of thing last November, but if we stick together with the same inspiring inoentives that actuated us upon that memorable occasion, we will make a swoop in '92 that will throw last November's political up heaval so far in the shade that it will not be a circumstance, in comparison, with the earthquake that will then (in '92) shake and shiver the two old rot ten parties from "teret to foundation stone." the crisis is now upon us, and every thing depends upon immediate and continuous effort, and we should act as if there wa- no day of grace ahead, striving ceaselessly, tirelessly, with cemented concert of action, until it will culminate in the grand climax of '92, when the wreck of parties and the crush of a plutocratic government will inaugurate a political millenium. If the welfare of our families and our selves is what we most desire ; if the credit and honor of our chosen calling is worth the effort, then, by all that is holy, we should strain every resource to the utmost to emerge from the thraldom that has so long throttled us, and as one man demand that these wrongs shall be righted, and that the burdens of the government shall be borne by all classes of property. We have a weapon, a most fermidable to wield, aye, an invincible one it will prove, in '92, if miserable bickerings and dissensions, in our ranks, do not dull its edge before that time. If we use it aright it will not only mow swarths through the ranks of rapacious money lords, and all other iniquitous extortioners, whos only aim is to keep us forever in an abject state of bon dage as hewers of wood and drawers of water, but will give us control of the government with the blessed privi lege, at . . least,, .of extending . '.'equal rights to all and special favors to none. " That weapon is the ballot. "A weapon that comes clown as still As snowttakes fall upon the sod, But executes a farmer's will As lightning does the work of God, And from its force, nor doors, nor locks Can shield them 'tis the ballot-box. U. B. Gwynn. Elm Grove Alliance, No. 966, March 31, 1891. Mr. Editor: This Alliance seeks recognition in our paper a second time since its organization. The feeble ef fort, it knows, will deserve the waste basket fate, but it will try and show something how the order stands in old Rowan, and more especially in this im mediate vicinity. iim Lrrove has never made any great achievement, we are aware, but she feels she has never done a deed to justly cause her parent to blush. Her members are true, obeying the laws of the order to the letter, so far as they know them, and are making every effort to know her will and rules more thoroughly. The disputes of members are caused more frequently from ij norance of the Constitution than from any cause of knowing it too well. Financially, she is doing all for her self possible. The lodge runs its own warehouse. Nearly every lodge in the county is doing the same. Our sup plies are from the State Business Agent, which give satisfaction in every in stance. The Alliance brand, or guano will be used more extensively this year than last, for it gives entire satisfac tion, and our best farmers say it beats any brand they have ever used and is better adapted to the soil. Whilst the members are educating themselves m the principles of the order, they do not' forget their boys and girls who will soon be figuring on the arena of life. Two high schools are supported by the members of this Alliance, which opportunity we hope they will improve, for in this particu lar they are enjoying something many of our parents never had the felicity to possess, and may be one cause for their depressed condition. Two county newspapers are pledged to the support of the farmer. The ex associate editor of The Progressive Farmer, you know, is located in our county, and is rapidly building up his paper, against much opposition. We will greet with warm fidelity many more men of such pluck to espouse our cause. The Piedmont Alliance Fair is located in our midst, and is owned and run exclusively by Alliancemen. The first exhibit'was a success. Although rude ly prepared, a dividend of 15 per cent, was declared. It is not a place for gambling and such like, but is founded on the pure, noble and sound principles of the Alliance. Situated with all of these privileges in close proximity, with the finest and most healthful climate in the world; with her fine forest of oak, hickory, pine and many other useful woods; with a new line of railway just com pleted, and another, a grand trunk line, almost a surety, running through our midst, there is every just cause for our people to rejoice, for prosperity is surely looking them in the face. Our grand order has shown that she can choose a legislature to champion our just demands, and with satisfac tion has seen her servants do their duty. These, and many other evi dences are pointing to the fact that our grievances are gaining redress. All we need to do is to remain firm and speak the truth, and with a strong pull, a steady pull, and a pull all along the line, the victory is ours. Fraternally, C. Li. Miller, Cor. Sec y. WHAT IS MONEY? Finance being one of the three pil lars in the Alliance temple, anything to enlighten the ideas by the way of kindly criticism will be allowable. While we do not object to your defini tion of money in the abstract, we do object to your discarding the old ac cepted definitions. You object to call ing money the medium of exchange be cause it is not always this medium property is sometimes used as the me dium or negotiable paper. Still in a general sense and with an universal acceptation, it is of emphasis the me dium of exchange. Again you object to the definition of money as being the measure of value. This objection is more objectionable than the other. "Money," says the writer, "is not the measure of value, for the values of the world would then be no greater than the amount of money in the world." That is to say that a yardstick is no measure of cloth, for then there would be as many yard sticks in the world as there are yards of cloth as many gallon pots as gal lons of fluids as many bushels meas ures as bushels of grain, etc., etc. That money is absolutely a correct measure of values no one affirms, but it is the universally "accepted measure of "value, and as such is entitled to the name so far as it goes. Again, "anything to be money must be a persistent value." Here we pro fess ourselves completely mystified. The sentence is so completely moon shiny that we cannot collect the writ er'd idea even after he has made ex planation. "Money must be a persis tent value, undestructible by the acci dents of life and vicissitudes of gov ernment." All printed paper is de structible ; therefore paper bills are not money they have no persistent value. But we could go on and say silver and gold are subject to these accidents and vicissitudes to some degree, therefore Ave have no money at all. We only have a measure of power to supply our selves with what we want and this is money, per se. We do not think the writer intended to ignore all paper bills as money, but it is a fair conclusion from his language the metals alone being nearly persis tent by accidents and changes. Money must be a value a persistent value not a- representative of value not a measure of value ; but a value in itself and that, too, persistent. If this is the writer's ideas he is a hard money man out and out. But he cannot take his own ideas of money as a value and sus tain them ; for it is a well-known and admitted fact by all reasoners that silver and gold, apart from its use as money, have but little value. You could buy them by the pound, if they were not coinable, for 23 or 50 cents. So the idea of value and persistent value applied to money is a misappli cation; but it is the measure of the power to buy and in some sense tho accepted measure of value also in some sense the accepted medium of exchange. Because one definition is not complete in itself, it should by no means be rejected, as this writer has done ; for by the same logic we could say a horse is not a quadruped, for this definition is not complete. After he gets over his hard money ideas, we would think he is in favor of some pa per, as he speaks of the increase and decrease of money which could not be done arbitrarily if money is a "value" a "persistent value." Having cleared up the first part of the article in question, we will state that the remaining was good. We think it was Henry Clay who said that anything was money and good money which would be accepted as taxes. Therefore anything is money ordered to be such by the government stamp, be it paper, tin, gold or silver. The government's stamp and decree gives it the power to buy and to a great ex tent the measure of that power not the value of the article stamped. True every article so stamped has a backing or security in itself according to its worth and scarcity ; and without this backing another scarcity must be sub stituted. This may be in the form of property as bullion, iron, tin, wheat, corn, etc., or in the public faith. That money is the measure of one's power to buy is not denied, and we deprecate such an inflation as to weaken this power in the silver dollar. Lucius Lagone.
The Progressive Farmer (Raleigh, N.C.)
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April 28, 1891, edition 1
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