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4 ( 1 rn T f 1 THE INDUSTRIAL AND EDUCATIONAL INTERESTS OF OUR PEOPLE PARAMOUNT TO ALL OTHER CONSIDERATIONS OF STATE POLICY. RALEIGH, IT. G., JUNE 14, 1892. No. 18 PIOGEESSI? FARMER "1 f - of end TV- i.. NATIONAL FARMERS' ALLI- ANCn- UNION. nt L L. Polk, North Caro- r Address, Atlantic tfuuaing, x fviPresident-H. L. Loucks, Huron, k)Utn iai-. T tt Turner. !J4 V , Washington, D. C. Ltiturcr-J. H. Willetts, Kansas. EXECUTIVE BOARD. V "Maune, Washington, D. C. llono Wardail, Huron, South Da- JUDICIARY. , i Cole, Michigan, b' V Beck, Alabama, il P. Davie, Kentucky. NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE. L L Plk, Chairman. q' W Maeune, Washington, D. C. If arm Page, Brandon Va. r p Featherstone, Forest City, Ar sons. . . m W. r . (jhvinn, v mie, xuijxieeu. tjETH CAROLINA FARMERS' STATE ALLI ANCE. presi lent Marion Butler, Clinton, s C Vice-President T. B. Long, Ashe- retary-Treasurer W. S. Barnes, tileish, N. C. Lecturer J. S. Bell, Brasstown, N.C. Steward-C. C. WTright, Glass, N. C. Chaplain Rev. E. Pope, Chalk i.evel, X. C. Door-Keeper W. H. Tomlinson, r'ayetteville. N. C. Assistant Door-Keeper H. E. King, i'eanut, N. C. 3ergeant-at-Arms J. S. Holt, Chalk ivel, N. C. State Business Agent W. H. Worth, taleigh, N. C. Trustee Business Agency Fund W. . Graham, Machpelah, N. C. CXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE NORTH CAROLINA FARMERS' STATE ALLIANCE. 3. B. Alexander, Charlotte, N. C, M. Mewborne. Kinston. 5. C. ; J. S. Johnston, Ruffin, N. C. TATE ALLIANCE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE. Elias Carr, A. Leazer, N. M. Cul oreth, M. G. Gregory-, Wm. C. Connell. ?TATE ALLIANCE LEGISLATIVE COMMITTEE. R. J. Powell, Raleigh, N. C. ; N. Q. nglisri, Trinity College: J. J. Young, Polenta; H. A. Forney, Newton, N. C. North Carolina Reform Press Association. Wiced L. Ramsey, President; ifarion Butler, Vice-President; W. S. Barnes, Secretary, PAPERS. .-'regressive Farmer, Raleigh, N. C. r&ucasian, Clinton, N. The Workinguian's Helper, Pinnacle, N. C. Watchiran, Salisbury, N. C. Farmer' Advocate, l arboro, N. C. Alliance Sentinel. , Goldslwro, . C . Country Lite, Trinity College. N. C. Mercury, JI.lcory' v'' W Rattler b-itakers, N. C. Asricultural Eee, (Toldsboro, N. C. nr-lnmbusi Weekly News, hiteville, . Alliance Echo. Moncure, !N. C. Each of the above-named papers are requested to keep the list standing on the first pane and add others, provided they a re d idy elected. Any paper fa il ing to advocate thi Ocala platform icill be dropped from the list promptly. Our people can noiv see ichat papers are published in their interest. LETTER FROM CABARRUS. " vr east-res, not men, Lave always been my mark." )Uv. r (Jobkmith. This s'amii is the cant" Not men, but meas ures." L'lu a d Ilurke. A FEW THOUGHTS HURRIEDLY PENNED. Concord, N. C, May 24, 1892. Mr. Editor: I hail from the cotton and wheat kissed hills and corn-decked vales of old Cabarrus. I come from a people whose faith is firmly fixed on the brightest star of the ages the star of Alliance doctrines, whose principles are just, whoso watch-word is victory. Only five years have been numbered on time's etornal scroll since the Alli ance the child of justice and right, was born on North Carolina's soil. Only a few years, yet as we look back at what mighty deeds have been done, what mighty foes have been overcome, what grand achievements have been wrought by this child of a new thought, we wonder! W' In lb 87 the Farmers' Alliance was in its infancy. Then the farmer looked for success to the political "boomers." They pleaded and preached and promised great things for farm inter ests, but still those interests were not benefited. Time rolled on one by one a link of demagogism was severed one by one a silken thread was stolen from the warp of mugwump politics until to-day that wTarp is only a frail relic of by gone greatness, and the reigns of power are in the master hands of the people, as they should be always. Away with any system of political ethics that does not let the people make their own laws for their own aggrand izement. During these five years it has been God send to the educational interests of the State ; it has "developed a better State, mentally, morally, socially and financially," and yet its principles are not in full operation. There is a grand story yet to tell of what it will do. Nothing but the jus tice of its demands could in so short a time control the political machinery of the State, as was done in the late State Convention. Where in history can you show me a people who, in five short years can rise up and be masters in the body politic as we have done? There must be a great, grand principle great, grand truth underlying this ix anient, for nothing else could do th c Yes, sir, the Farmers' Alliance is it varmony with the wants of the masses of the day ; it aims to give re dress for wanton wrongs, and to lift humanity up to a higher sphere in every way possible. This is a political reason for its success. Too long, in deed, did the moneyed corporations suck our life-blood away and we not enter a protest. Too long did the ring politicians get our ballots for their good and to our detriment; but a new day has dawned upon our State, for justice must be done though the heavens fall. To listen to the voice of policy, to serve my own best interests, perhaps, I would not open this frail letter; but there is a songster in each conscience which sings a sweet, silent lullaby which is the key note to man's true thought, and I let this charmer sing awhile this evening. I believe that principles of truth and right are woven int) the very tissues of every life, and only by fal?e representations do these principles disappear. A thread of truth is snatched from us by policy's pretty fingers, a thread of human sym pathy is torn asunder by prejudiced political aspirations, a cord of brotherly love is rudely severed by partisan crankism, a cord of equality of rights justice's very soul is lost forever by the love of ring power ; in a word, man's inherent nature is often entirely changed by pandering to the siren of policy. And a thousand of noblo cords that make man kind, beautiful and grand, the image of his Maker, are pulled aside, day by day, until man is almost an artificial structure. He is no more like the pure and holy image of his childhood than an Allianceman is like a mugwump politician. Now why is this? Why will we let party affiliations control the personal, inborn, natural instruction of the hu man soul? Just because we hate to give up prejudiced views on certain matters. I know that after laboring and hurrahing for certain principles for years and years, it is hard to give them up; but let right prevail. Now is not this true? Why is the rich, highbred banker an enemy of the Farmers' Alliance? Did he naturally have an aversion to this like he had to sin and crime? Was it always thus from infancy's hallowed days? Any honest mind knows that he opposes this because it i? to his interest to do so. If this banker could make more money with the Alliance demands, in effect he would certainly be with you So mu2h for his motive in opposing this organization. And if he would be injured by our laws, certainly we would be benefited. The national bank is a fostered child of te govern aient, reared on special favors to a few, and those who are capitalists. To cheeks browned by the kiss of the noon-iay sun and fanned by the lullaby of the evening zephyrs. To hands toughened by the soul of labors, to hearts tendered by natural charms and nourished by Christian graces and honest convic tions, to lips sweetened by purity's smile of hope and glor", to manhood and womanhood's most perfect ideal of what is right I say let us continue this crusade against those who seek our down fall And we have the ballot the the battle ax of freedom to fight our battles with, and we have soldiers with souls of heroism to hear those axes, and if we don't conquer, it is no one's fault but our own. All we have to do is to vote the true, God-given principles woven into a noble manhood ere policy was born, and we need fear nothing else. We pay 80 per cent, of the taxes of this country, and surely we can say how and when and by whom these taxes shall be levied. If these few who now rule our legislation, etc., paid more revenue to the govern ment and were more largely interested in the effects of this legislation, then they might talk of running things ; but not so. Labor feeds the world, labor clothes the world, labor houses the world, labor blesses the world, labor maintains the world; and yet labor starves, labor is naked, labor has no home, labor is a vagabond. It will not always be thus, for labor holds the key that opens the doors of legislatures and Congresses, and labor can sit in a President's chair. Link wisdom with right, link truth, link unity of action to labor, and labor is king, crowned or uncrowned, in every commonwealth. I plead in the name of a thousand mortgaged farms that deck our good old State, I plead in the name of a thousand lonely firesides, near which there lurks the wolf of poverty, whose glare is reflected in the faded cheeks of a virtuous wifehood and childhood, I plead in the name of manhood's blasted hopes, manhood's unrewarded efforts, manhoods purity and glory, manhood's new destiny, for a just legislation for the people and by the people. Not so now. The farmer produces his crops by the sweat of his brow and has a living therefrom, while the surplus goes as a tribute to the speculators and capitalists. He works that they may be idle, he sows and reaps that they may live in luxury. My countrymen, should not the producer have the bene fits of his labor? Add to the price of Southern agriculture the profits real ized on such products by others than himself for even one year, and you make us the richest nation on earth. We are cheated out of the profits of our labor by not claiming our just deserts deserts consistent with repub lican government. Of course the iron hand of monopoly will hold its sway over our law-making assemblies until a free ballot makes other assemblies in sympathy with our demands and offered to monopoly. Elect men who, knowing the right, dare to maintain it, and we are safe. Nothing else under the sun is worth an iota. " Only this and nothing more." I make no war against success in any calling. It is not a crime to succeed, but a duty. I have nothing to say against capital, for this is the goal of all our toil; but I do fight against a government which legislates in the in terest of one class, to the detriment of of another. I do say that aid to one in dustry at the expense of another is not right. And when capital winks at makers and labor suffers and capital smiles, we certainly need a dose of " equal justice to all, special privileges to none." Not special favors to labor nor to capital, but justice to both. So mote it be. G. Ed. Kestler. RAMBLING THOUGHTS. BY JAMES MURDOCH. If there is any Lincoln Republican ism or Jetfersonian Democracy left in the two parties they will recognize our demands on finance. We stand where Lincoln and Jefferson stood. The financial question is the one overshad owing issue, and the party that op poses financial reform will have us to fight in the coming campaign. The time is passed for parties of expediency to ask our support. We demand a party with principle and a fixed policy in the interest of the people. The Re Eublican and Democratic parties have een running after a false gods for lo these many years. Wall and Lombard street furnishes the platform, and it would seem that little Ben and Grover, the demagogues chosen to carry the banners. Lombard street furnishes the wand which consists of two golden yard sticks that will measure two yards of American produce for English subjects holding debts against this country. They are engaged in measur ing off fourteen cent cotton for Europe at six cents a pound to pay interest on English debts. It ia the mission of the Alliance to educate the people to et a hold on these golden yard sticks and shorten them one-half so c )rn, cotton and wheat will measure more debts, taxes and fat salaries. When the McCul lough contraction bill came up in 1866, 55 Republicans voted for it and 53 Republicans.against it, and 28 Democrats voted for it and one against it. Had all the Democrats voted against this infamous measure it would have been defeated by 27 major ity and one billion and three hundred millions of dollars retained in circula tion. The effect of this bill was to pre cipitate the famine of 1873 and shrink values one half. It robbed the cotton planter of some cents on every pound this year or two hundred and eighty million of dollars and it robbed the farmers on wheat three hundred mil lion dollars. It got us in debt ten thou sand million dollars and cost us one thousand million dollars annually and has robbed us ever since it was passed of one thusand million dollars each year in shrinkage of values. Before this infamous meaHire in point of downright robbery all the other fail. In spite of this fact Democratic papers have the audacity to claim they are not responsible for any of the financial ills under which wo are suffering. It was Mr. Cleveland who loaned the bankers a large sum of money without interest to be reloaned to the people at six to ten per cent. This was not wild vagary, but to loan the people their own money is the corruption of a crazy lunatic. It is Mr. Cleveland who op poses free coinage and i3 in favor of the golden yard stick two yards long and favors every measure asked for by Lombard street, England, and op poses every measure asked by the Alli ance and financial reformers. It is believed by the politicians that people can be wheedled or driven into the support of Wall street candidates and their measures. It is evident they fear the money power more than the people. If the people fail now they are lost. If the farmers will not stand by each other and their interests they need not expect those outside of their or ganization to stand by them. A FARBECUE IN GREENE CO. Snow Hill, N. C. Mr. Editor: Hurrah! for the Alli ance in Greene county. There are two things that this county is especially famous for barbecue and Alliance men. They take " whole hog " in both, I attended the county meeting at Ormondsville, and around this little town are some of the best farmers in the State. They seem to be awake to the progressive spirit of the age. They are not going to plant as much cotton as they did last year. They seem to realize the fact that the only way the farmer of the South can live is to raise his own supplies. Bro. Burns and myself spoke to a large and appreciative audience. They believe in buying reform books and taking reform papers, and I want to thank the people or Greene county for their appreciation of the work I am engaged in selling Alliance litera ture. I have never met with better treatment from any people, I began to believe that Alliance people are about the best in the world. They are all fighting for a great cause, and like Macedonian Phoenix, shield touching shield, heart with heart, and their long spears of financial reform, they are ad vancing towards the great victory over capital. Long live the Alliance, the refuge of the farmer and poor man. Long live the interests of our grand organization. Yours lruly, Chas. L. Abernethy. POLITICAL PLATFORMS. A Series of Interesting Documents. Milestones in the Development oj Politi cal Parties Since the Organiza tion of the Government. 1813. LIBERTY PLATFORM, BUFFALO, AUG. 30TH Pesolved, That human brotherhood is a cardinal principle of true Democ racy, as well as of pure Christianity, which spurns all inconsistent limita tion? ; and neither the political party which repudiates it, nor the political sys em which is not based upon it can be truly Democratic or permanent. 2. That the Liberty party, placing itself upon this broad principle, will demand the absolute and unqualified divorce of the General Government from slavery, and also the restoration of equality of rights among men, in every State where the party exists, or may exist. 3. That the Liberty party has not been organized for any temporary pur pose by interested politicians, but has arisen from among the people in conse qunce of a conviction, hourly gaining ground, that no other party in the country represents the true principles of American liberty, or the true spirit of 'the Constitution of the United States. 4 That the Liberty party has not been organized merely for the over throw of slavery ; its first decided effort must, indeed, be directed against slave holding as the grossest and most re volting manifestation of despotism, but it will also carry out the principle of equal rights into all its practical con sequences and applications, and sup port everv just measure conducive to individual and social freedom. 5. That the Liberty party is not a sectional party, but a national party; was not originated in a desire to ac complish a single object, but in a com prehensive regard to the great interests of the whole country; is not a new party, nor a third party, but is the party of 1776 reviving the principle of that memorable era, and striving to to carry them into practical applica tion. 6. That it was understood in the times of the declaration and the Con stitution, that the existence of slavery in go me of the States was in derogation of the principles of American liberty, and a deep stain upon the character of the country, and the implied faith of the country, and the implied faith of the States and Nation was pledged that slavery should never be extended be vend its then existing limits, but should be gradually, and yet, at no distant diV',' v-h'.ily abolished by 3tate,au thority. 7. That the faith of the States and the Nation thus pledged, was most nobly redeemed by the voluntary abo lition of slavery in several of the States, and by the adoption of the ordinance of 1787, for the government of the ter ritory northwest of the river Ohio, then the only territory in the United States, and consequently the only territory subject in this respect to the control of Congress, by which ordinance slavery was forever excluded from the vast regions which now compose the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and the territory of Wisconsin, and an incapacity to bear up any other than freemen, was impressed on the soil itself. 8. That the faith of the States and Nation thus pledged, has been shame fully violated by the omission, on the part of many of the States, to take any measures whatever for the abolition of slavery within their respective limits; by the continuance of slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the terri tories of Louie iana and Florida; by the legislation of Congress; by the protec tion afforded by national legislation and negotiation to slaveholding in American vessels, on the high seas, employed in the coastwise Slave Traffic ; and by the extension of slavery far be yond its original limits, by acts of Con gross, admitting new States into the union. 9. That the fundamental truths of the Declaration of Independence, that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, was made the funda mental law of our National Govern ment, by that amendment of the Con titution which declares that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law. 10. That we recognize as sound the doctrine maintained by slaveholding jurists, that slavery is against natural right and strictly local, and that its existence and continuance rest on no other support than State legislation, and not on any authority of Congress. 11. That the General Government has, under the Constitution, no power to establish or continue slavery any where, and therefore that all treaties and acts of Congress establishing, con tinuing or favoring slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia, in the Territory of Florida, or on the high seas, are un conttitutional, and all attempts to hold men as property within the limits of exclusive national jurisdiction, ought to be prohibited by law. 12. That the provision of the Consti tution of the United States which con fers extraordinary political powers on the owners of slaves, and thereby con stituting the two hundred and fifty thousand slaveholders in the slave States a privileged aristocracy; and the provision for the reclamation of fugitive tlaves from service, are anti Republican in their character, danger ous to the liberties of the people, and ought to be abrogated. 13. That the practical operation of the second of these provisions is seen in the enactment of the act of Congress respecting persons escaping from their masters, which act, if the construction given to it by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Prigg vs. Pennsylvania be correct, nullifies the habeas corpus acts of all the States, takes away the whole legal security of personal freedom, and ought, therefore, to be immediately repealed. 14. That the peculiar patronage and support hitherto extended to slavery and slaveholding, by the General Gov ernment, ought to be immediately withdrawn, and the example and in fluence of national authority ought to be arrayed on the side of liberty and free labor. 15. That the practice of the General Government, which prevails in the slave States, of employing slaves upon the public works, instead of free labor ers, and paying aristocratic masters, with a view to secure or reward politi cal services, is utterly indefensible and ought to be abandoned. 16. That freedom of speech and of the press, and the right of petition, and the right of trial by jury, are sacred and inviolable, and that all rules, regu lations and laws, in derogation of either are oppressive, unconstitutional and noz to be endured by free people. 17. That we regard voting in an emi nent degree, as a moral and religious duty, which, when exercised, should be by voting for those who will do all in their power for immediate emancipa tion. 18. That this convention recommend to the friends of liberty in all those free States where any inequality of rights and privileges exists on account of color, to employ their utmost energies to remove all uch remnants and effects of the slave system. Whereas, The Constitution of the United States is a series of agreements, covenants or contracts between the people of the United States, each with all and all with each ; and Whereas, It is a principal of univer sal morality, that the moral laws of the Creator be paramount to all human laws; or in the language of an Apostle, "that we ought to obey God rathfr than men ;" and Whereas. The principle of common law that any contract, covenant, or 1 agreement, to do an act derogatory to natural right, is vitiated and an nulled by its inherent immortality has been recognized by one of the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, who in a recent case expressly holds that "any contract that rests upon such a basis is void?'1 and ' Whereas, The third clause of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution of the United States, when constructed as providing for the surrender of a fugitive slave, does "rest upon such a basiV in that it is a contract to rob a man of a natural right namely, his natural right to his own liberty; and is therefore abso lutely void. Therefore Resolved, That we h?reby give it to be distinctly understood by this nation and the world, that, as abolitionists, considering that the strength of our cause lies in its rightesusness, and our hope for it in our conformity to the laws of God, and our respect for the rights of man, we owe it to the Sover eign Ruler of the Universe, as a proof of our allegiance to him, in all our civil relations and offices, whether as private citizens, or public functionaries sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, to regard and to treat the third clause of the fourth article of that instrument, whenever applied to the case of a fugitive slave, as utterly null and void, and consequently as forming no part of the Constitution of the United States, whenever we are called upon or sworn to support it. 20. That the power given to Congress by the Constitution to provide for call ing out the militia to suppress insur rection, does not make it the duty of the Government to maintain slavery by military force, much less does it make it the duty of the citizens to form a part of such military force; when freemen unsheath the sword it should be to strike for liberty, not for des potism. 21. That to preserve the peace of the citizens, and secure the blessings of freedom, the legislature of each of the free States ought to keep in force suit able statutes rendering it penal for any of its inhabitants to transport, or aid in transporting from such State, any person sought to be thus transported, merely because subject to the slave laws of any other State ; this remnant of independence being accorded to the free States by the decision of the Su preme Court, in the case of Prigg vs. the State of Pennsylvania. 1844. WHIG, BALTIMORE, MAY 1ST. Resolved, That these principles may be summed up as comprising a well regulated national currency, a tariff revenue to carry the - necessary ex penses of the government, and dis criminating with special reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country the distribution of the proceeds from the sales of public lands ; a single term for the presidency ; a re form of executive usurpations and generally such an administration of the affairs of the country, as shall im part to every branch of the public ser vice the greatest practical efficiency, controlled by a well-regulated and wise economy. 1844. DEMOCRATIC, BALTIMORE, MAY 27TH. Resolutions 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9, of the platform of 1840, . were re affirmed, to which were added the following: Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly ap plied to the national objects specified in the Constitution, and that we are opposed to the laws lately adopted, and to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the States as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the Constitution. 11, That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the qualified veto power by which he is enabled, under restrictions and responsibilities amply sufficient to guard the public interest, to suspend the passage of a bill, whose merits cannot secure the approval of two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, until the judgment of the people can be ob tained thereon, and which has thrice saved the American people from the corrupt and tyrannical domination of the bank of theUnited State?. TO BE CONTINUED. Wide awake. What? Why, The Progressive Farmer. Send 40 cents and get it through the campaign. SHERIFF HUGHES AS A THIRD PARTYITE. University Station, Orange Co., N. C, Mr. Editor : I give below a state ment clipped from the Daily Chronicle of May 10th which reads as follows : " Hillsboro Observer; Sheriff Hughes, who presided at Orange Democratic Convention, in his speech, said he was a member of the Alliance, but had no sympathy for the Third party. He said that much complaint was being made that money was not as plentiful now as it was before the war. He ad mitted this, but claimed that this state of affairs was brought about by the people themselves. He thought if all . would live economically now as they did before the war, there would be no cause for this complaint Now, Mr. Editor, I will say that Sheriff Hughes is a member of the Alli ance, but how he can consistently say that he has no sympathy for the Third party, I fail to see, since he has prac ticed more Third partyism in this county than all the Third party men combined, so far as this county goes. He has been elected to office on a Third party or independent ticket of his own for the last twelve years.a" both the old parties have tns&-to"beat him, and both the .al3r"p'arties have offered him the, nomination of sheriff, but he refused. And now, at the very time he ' is most needed by the hard working producing classes of his county, he crawls up in a Demo cratic convention and accepts the chairmanship offered him without being questioned as to his loy alty; to the Democratic party. This same convention discarded from its body two as good Alliancemen as the county affords, because they de clared themselves in favor of the St. Louis platform. These same Alliance men, during the Sheriff's Third party ism, have been loyal Democrats. Sheriff Hughes also said the people were responsible for the money being so scarce. I suppose that we are to infer from this that the people are to blame for their cotton, tobacco and other products of their labor selling be low the cost of production. He says for the people to live more economically and there will be no cause for this com plaint, Does this not mean that if you have been so extravagant as to want to buy your wive3 and daughters cook stoves, and sewing machines, and buggies, and such like, that this would be extrava gance, and that you should dispense with these things and return to the use of skillets, spinning wheels, looms and walk to church as you did before the war, and work harder, live harder and pay more taxes than you ever did, and let Sheriff Hughes' salary remain the same, that he may buy three times as much of the products of your labor now as he could fifteen years ago. Now, Mr. Editor, I am in favor of the next legislature reducing the salary of every officer in the State, from Gov ernor down, 10 per cent, and applying the same to the public schools and to the working of the public roads. Very respectfully, R. M. Shields. - ANOTHER PLAN FOR RELIEF. Mr. Editor : We have been reading and discussing Bro. Kennedy's letter for the relief of the unfortunate mem bers of our order, and have decided upon the following plan, which is fair for every one of the Order: Have each Sub Secretary to send to the County Secretary fifty cents for each delegate to the county meeting and he send the same to the State Secretary-Treasurer to be deposited for the various calls, but in no case shall there be paid more than two-thirds of the actual loss and never make any donation to one per son over $500 at a single time and not more than once in two months. Our State organ to publish every Alliance in the State, its membership, its dele gates, its constitution, etc. ; every un fortunate, his loss and what he re ceives. Of course we cannot tell any thing of the amounts that may be called for, but it has been managed in a very unsatisfactory way. By this method, it would give to those only who had been returned by the County Secre tary. Would be glad for the brother hood at large to take the matter in hand. Yours truly, A. J. Campbell. The Progressive Farmer from now until Nov. 15th for 40 CentS. Make Tip yonr Clube. . i V A it s V v r x r 1 , . ..... ''l'if.:r
The Progressive Farmer (Raleigh, N.C.)
Standardized title groups preceding, succeeding, and alternate titles together.
June 14, 1892, edition 1
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