The Progressive Parmer; llovember 13, 1900 THE LAW OF PEESIDENTIAL CHANCES. Tie Strange Accidents in' the Political Lot tery Whereby Great Men Failed: Clay, Cal houn, Webster, Seward, Tilden; and Whereby ,Lesser Hen Succeeded: Tyler, Polk, Pierce, .TJohnson, Hayes The Kind of Man Most.-Likely to Win. From The World's Work for November. Pub lished in The Progressive Farmer by special permission.! 'Accidents, circumstances beyond human control, and unlooked-for events have done more to seat most of our Presidents and to bar abler aspirants than all calculable influ ences and -qualities. - Hardly one of the great leaders who had already left his impress on our legislation and our public policy has been elected since the earlier days of the Consti tuion. With the exception of Jack son, W. H: Harrison, and Gr&nt, none of the generally popular men has succeeded, and of these Harri son's was the popularity of an idea, and Grant's of a military hero. In fact, the history of nominating con ventions and of elections shows that a man who has won only a moderate decree of fame and then waited for some happy turn of fortune has had by far the best chance of success. To go back as far as- the first elec tion of Jefferson Burr and Jeffer son received an equal number of electoral votes. Then, of course, the man who received the largest num ber of electoral votes became Presi dent, and. the man who received the next largest number, Vice-President. There was no choice in the Electoral College, and the election was thrown into the House of Representatives, where doubtless Jefferson would have failed of the first place had not "an unexpected influence been brought to bear upon the contest. Hamilton, leader of the Federalists, and the last man from whom Jefferson could hope for help, preferred Jefferson as the less of two evils. Hamilton's purpose was not accomplished by directly securing Federalist votes for Jefferson, but the Federalist rep. resentatives from Vermont and the two from Maryland voted blank bal lots, so that in the final ballot it ap peared that ten States, a majority of those voting, had given Jefferson their ballots. There is no stranger, more dramatic episode in our political history than that Jefferson, the I founder of the Republican party, as the Democratic party was then called, owed it to Hamilton, who was the personification of all that he opposed in political theory, that he succeeded John Adams in' the Presidency. CLAY'S FIRST FAILURE. Madison and Monroe were, in suc cession, the predetermined heirs to Jefferson's political estate ; but John Quincy Adams, who followed Mon roe, was in some respects an acci dental President. There were four candidates for the office in 1824 Adams Jackson, Crawford, and Clay. Jackson had a 'majority of the popular vote ; but there being no choice in the Electoral College the election again went to .the House, which, under the Constitution, was to select one from the three candi dates who had received the three largest votes. These were Adams, Jackson, and Crawford. Adams was Jte final choice of the Rouse, but he owed his election to what seemed at the moment a comparatively trifling matter. The State legislatures afe that time selected the presidential electors for the States. By what Clay's friends. termed outright po litical dishonesty, the legislature of Louisiana seized or made an oppor tunity during the absence of Clay's supporters from that body to vote for the presidential electors. These electors voted in the College, three for Jackson and two for Adams, whereas, had the election taken place when Clay's friends were pres ent, the five electors would all have voted for Clay, and their votes in the Electoral College would have made Clay's electoral vote greater than Crawford's. He, then, instead J of Crawford, would have been a can didate before the House ; and in that event it is quite certain that Clay would have been elected President by the House, of which he was at that time easily the most popular j member. Thus robbed of success, the friends of Clay in the House, act ing upon the advice of their leader, gave their support to Adams, and he was elected. HOW CALHOUN MISSED THE PRIZE. It is not too much to say that death alone could have prevented the election of Jackson to the Presi dency in 1828, or his re-election in 1832. But an unlooked-for incident, or combination of incidents, played a decisive part in the election of Van Buren in 1836. When Jackson first took office two men were prominent as his possible successors. These were Clay and Calhoun. In fact, when Jackson was elected, it was understood that he should serve a single term, and that Calhoun, who, in 1824 and again in 1828, had been elected Vice-President almost with out opposition, should become hi3 successor- But this plan was never carried out. Crawford, who had not ceased to resent his defeat in 1824, for which, with or. without reason, he held Calhoun chiefly responsible, now wrote to Van Buren, Jackson's Secretary of State, declaring that in Monroe's cabinet, of which both he and Calhoun had been members, Cal houn had proposed that Jackson's conduct in the Florida war (during which Jackson had, in fact, carried things with a high hand, as was his custom) he made the subject of in quiry, and that if the charges against him were proved, lie be punished with severity. Van Buren showed this letter to his .. chief, and the friendship "of Jackson for Calhoun changed at once to implacable en mity. From that day Calhoun was doomed as Jackson's successor. " -' Calhoun, of course, charged his loss of favor to Van Buren ; and when Jackson sent Van Buren 's name to the Senate as Minister to. Great Britain, Calhoun, with Webster and Clay, set about defeating the nomi nation. He was rejected in the end, but with a result unforeseen, save by one astute Senator, who said, "You have broken a minister, but you have elected a Vice-President." His re jection did all that, and more, for it fixed in Jackson the determination to make Van Buren his successor in the Presidency. This resolve be came plain when, in 1832, Van Buren was nominated and elected Vice President. Four years later he suc ceeded Jackson in the chief magis tracy. Van Buren was again the candi date of his party in 1840, but, what with the panic of 1837 and the hard times that followed it, Whig success in that campaign was from the first a foregone conclusion. Again acci dent came into play to make a Presi dent. The sentiment of hi-- party was decidedly in favor of tho nomi- j nation of Clay, and he fully expected ! the honor ; but half a dozen influen tial Whigs in New York and Pennr sylvania deemed him unavailable bo- cause tne anti-Masons maae up a large portion of the opposition, and Clay was a Royal Arch Mason. " GENERAL SCOTT'S FATAL LETTER. With Clay out of tho field, the choice of the convention was nar rowed down to General Harrison and General Scott, and the Virginia dele gation was in a position to decide be tween them. But Scott had written a letter to Francis Granger, of New York, in which he evidently sought to conciliate the anti-slavery senti ment of that State. Granger showed it to Thaddeus Stevens, and permit ted Stevens to use it his own way. j The headquarters of tho Virginia j delegation, being the centre of at- i traction, were always crowded, and Stevens called there along with many others. Before leaving, he dropped Scott's letter on the floor, and it was ! soon discovered and its contents' made known to the Virginians, That letter caused the Virginians to sup port Harrison and to reject Scott. The nomination was equivalent to an election. TYLER INSTEAD OF WEBSTER WON. Harrison's candidacy was as dra matic in its sequel as in its inception. Before the Whig convention met, Thurlow Weed urged Webster to take the nomination for Vice-President, but he rejected the suggestion with scorn. After Harrison's nomi nation Clay's friends were urged t name the candidate, for Vice-President. They first offered the nomina tion to Watkins Leigh, of Virginia, who declined it. Then it was ten dered to Nathaniel P. Tallmadge. Had he not put it aside, New York would have had three Presidents from the Vice-President's chair. Next, Samuel Southard, of New Jer sey, had the offer of the nomination. He, too, refused it. At last some one remembered that John Tyler, of Virginia, had shed tears at Clay's defeat. As a result, Tyler was named for "Vice-President, the delegates feeling that so devoted a follower of Clay on tho ticket would go far to heal the wounds that the convention had caused. Thus by these curious combinations of accidents, for which he was in no way responsible, Tyler, through the death of Harrison, be came President, after four men had declined the chance. Van Buren should have been nom inated by the Democratic conven tion in 1844. He had a clear major ity, but the adoption of the two thirds rule deprived him of this ad vantage over his rivals, and pro longed balloting produced much bad feeling between his supporters and the supporters of his chief competi tor, Cass. On the eighth ballot forty four delegates voted for James K. Polk, who up to that time had been mentioned only as a possible candi date for Vice-President ; and on the succeeding ballot, he was unanimous ly nominated. Polk had been Speaker of the House, but, he was not a man of any great national . reputation. 4 'The nomination," says Thomas H. Benton, 44 was a surprise and marvel to the country." clay's second slip. Clay was nominated by acclama tion by the Whigs, but again an un toward accident blocked his path to the White House. The great Ken tuckian, at an early stage of his career, had given serious personal offence to James G. Birney. The latter was conspicuous as an Aboli tionist, and there was some trifling strength in tho so-called Abolition party in the North. In New York State there were a few thousand scattered Abolitionists, and they met in a convention and nominated Birney for the Presidency. He did not wish to run, and the most intel ligent of the Abolitionists were op posed to any organization ; but there was at that time a general belief that Birney saw in his candidacy a chance to punish Clay. Birney therefore ran, and he had such revenge as caused the Whig party to lose the Presidency, for his popular vote of 62,300 was sufficient to turn New York and Michigan to the Demo crats. The sequel proved that Clay's po litical sun had set ; for in 1848, when it was almost certain that tho Whig candidate would be elected, ho was i put aside for Taylor, one of the j heroes of a war which the Whigs had denounced as a crime. ! Webster's second chance. Webster, also, in 1848, missed his last opportunity to become Presi dent. Before the Whig convention met, Thurlow Woed again urged Webster to become the Whig candi date for Vice-President. Again he refused, and the nomination, after going begging, was finally given to Millard Fillmore. Taylor died soon after taking office, Fillmore became President, and Webster returned to Washington to serve him as Secre tary of State, as he had similarly served the accidental Tyler twelve years before. In place of either of them he might have become Presi dent. The unexpected befell in the Demo cratic convention of 1852. Cass, Buchanan, and Douglas were the leading candidates, but Cass's can didacy had the stigma of defeat ; I Buchanan lacked an attached per sonal following ; and the envy and the personal hatreds caused by Douglas's brilliant career as "a leader in the Senate prevented his nomina tion. There is little doubt that Dan iel S. Dickinson, of New York, would have been nominated as a compro mise candidate had he not peremp torily declined to allow his name to go before the convention, for the reason that he was pledged to Cass. Finally the Southern delegates said to the New Hampshire delegates that any New Hampshire Democrat upon whom they could agree would be supported by the South, and thus, after a protracted contest, Franklin Pierce was nominated. Pierce had been a soldier in the Mexican War and a member of the Senate, but was so little known beyond the bor ders of his own State that many Democrats had never heard his name. Scott, robbed of a nomination when he could have been elected twelve years before, was now made the standard-bearer of the Whigs. He met with one of the most overwhelm ing defeats on record, only four States voting for him in the Electoral College. seward's disappointment. In 1856 Buchanan, for many years an active aspirant for the office, was chosen President, but the year 1860 wrecked the long cherished hopes of Douglas, John C. Breckinridge, and Seward. When the Republicans met in convention, the nomination of Seward seemed a foregone con clusion. But he had made a personal enemy of Horace Greeley, who was determined to defeat his nomina tion. As Greeley could not be chosen a delegate from New York, he appeared in the convention with the proxy of an Oregon member. He worked in season and out of sea son, undermining Seward's strength. Greeley's arguments and the decla ration of Andrew G . Curtiri, then candidate for governor of Pennsyl vania, that he could not carry his State in the October election if Sew ard was , nominated, drove enough i delegates ' from the - eminent New Yorker to prevent his nomination ; and Lincoln was named in his stead. jben: butler might have been presi- .? : DENT.. - JTo name but Lincoln's was presen ted to the Republican convention in 1864, and from the first his re-election was never in serious doubt. But the abiding issue of that cam paign, as the sequal proved, was the nomination and election of ; Andrew Johnson ta the Vice -Presidency. Lincoln for good reasons ; preferred a War Democrat on the ticket with him, and his first selection was Gen eral Benjamin F. Butler. But But ler, when approached by an agent of the President, declined peremptorily to permit his name to be considered, . j as . the most available mail for the place. Butler refused be cause of his personal dislike of Lin coln. It was a costly refusal, for Johnson became President within a year. , Grant's nomination in 1868 and in 1872 were beyond the power of chance to prevent ; but in 1876 the enmity of an angry man helped to defeat Blaine, the favorite of a ma jority of the members of his party, and brought about the unexpected nomination of Hayes. When Blaine was Speaker of the House of Rep resentatives, James N. Tyner, a member of the House from Indiana, coveted the chairmanship of the committee on post offices and post roads. He asserted that Blaine prom ised him the place, and then, with out warning, gave it to another. Facing the Speaker in his private room, he declared to Blaine that he should remember what he called his betrayal when Blaine should become, a candidate, a year or two later, for the presidential nomination. Blaine laughed at him, it was then said ; but Tyner, who had some influence in the politics of his State, was as good as his word. When in the Re publican convention of 1876 it be jcame apparent that Oliver P. Mor ;ton could not be nominated, the Iri xliana delegation decided to support Hayes, who up to that time had not been thought a probable candidate. Blaine's friends had counted upon Indiana when Morton was with drawn ; but Tyner turned them from ;Blaine to Hayes. later accidental presidents By tiie Electoral Commission, whereby Hayes secured the presiden tial office, although Tilden received 250,000 majority of the popular vote, was completed the chain of unusual events w hereby Hayes became Presi dent. In 18S0 Tilden was certainly the choice of his party. But in the con-, fusion of tho Democratic conven tion confusion caused by a letter from Tilden expressing the wish that the convention should not renomi nate him (which the convention took seriously, however it was meant to be taken) an eloquent speech by Daniel Dougherty, of Pennsylvania, caused the ill-starred nomination of Hancock. In the Republican con vention Blaine, Sherman, and Grant were presented as candidates, but Garfield was chosen. Had he kept the purpose that he once formed, not to attend the convention, there is little likelihood that he would h a ve been nominated . The surprises since 1S80 may perhaps be said to in clude the first nominations of both Cleveland and Harrison. Among the accidental or unex pected Presidents in this incomplete review are Tyler, Polk, Pierce, John son, Hayes, Arthur ; and among the men who clearly missed the Presi dency by chance or an unexpected turn of events are Clay, Calhoun, Scott, Webster, Seward, and Tilden, not to mention Benjamin F. Butler. TTJSNEE'S ALMANAC FSEE. A copy of Turner's N. C. Almanac for 1901 will be sent free to any one sending us $1 in new subscribers or $2 in renewals before January 1. Of course we cannot give a premium to any one for his own subscription or renewal, but only as a reward for securing money from others. How's This! We offer One Hundred Dollars Reward for asy case of Catarrh that cannot be cured by Hall's Catarrh Cure. e F J. CHENEY Sc CO., Props , Toledo, O. We the undei signed, have knonn F. J. Che ney for the last 15 years, and believe hira per fectly honorable in all business transactions and financially able to carry out any obliga tions made by their firm. 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P., Care of The Progressive Farmer, Raleigh, N. C. FREE! We are going 1o cive free to every one who sends us 30 cents (stamps or mont-y order) for a year's trial subscription to SOUTHERN FKUIT AND THUCK GROWER, a practical book on Strawberry Culture. Regular price of paper alone is 50 cents. Cut this out and mail to the publishers. Sample copies free. Address: Southern Fruit and Truck Grower, No black powder shelf on the market comnare with the "NEW RIVAL" in uni formity and strong shooting qualities, burs li.-e and waterproof. (Jet the genuine. WINCHESTER REPEATIftS ARMS CO. Tlis Business Apnt hi ih mi busimess through tb (jl li State Easiness Agensy other than Fertilizers asd Seeing V Mieliass. from Ssstantar 1st. 1500. fn AnmsMjt. 1901. 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C. results In a score of .L5!?rt? 1 plications, frequently causing ur j poisoninz resulting tn uremic I 13 ture, even when siiVh?'4L. tric- genital organism and the whole nersmic The ordinary methods resorted to for a cure are txbi only ciatinply painful, but frequently cause disorders as serioittCru" stricture Itself. . . asthe Dr. Hathaway years ago discarded these old-time barb methods and perfected a system by which he removes the striT reducing the thickened walls of the passage to a normal cond' There is no operation. The treatment is applied by the d t ' himself. It is painless and takes no time from business. The effected is permanent and all complications of the diseased c J-9 tions are removed. This method of treatment and cure of St; ture is exclusively used by Dr. Hathaway. r:c" , , Dr. Hathaway, by a similar method, cures Varicocele with operation. 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