Newspapers / Daily Tar Heel (Chapel … / Dec. 16, 1954, edition 1 / Page 2
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THURSDAY, DECL'MStR to, H3I PAGE TWO THE DAILY TAR HEEL The Word From The Chancellor Chancellor House's statement read this way: "The contract between the University of North Carolina and its head football coach, Mr. George Barclay, '.is a three-year contract with another year to run. There has never been any issue between Mr. Bar clay and the University over the terms of the contract in any way. . ." Translated. Mr. House's announce ment served notice to win-happy alumni and everybody else who listened that the Uni versity is not going to be pressured into cancelling employees' contracts. Nobody not even football coaches gets thrown to the lions before his time is up. ... A glance at next year's football schedule suggests Barclay's time may be up soon. But the Chancellor, as the leading actor in this annual drc.-ma, has acquitted himself and the University well. We probably stand to lose some alumni contributions, but that shouldn't have made Mr. House bat an eye. And it didn't. Mr. Hoover & Academic Freedom Inter from FBI chief J. i Edgar Hoover 1:t insured the editor of the student paper at the University of New Mexico that the FBI "would never engage in any activity which might result in stifling academic freedom." This sane note may help silence the trumpets blasting against collegiate debate of the Red China admission issue. Hoover, who lost the faith of many people by what seemed to be a partisan attitude toward the Harry Dexter White episode, has done by this letter a good turn both to his agency and to the colleges. It adds up. we'd say, to a stinging smack at Representative Robeson of Virginia and others like him. Mr. Robeson has written a Duke debater that what he said in debate might be' used against him in later life. This is the last measure of thought po licing. The mode of the second Big Red Scare is to hold one responsible today for what he said and thought 20 years ago. "A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little men." -Emerson wrote, and that's still true. The right to change one's mind and to lkld unpoidar opinions seems self evident, but it is being threatened. It is good to see Mr. Hoover affirm that it still exists. Ode On A Grecian Riot An ambiguity of American foreign po licy has now residted in a burst of anti Americanism in Athens. Students at Athens University, marching through the streets about 4,000 strong, raised havoc over Am erican support of British control of Cyprus. Cyprus is vital; it is the focal point of British command in the Middle East. Has Greece gone downhill since she rose under the Truman Doctrine to slap Communistic agression in the face? We doubt that the Grecian attitude results as much from a change of face toward Russia as from a change of face toward American foreign policy. The U. S. State Department knew it had to support British control of Cyprus several months ago. But from one corner of its mouth it uttered imjosing talk about "liberation" behind the iron curtain. If we advocate liberation in the iron curtain countries, we must naturally support na tional determination in all European coun tries. Otherwise we are guilty of Avhat Adlai Stevenson called "hollow moral preten tions." Determination on one side of the curtain plus support of colonialism on the other adds up to inconsistency. That, we suppose, is what disturbs the Athenian students. The problems' of resurging nationalism and anti-Americanism in Europe are volcanoes. Unless our foreign policy shows to a consistent line (as it has not on the question of colonialism and self-determination) the volcanoes will spit with frequency and damage. Carolina Front. tie ailp &v peel The official student publication of the Publi cations Bprd of the University of North Carolina, -- f: :v-v where it is published X, ' ' ' , daily except Monday. ' " examination and vaca- . r tion periods and sum- i mer terms. Entered as second class matter at -, the post office in f Chapel Hill, N. C, un- der the Act of March 'CIiapclKiir SK- of the yntversfty North Carolina vhi h firt f 5 in Itimrv i . 8, 1879. Subscription rates: mailed, $4 per fear, $2.50 a semester; I delivered, $6 a year, $3.50 a semester. Editor .. I! CHARLES KURALT Managing Editor FRED POWLEDGE Associate Editors LOUIS KRAAR, ED YODER Business Manager TOM SHORES The Dean May Be A Good Fellow, But. . . Night Editor for this Issue .. Bob Dillard ' Louis Kraar DEAN FRED Weaver, who for years has been listening to stu dents tejl what's wrong with v the ad ministration, t ol,d Student Party members the other night what was wr ong with stu dent govern ment. ' There was nothing pessimis tic about the dean picking that tope: The students who invited him to their meeting chose it for him, and Dean Weaver admitted that "I'm here because I was faseinated by the title suggest ed." After a half hour of qualify ing statements, including a warn ing that "the dean's word is not to be taken as gospel," Dean Weaver got down to the ills of, student government. "FIND OUT the justification for the Honor System," the dean told some 20 students who at tended. He cited the lack of understanding the Honor System among students. "There s a jurisdictional con fusion on campus1 in enforcing the Honor System and Campus Code," Weaver said, referring to the cluttered court system. The "jurisdictional confusion," according to the dean, delays handling of "many important matters" as well as "paralyzing initiative." "Let's get a real Student Coun cil," Weaver suggested. "If it (the Student Council) is. not go ing to manage the Honor System, let it be something great. For get that it ever had anything to do with trying cases. . .and ' let it be a general, overriding ex ecutive group." Exactly what Dean Weaver meant by making the Student Council an "overriding executive group," I'm not sure. But ap parently, like many student lead ers, he thinks that the Student Council should do more than hear appeal cases from other courts and rule on the constitu tionality of laws. Right now the Student Council is a group of sbudent leaders who rarely meet and whose talents could be much more fully until ized. "WE DON'T give enough at tention to foreign students here," the dean said. "Student govern ment ought to support foreign students." Weaver suggested that several industrial and educational groups would probably be will ing to foot the bill, or part of it, if student government took the initiative. This reporter is reminded of Weaver's remarks on foreign stu dents last spring at the All-Cam pus Conference. He suggested then that fraternities might take in foreign students as a campus service. CONSERVATIVELY dressed,, but acting less conservative, Dean Weaver appeared candid and at ease as he spoke. Perhaps his classroom exper ience this term teaching social science accounts for that. At any rate, one felt that Dean Weaver was enjoying the talk, and his humor at many points was re freshing. "The dean is not a student," Weaver said in one of his many qualifying remarks. "The dean may be a good fellow, slap you on the back, drink with you in fraternity court drink coffee, that is but he can't be a stu dent." Before he said what was wrong with student government, Dean Weaver said that there were sev eral "spedific rights about it." They included the preservation of student freedom, the work of the Carolina Forum and Inter Dormitory Council, and the act ivities of the political parties. Despite Weaver's warning that the dean's word should "not be taken as gospel," this reporter feels that his suggestions on the courts, Student Council and Hon or System will keep the campus politicians busy for the rest of the year. The Knowland-Nixon Break Drew Pearson WASHINGTON .... President Eisenhower has made one im portant concession to military advisers who have been pushing him to take strong steps in China. These military men are chiefly Adm. Arthur Radford, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Gen. James Van Fleet, the Korea commander whose let ter on troop-training contributed to Ike's election. What the Presdent has agreed to is the use of the U. S. Navy to seize Red Chinese merchant vessels if the United Nations fails in its attempt to free the 11 American airmen and two American civilians. Eisenhower's concession on this point came only after a long series of debates inside the Nat Security Council and the White House. During most of these de bates the President leaned over backward against his military advisers. The man who chiefly backed him up was General Matt Ridg way, Army Chief of Staff, who has so emphatically disagreed with Eisenhower on reducing the strength of the Armed Forces that he will probably be retired on his birthday in March. But, on the question of getting bog ged down in a possible war in China, the two spoke the same language. Admiral Radford, however, is one of the most charming and persuasive military men in the Pentagon. Very much in the doghouse with the Truman Ad ministration because of his open battle against the Air Force, Radford sweet-talked himself in . to Ike's good graces during one short hour when Ike's plane re fueled at Iwo Jima during the December, 1952, trip to Korea. Ike then took Radford on the rest of the trip and he's been with 'him. ever since. Easy To Seize Reds Radford, therfore, was able to talk Eisenhower into a promise that the U. S. Navy would be used to seize communist China shippingif the U. N. negotia tions break down. He did this in part by showing how easy it has been for Chiang Kai-Shek's navy, reinforced by N. S. obser vation planes and using fonner U. S. warships, to capture Red Chinese shipping in the Formosa straits. ' Red shipping has to pass through the relatively narrow waters between the Chinese mainland and Chiang's Formosa, where it is easy for Chiang to lay in wait and pick off ships almost at will. Thus, without a blockade, Red China would not be able to com municate between the vitally im portant seaports of the South and those of the North, about the same thing as cutting New York Philadelphia Boston off from Baltimere Norfolk Miami New Orleans. NOTE Ike was of the opinion that the U. N. mission would succeed and that a showdown with the Red China navy would not be necessary. Washington Pipeline The " State Department has drawn up a secret list of 526 missing Americans 472 service men, 54 civlians who have dis appeared behind the bambjoo curtain. The ktate Department is morally certain many are alive in communist prisons, has asked Central Injelligence to locate them . If our agents in China can find proof these men are alive, Uncle Sam will "make a vigorous protest in the United Nations, then follow up with military pressure if necessary The French are mssing 20,000 troops that the Reds were sup- lis SEN.' KNOW LAND . . . out for lite top job posed to repatriate under the armistice agreement in Tndo China . The recent East German elections revealed that the num ber of voters has dropped by 238,181 in the last four years. Most are refugees 'who fled to the West... The administration is quietly tryng to arrange for Chief Justice Earl Warren to address a joint session of Congress. The Federal courts are in such urgent need of increased appropriations that a personal appeal from the Chef Justice is considered nec essary to dramatize the need For example, the Chief Justice second most important official in the land doesn't even have a limousine. He must either rent one or hail a cab to attend for mal functions. Yet minor assist ant secretares, attending the same functions, drive up in of fical government limousnes.l-Ike and Mamie have four plush Pre sidential limousines between sev en. Maybe they could loan one to the Chief Justice. "'" Mr. Nix Vs. Mr. No The inside story hasn't been told, but Bill Knowland's break with the administration isn't a personal split with President Eisenhower. It's resentment ag ainst Vice President Nixon. Those who know Knowland know he's so bitter against his fellow Californian that he will automatically . oppose anything Nixon favors. Since the Vice Pre sident is the "Voice of Ike" on Capitol Hill, this has the psy chological effect of putting Knowland at odds with the ad ministration on almost every is sue. Also at the back of Know land's mind, his friends say, is an ambition to succeed the late Sen. Robert Taft as spokesman for the GOP conservative wing. If Ike declines to run again, Knowland is convinced the Re publican Party will give its next Presidential nomination to the most promising conservative can didate. This explains why Know land declined comment recently as to whether Ike should be drafted. Or, if Ike does try for a sec ond term, he may be forced to choose a conservative running mate for the sake of party harm ony. In either case, Knowland would like to be the most avail able choice. Vice President Nixon, as the tail to the Eisenhower kite, is obliged to go in the same direct ion as the President. Nixon does his best to determine the direct ion and guide the President. Fre quently he has. It was he who for months laid down the ap-pease-Joe policy. But, once the policy is laid down, Nixon faith fully follows the Eisenhower line. And once the White House lined up positively against Mc Carthy, no one worked harder behind the scenes against Mc Carthy than Nixon. Knowland's ffiends swear this is the main reason the big, ob stinate majority leader voted for McCarthy. It- wag Nixon, for ex ample, who appointed the Cen sure Committee, including its Senate Chairman Utah Sen. Art hur Watkins. Afterward, it was Nixon who persuaded Ike to con gratulate Watkins. ' This public endorsement of Watkins, plus Ike's press-confer ence remarks opposing Know land's views on China, was inter preted by Knowland as a dou ble barreled public rebuke, en gineered by Nixon. Knowland has always resented the fact that ' Ike's chief liaison with the i Senate has been through Nixon, rather than him. In the uast the Vice President ha's been more of a figurehead, with the Senate majority leader the chief contact. with the White House. Battle On 'The President Vs. Chalmers M. Roberts In The Reporter Changes in foreign policy are some times heralded in major pronouncements by a President or a Secretary of State. More often they come gradually, almost unnoticed. The second kind of change has been taking place in Washington in recent weeks. The shift has been from the top down rather than from the bottom up, and that has made assessment of the change more difficult. There has been no cranking out policy papers, which then work their tor tuous way up through the bureaucratic levels to the National Security Council and finally to the President. The change, to be precise, has taken place in Dwight D. Eisenhower. But be cause of the way the change has come about, the result has been uncertainty within the Government, especially at the two key operational departments, State and Defense. And if there has been un certainty in WTashington, there has been confusion throughout the nation. What has happened is that the era of "instant retaliation" and "more bang lor a buck" has been giving way to the "good partners" concept with our allies and to an intensive search by the President for what he has called a modus vivendi with - the Communist world. There is not going to be any dismant ling of the Strategic Air Command, of course, nor will we stop putting our major dependence on the ever-growing "fam ily" of atomic weapons. The President has not stopped believing that the long-range Soviet goal is world revolution and world domination, as he told a recent press conference. The 'Middle Road' What the President says about peace or atomic war at his press conferences may sound platitudinous in print, but if you are actually there the words take on an intensity that can only come from the deepest personal conviction. He seems to be thinking out loud, and in the pro cess he reveals a lot about .himself. That was certainly the case in his remarkably eloquent talk at the December 2 press conference, when he gave his clearest exposition thus far on his determination not to be swayed from that "middle road" between appeasement and belligerency in the search for peace. One has occasionally the feeling meaning no disrespect that the Presi dent's reactions are almost visceral. He is groping for a way out of the dilemma of our times, he is convinced there must be a way out, but no one has shown him just what it is. Considering the hysteria over Communism of the past two years it is a tribute to Mr. Eisenhower that he has somehow thrown off those who would drive him into a dead end from whicTi war would be the only escape. This is also a reflection of his innate caution, of his feeling against extremes, of his ability to gauge the temper of the mass of Amer icans and the masses elsewhere in the world on both sides of the Iron Curtain. But it is not enough merely to say that 1 he is seeking a way out of the dilemma of our times, for he has sought that from the day he took office. The difference is that he has now begun to act and that he has come to some conclusions about the nature of nuclear war. But Will He Keep It Up? The issue today to many in high places in Washington is put in the form of a question: Given a nuclearweapons stand off, is the United States willing to fight fnonatomic "small wars" if necessary? That the question has been in Senator Knowland's mind too is clear from his statement on the Senate floor: "We might have the desired (military) strength; but it as a matter of national policy the Amer ican people were not prepared to support the use of that strength. . . that strength on our part would not necessarily con stitute a restraining influence upon the Soviets." This was a polite way of asking whe ther the President was "prepared" to use that strength. There is divided opinion on this matter in Washington today. One official bitterly tells a reporter that "The golf club has replaced the umbrella" as the symbol of appeasement, while another official says confidently, "I think we will make the decision to fight the little wars." ." But nobody really knows. For the Pre sident, in the last analysis, has to weigh all the conflicting claims and make the decision himself. Some months ago a friend said to Mr. Dulles, "The President certainly leaves foreign affairs pretty much up to you.,: "Yes, I suppose he does." The President, vastly impressed by Mr. Dulles's detailed knowledge of diplomacy and of the in tricacies of the world's problems, has given his Secretary of State perhaps more power than has been exercised by any other man who ever held that office. But in the Quemoy crisis, Mr. Dulles discover ed himself on the wrong side. And yet there are very few men to whom Mr. Eisenhower can turn for advice and support. Mr. Dulles has a direct tele phone line to the White House from both his office and his home, and he is in andj out of the Executive Mansion almost con stantly. But it is "all business," the Pre- Rim Of Heir.r War Hawks sident's associates say, between the' two men. They do not play bridge together Mr. Eisenhower seeks relaxation with men of lesser intellectual capacity Jhfn Mr. Dulles. The President appears to have handed down at Denver only a rather treneplized statement: Nothing shall be done to in volve the United States in nuclear war, though we must remain strong enousn. to fight one if it is forced upon us., Mean while, the problem is to find a way to deal with "coexistence" over what looks like a long period of peace ahead. Secretary Dulles and others who have now caught the spirit of the President s new outlook see the "long-haul" program this way: continued advance in weapons, continued improvement in continental de fense, a search for a way out of the Indo China morass, a leash on Chiang, and this last is new a. massive economic pro fnr thr. underdeveloped nations to convince them that Communism is neith. er the only nor the best way to raise their standard of living. The Change Among the seemingly logical outcomes of what Mr. Eisenhower has set in 'motion would be an eventual "two Chinas" policy. And yet Mr. Eisenhower is still moving slowly and cautiously." He is fully aware of the opposition at the Capitol, especially within the Kepublican Party but by no means absent among Democrats.. ; He h fully aware of the attraction of the Rad ford doctrine that the Communists must not be allowed to consolidate their hold on the mainland. The President has a tendency to play things by ear. What Moscow and Peking do as in the prisoner-of-war issue will greatly affect what he does. Quemoy and the other Nationalist-held islands off the mainland could still set off an explosion if the Communists go too far. There is change under way in Washing ton. But it is not occurring in the tradi tional manner of policy changes, often the work of some anonymous expert deep in the ladyrinth of government framing an idea that finally works its way to the top. Rather, it is Mr. Eisenhower at the sum mit of government who is generating the change. This in - itself is a contradiction both to the normal ways of government and of the Eisenhower staff-work appro ach, the product of his long military, ca reer. Yet this is what is happening, as n clear to all who take the trouble to look behind the platitudes. One Washington official has likened Mr. Eisenhower's actions to "the awaken ing of Gulliver, who is now sitting up, rubbing, his eyes, and breaking the strings the war hawks had tied around him. The President, it seems to me, is seek ing to pull away from the bellicose spirit of the first eighteen months of Jiis Ad ministration, to get away from the hy steria and negativism of anti-Communism, and to find some positive way to express and to advance the American conviction that mankind, given a decent choice and a helping hand, will choose freedom. So far it has been pretty much ol a one-man show. But that one man happens to be the President of the United States Quote, Unquote The Year It Happened Will future generations (weird, stunt ed little creatures that survive) remember 1955 as the year the automobile was in vented? And the race started its long downhill glide back into the primeval ooze? To judge from the ecstatic moans, sigh? and gasps of the advertising men, l'J.io will indeed be remembered as the jear the automobile was invented. All that ha gone before was as nothing. Everything i new, new, new. New concepts. New dim ensions. New even the metal is in motion when the car is standing still. The gear shift is on the dashboard, the trunk i large enough to install air-conditioning and a crew's quarters, and the power oT 250 horses is under the long, long, long hood. Windshields are wrapped around. Bum pers are wrapped around. Some wind shields are more wrapped around than others. And tail-lights? Until this vear of Prace there never really were tail-lights. 7iVin jet il lights. Twin column 'tail lights. Fish-tail tail-lights and gun-si ht tail-lights. , , And low! So low a body can see risht over top of them. See what? Why the other side of the universe, the sinrht that ha hitherto been blocked by the roof which was so high that a body might sit upright with ease and comfort beneath ' it. Not any more, though. How sad, too, it is to think of all tin poor people, the sadly misguided pcpK the stubbornly old-fashioned people who still own last year's models. Those ungain ly old things with their unwrapped wind shield I, their dUlly sny.uldermg tail lights, their feeble 243 horsepower. Whv not even the metal is in motion in tho antiques. Automobiles- Not thev. For th automobile was really and trulv inventc. in 19oo, the year the advertising men stopped breathing air and took up pare oxygen. The Greensboro Da,1y Ken s
Daily Tar Heel (Chapel Hill, N.C.)
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Dec. 16, 1954, edition 1
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