THURSDAY, MARCH 31, 1555
THE DAILY TAR HEEL
PACE TWO,
Wat B
W
i
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SPORTS STAFF.
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Night editor lor this issue
'Proceeding Calmly'
On Segregation
The sounds on segregation from Raleigh
remind us that the University, as well as the
public schools, must soon face the issue.
Negro students, are sure to apply for ad
mission here next fall, and the next year, or
the year after that, Carolina must open the
doors of the General College to Negroes. If
qualified Negro students are denied admis
sion solely because of their race, the Univer
sity is then standing against the law; and by
law, if not by our will, the barrier that has
kept Negroes from becoming undergraduates
here will be removed.
One- hears, from responsible public, of
ficials, a good deal about "meeting the issue
calmly" and "progressing slowly." It is good
advice, and, in fact, North Carolina has fol
lowed it. Except in isolated corners, we have
experienced none of the wild rebellion of,
Louisiana or South Carolina.
On this campus, however,, the issue has
been somewhat obscured through the months
under a stack of letters to the editor calm
and otherwise. One thing needs to be recal
led: that if the University is to meet the is
sue "calmly" it must meet it soon. For the
attempts of the Negro to gain the rights the
Supreme Court has declared are his as a- citi
zen will first be focused here.
So there must be an end to the silence that
was typified by the over-cautious tip-toes of
of this week's presidential candidates and
that prevails, by some impromptu rule of
etiquette, in polite Y-Court conversation.
It is possible for students to put off dis
cussing many of the moment's momentous
affairs the draft, the H-bomb, the threat of
war, the guaranteed annual wage, the stock
market situation; it is no longer possible to
decline comment on segregation at the Uni
versity!. For. with or without student appro
val, it seems clear that today'-s freshmen will
be going to class with Negro students before
they are seniors.
"Let sleeping dogs lie" we were admonish
ed in a friendly argument on the subject
yesterday.
But the dog is no longer sleeping. He is
coming wide awake.
The student's decision is not "shall we go
to school with Negroes?" but "in what frame
of mind shall we go to school with Negroes."
The Daily Tar Heel's oft-repeated con
tention this year has been that students should
not passively wait for the year or two that
remain before Negroes may attend Carolina
by Supreme Court direction; they should
say and say now and say loud enough so that
the state hiight hear to Negro high school
graduates: We welcome you here. For this
is your University as much as it is ours.
We believe that is so; we can find no rea
son in the human law or in the human heart
that says it is not so.
welcome by Carolina's students to Ne
groes would be heard around the world. It
would be heard farther: it would reach the
ears of a senior at Lincoln High School who
all his life has walked down Franklin Street,
believing that he can never turn ,onto the
brick walks of the campus with his books
under his arm and be at home, and at peace.
"Proceed calmly" we are told. What calm
er or greater procedure is there than this: to
tear down barriers built on the flimsy foun
dation of bigotry, to do it voluntarily, to do
it now?
mlj Wst Seel
The official student publication of the Publi
cations Board of the University of North Carolina,
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iods and summer
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CHARLES KURALT
. FRED POWLEDGE
LOUIS KRAAR, ED YODER
TOM SHORES
B ERNIE WEISS
Jackie Goodman
ihbU. Ji
NEWS STAFF w,- . Neil Bass, Ruth Dalton,
Ed Myers, Woody Sears, Peggy Ballard, Sue Quinn
Dick Sirkin
Jim Kiley
Jack Godley
Bill Bob Peel
Ray Linker
Boyden Henley
Susan Andes
EDITORIAL STAFF Bill O'Sullivan,
Tom Spain, David Mundy, Paul Chase
... Al Korschun, Bob Colbert,
Chuck Strong, Marshall Waldman
. Joan Metz, Carolyn Nelson,
Jack Weisel, Bill Thompson
-Eddie Crutchfield
Carolina Front
The Ghost Of
J. C. Calhoun
In Raleigh
Louis Kraar
A GOOD -name for this spring's
election might be "The Rise and
Fall of the Stu
dent Party," for
the liberal SP
appears to have
lost where it
hurts most
everywhere.
Manning Munt
zing, the S P
L' "'x i iresidential can-
Hir?Dto f tYr
.Wmnr-ni,.
mmseit a lonely man after Don
Fowler' left the party to run for
President, taking with him al
most half of the SP.
The student Legislature, in SP
hands since thre years ago, is
now in the hands of the Univers
ity Party. Jack Stevens, the new
vice-president will will head it
as speaker.
Even the class officers, with
one execption, went to the Uni
versity Party. In short, it's a
sounding beating for SP people.
it
IF DON Fowler takes the run
off election next week, most of
his supporters bolters of the
SP will fnd themselves with
pretty good jobs. And the SP
will almost certainly be in worse
shape. -
Dave Reid, the biggest Fow
ler supporter, would probably get
the attorney-generalship. A third
party, either official or unoffic
ial, would probably spring forth
to include the Fowler camp.
If Ed McCurry wins in the run
off, the University Party can
throw out its political chest at
sweeping the entire election
major executive posts, Legisla
ture, and class ' officers. Actual
ly, from the Student Party stand
point, a McCurry victory would
be a better thing for them.
With a University Party stu
dent government, the SP could
take the role of an active opposi
tion, instead of being a frag
mented group.
WORD FROM Wilmington that
the Azaleas are in frozen shape
will have little effect on the
mass migration of Carolina stu
dents to the coast this weekend.'
Chances are most attenders of
the weekend festival don't even
see azaleas or much, of any
thing else after the partying.
"RED - BLOODED legislators
and citizens should take their
stand , shoulder to shoulder, to
preserve Southern civilization."
No, that's not a quote from
John C Calhoun, the venerable
South Carolina Congressman of
a century ago who stood for
Southern rights even if it
meant doing away with the idea
of majority rule. That's a state
ment made this week by a North
Carolina legislator, Byrd I. Sat
terfield, speaking against the
"local option" school bill.
Although I am personally op
posed to the local option bill
or any other measure that tries
to dodge the Supreme Court's
segregation decision speeches
like Satterfields's reflect a nar
row view of the South.
Southern civilization, if there's
such a thing, is United States
civilization. The age of Southern
nationalism passed with the git
tcr Civil War, which settled the
question of states rights in per
manent and painful fashion.
Now the question of integra
tion in the public schools is ap
pearing a painful one in the
South. This tradition-bound part
of the country has been asked to
change its way of thinking, and
this is diffiewjt particularly
when the thinking isn't very
logical.
The hope of the South is this
problem lies in quiet, clear
thinking not shouting to tones
of John C. Calhoun.
One would expect to find the
thinkers in the General Assem
bly, but instead I see politicians
more interested in the sentiment
back home.
As for the "local option" law
itself, which allows eity ahd
. county school boards the authori
ty to assign pupils to public
schools, this reporter is confi
dent that it will be swept aside
by the U. S. Supreme Court as'
a diversionary tactic.
. St,
t ,1
! v-1 .
Poor, Maligned, Fang I ess 'Radical'
Ed Yoder
Among the plethora of politi
cal statements, sound and un
sound, that flood the campus
during election time a few al
ways survive in the memory be
cause they are marked off from
the others by some particular
point of originality. Sometimes '
good, sometimes bad.
An example of the latter slid
quietly under my door one day
last week. The statement was to
'I'm Not
Ml-
uv.V'vtm itM
tY v -f
Tradition May Be A Foe
Nixon: Most Likely To Succeed
The Charlotte News
The wreaths Dwight D. Eisen
hower has been piling on Vice
President, Nixon have some Re
publicans as worried as those
presidential excursions to Get
tysburg almost every weekend.
Wasn't Mr. Eisenhower giving
the vice president some kind of
green light when he commended
him for "courage and honesty
which have earned him the re
spect of all who seek a better
and stronger America?" Is the
WThite House starting a 1956
buildup for the controversial Ca
lifornian? Mr. Nixon himself added fuel
to the flames of suspicion when
he proclaimed that "someday . . .
we have to have a presidential
candidate (other than Eisenhow
er) strong enough to get the
Republican Party elected."
If the President has any ideas
Ike: Can He
Joseph C. Harsch
In The Christian Science
Monitor
Democratic Party leaders have
decided to sit up and challenge
the current and widely accept
ed theory that Dwight D. Eisen
hower is a sure winner if he
decides to run again in 1956.
Whether they rea31y believe
down deep in their hearts that
"Ike" can be beaten is some
thing none but themselves can
know, but they have worked out
an elaborate and detailed set of
reasons to support their propo
sition that they can win not on
ly the Congress but also the
White House in 1956 even if Mr.
Eisenhower runs again. It goes
like this:
1. 1952 was an unusual politi
cal phenomenon iniUnited States
political history.
2. 1956 will be a very different
story. Both conventions will do
the expected and renominate the
candidates of 1952. The candi
dates will be familiar. The cam
paign will be less acrimonious.
3. The Democratic Party is the
stronger and more numerous
party. As a party it has more
appeal. Even Republican Vice-
be found in a handbill for orfe
of the political aspirants running
for Legislature. It read, in part:
"But (the candidate) is the
type of boy who will sincerely
do his best for our district
without any "give-away" pro
grams, or radical or sensational
statements . that are embarrasing
to the entire student body."
THREE LITTLE WORDS
Three little words which may
or may not be laughed off as
political enticement or claptrap
Sure I Know How To Come
Quemoy-Matsu
Joseph Alsop
HONG KONG Take the grave
weakness of the-American arm
ed forces on this side of the
Pacific. Blend in what seems to
be the American policy in the
Formosa crisis. Add the form
idable array of hinese ommunist
ntilitajry power. Then bake at
crisis heat.
What you get from4Jiis repel
lent recipe is the clear possibi
lity, almost verging on the like
lihood, that the United States
will end by having to fight an
atomic war for Formosa's off
shore islands.
That is not the Eisenhower ad
ministration's intention of
course. The intention is to make
of not accepting a second term
draft, he might, like to pass the
latch key to the WThite House
along to his vice president But
what he is really doing is mak
ing a marked man of Mr. Nixon.
Party stalwarts with - ideas of
their own about the presidency
can now team up to meet the
distant obstacle of the vice pres
ident's growing figure by whitt
ling it down before it's too late.
There are plenty of Republi
cans, too, who are not at all
happy about the type of cam
paign speeches Mr. Nixon made
in 1954. Considering the contro
versial status of the vice presi
dent as a result of those speech
praise a little too glowing. For
instance, the" Ikeism quoted ab
ove could be read to imply that
those who withhold their "re
spect" for Mr. Nixon dp not
"seek a belter and stronger Am-
Be Beaten?
President Richard M. Nixon
agrees with this. If the cam
paign were to be waged exclu
sively between the parties, the
Democrats would win.
. 4. There will be more Republi
can unpopularity rubbing off on
Eisenhower than Eisenhower
popularity rubbing off on the
party. This will be so because
the Republican Party as a party
has been losing ground in many
and important sectors of voters.
5. The decline of Republican
popularity in the Old South is
obvious and axiomatic. No "con
federate" states will go Repub
lican in 1956.
6. Decline of farm prices con
tinues to erode the traditional
Republican position in the Mid
west Farm Belt.
7. The Democrats have seized
the popular side on taxes, and
stand to gain widely.
8. Organized labor is becoming
more organized and more anti
Republican. 9. Adlai-E. Stevenson will be
a "happy warrior" in 1956 in
stead of being a reluctant one,
as he was in 1952.
For these reasons the Dem
ocrats say they can beat even
Dwight . D. Eisenhower in 1956.
. Is it reason or rationalization?
interested me from this ex
cerpt: "give-away," radical,", and
"sensational."
"Give away -and "sensation
al" can immediately be weigh
ed for their political value and
motive and discarded. "Give
away" possibly goes back to cri
ticism of national economic pol-
icy, perhaps to campus economic
policy which brought the some
what controversial television sets
to the dorms. Otherwise, the
phrase has no real meaning.
Down'
Atomic, War?
a cease-tire deal, or to teacn
the Communists to mind their
manners in a "limited" fight.
But the Administration's inten
tion has Jess and less relation to
the real drift of events.
It can be safely predicted that
the Chinese Communists will not
formally assent to a cease-fire.
But if we enter the fight for
the offshore islands, we must
win at all costs. But if Ameri
can forces are engaged and de
feated, all Asia will regard the
defeat as decisive proof of su
perior Communist power. And.
the sequel will then be total
catastrophe throughout Asia.
Hence it is not hard to fore
see what can too easily happen.
If the fight for the islands goes
against us, as it may well do,
there will be only one sure way
to win. Whatever may be the
Administration's present inten
tions, the use of the atomic wea
pons can thus become unavoid
able. And so our own weakness
can end by plunging us into an
atomic war for Quemoy and the
Matsus.
erica.
But tradition may be Mr. Ni
xon's strongest foe. Not since
the flays of Martin Van Buren in
1836 has a vice president ad
vanced directly into the presi
dency except as the constitution
al successor of a chief executive
who died in office. In Van Bu
ren's case it was Andy Jackson
himself who paved the wayT
The vice presidency has been
the trap door to obscurity for
niany a party warhorse. Others
have used the office merely to
mount raucous attacks on their
presidential superiors. Mr. Ni
xon has so far neither dropped
from the public eye nor bucked
his boss on any major issue.
Not all of his predecessors
have been so wise or so fortu
nate. What some political writers
have called the "Throttlebottom
tradition" is represented by such
forgotten men as Daniel D.
Tompkins, William R. King, Hen
ry Wilson, Levi P. Morton and
Charles W. Fairbanks. All were
U. S. vice presidents; all knew
oblivion.
This is not always the case
however. Vice presidents who
have risen to fame include John
Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Theo
dore Roosevelt and Harry S. Tru
man. - s
Vice presidents Jefferson, John
C. Calhoun, Millard Fllmore,
Hannibal Hamlin and John
Nance Garner all had well-publicised
fights with their chiefs.
Vice president Chester A. Ar
thur once complained that
"President Garfield has not been
honorable nor square nor truth
ful. It is hard to say that of the
President of the United States,"
he added, "but it is, unfortun
ately, only the truth."
From the other side of the
fence, there are the words of
WoocVow Wilson, speaking of
the office of the vice presiden
cy: "The chief embarrassment
in describing it Is that in saying
how little there is to be said
about it one has evidently said
all there is to say."
Mr. Nixon, then, fits no mold
of the past. But that does not
necessarily mean that he is des
tined for - greatness or the
: White House. "
"Sensational" is likewise, a po
litical catehward:. Everyone
wants to appear usenstional
during an election, even those
who go in occasionally for what
others call sensational.
Take, for example, Senator
Hubert Humphrey, a good ex
ample since he's to speak here
Friday night under the auspices
of the Carolina Forum. Senator
Humphrey is widely known (and
respected by those who agree
with him) for his liberal views
on civil liberties. Yet, when the
vote to outlaw the Communist
Party came up in the Senate last
summer, Senator Humphrey
jumped on the careening and un
sensational bandwagon and vo
ted for the bill. He knew ballot
marking time lay right over the
horizon.
"Radical," so cleverly hidden
between the other two meaning
less words, is the word which
stopped me and started me thin
king about the statement. The
statement avowed that the can
didate in question would not
make "radical" statements which
would "embarrass" the enltire
student body. If people are em
barrassed by the "radical" why
is it? It is a perfectly good Eng
lish word and, at least up until
the time of Chaucer, its equiv
alent had perfectly clean status;
in other words, it wasn't breath
ed in hush-hush tones and
didn't, I'm sure, embarrass any
one. At the risk of boring the
reader with semantics, let me
defend the word "radical."
PRESSURED WORDS
The trouble with "radical"
like the trouble with "left wing,"
"right wing," "liberal," conserv
ative" comes from the stains
pressure groups have put on it.
Words change meanings, of
course, but no semanticist ought
to recognize the blinding plunge
taken by so good a Latin word
as "radical" and especially
when propelled to that low po
sition by the most unlettered of
pressure artists.
, There's no reason why "ra
dical" sentiment should prove
embarrassing to anyone except
the unlettered especially in a
university where students should
dedicate themselves to learning
the proper depth of words. The
tragedy of word-pejoration is
that when words are stigmatized
they can lead to all sorts of bad
and far-reaching consequences.
The truth is that everyone who
has any convictions which reach
beyond the immediate circum
stances is a "radical." "Radical"
comes from the Latin noun ra
dix, meaning "root." Students
who know their Chaucer will re
call that one of his clergymen
preached repeatedly on the text:
"Radix malorum est cupiditas"
"Desire (or greed) is the root
of all evil." So "radical" "deep
rooted" is, in a matter of be
lief, that which has come to be
'believed deeply and strongly.'
' HOW 'RADICAL' IS RADICAL
Everyone nowadays is aware
that "radical" usually associates
with what the anthropologists
call "radical opposition" that is
basic opposition to the deeply
rooted set of beliefs of a soci
ety. But the person who affirms
these beliefs as strongly (or bit
terly) as another challenges
them is, at the same time and
by all rights, a "radical."
Looking at any situation ob
jectively as all people engaged
in politics claim they do one
must admit that there is just as
much ground for "radical oppo
sition" as for "radical affirma
tion." The preamble to our Dec
laration of Independence a "ra
dical" document if people ever
wrote one makes plain that the
revolutionaries who snatched this
country out of the, colonial sphere
of Great Britain believed in the
right to radical opposition.
IT WONT BITE
In any society where the peo
ple rule the right to "radical"
statements whether they affirm
or challenge goes without say
ing. We ought to be able to as -sume,
though maybe that would
be rash, that everyone who feels
himself firmly allied with a so
ciety will have "radical" senti
ments; being the ultimate, high
er, finer sentiments, they should
be rampant. But a visitor from
-Mars might deny that this is
true of Americans, in light of
what has been happening to the
word "radical."
There's nothing dark or sha
dy or evil about "radicalism;" it
belongs to all who take thought
about ultimate things. And to
say that individuals have the
right to hold deep commitments
and then to turn around and
slander the word "radical" is
to engage in contradiction.
Let's welcome the word "ra
dical" into our vocabularies. It
won't bitei
Should Student
Fees Be Raised?
Gordon Gray
(The following statement on stfnfe?s"
made by President Gordon Gray to the-Vnivcsity
Board of Trustees, recently. Editor.)
in the present situation of the SUtes-finances
and of our needs, it is necessary to look at the mat
ter of student fees. For it is entirely possible that
we wiU.be faced someday, in a quite . bald wa
with a decision either to raise fees, or to cut back
-OUere that day arrives, I want to report to
you on 6ur present situation with respect to s u
dent fees, and to lay before you our be.t thiman
on the matter. ,
Fundamentally, that portion of the cost of the
student's education not met by the fees he or she
pays is met by state appropriations. Information
presently available to us indicates that the oorUon
paid by our students is equal to the national aver
age of comparable institutions. In terms of abso
lute amounts, a recent study of fees charged b
state universities and land grant colleges through
out the Nation shows that among all these colleges
and universities, only ten charge the home state
student higher fees than we do at our three insti
tutions. Of this ten, only Virginia is in the South,
and Virginia's charges are less than one dollar
per student more.
This is no more than an introduction to the mat
ter, though. For the question of student fees in
volves basic educational policy and philosophy, and
I doubt that we in North Carolina will be content
to measure ourselves merely by what our neighbors
do. The decision must be made as to the level of
cost at which we shall set our university education,
with respect to the ability of the great majority of
our young people to pay.
There is no absolute magic figure for student
fees, nor even a relative one. Both have varied
greatly over the years. But there is a constant prin
ciple involved. This principle, I believe, is that we
are firmly committeed to the proposition that it
is desirable to have as many as possible of our
young people, from all economic categories, obtaii
a college education. As I think about this problem,
the figure that stays in my mind is that college and
university education is as important to the individ
ual, nd to the State, -as was high school education
a generation and more ago. Clearly, thenT 'our aim
should be to maintain fees as low as possible, and
to- raise them only as a last resort.
We do not know what effect a small increase in
student fees would have on our enrollments. Wc
will begin some studies of this during the current
:year. However, in all realism, we know that current
family income in North Carolina is such as to make
sending a son or daughter to college a major under
taking for the great majority of our families. We
ought not to increase the obstacles unless absolute
ly necessary.
Should we be forced to raise fees, an increase in
tuition would be the fairest way, for this would ap
ply to all students alike. An increase in dormitory
rates only would affect a great many who can least
afford greater expenditures.
The Outer Meshes Of
Musical Criticism
Walter Pritchard Eaton
(Mr. Eaton, a seasonal resident of Chapel Hill,
wrote this piece for The Gazette of Piltsfield, Mass.
Editor.)
Early in my professional life I became tangled
in the outer meshes of musical criticism. Not that
I knew anything about music, but there was so
much going on in the musical world of New York
that the music critic couldn't possibly attend all
the. operas and concerts. He had to have a leg man
to keep reportorial tabs on them, and what he wan
ted was a reporter who knew so little about music
that he wouldn't be tempted to butt in on the critic's
province.
I was just the man for this job. Sometimes on a
Saturday I looked in on the Manhattan Opera
House, matinee and evening, at the Metropolitan
matineo and evening and at concerts matinee and
evening at Mendelssohn Hall and Carnegie Hail.
Almost never was I even tempted "to write more
than the Ware report.
A ypung violinist played at Mendelssohn Hall,
and I was so fascinated that I remained in my seat
for the entire recital, and wrote a flowery review
My boss, H. E. Krehbiel was infuriated, not only
by my insubordination, but by the fact that I had
he said, "stultified the paper." He would have to
go to the young fiddler's next recital, and set the
record right.
He did' go, and later towered over my dek
glared at me with all the malevolence he could
summon to his sweet old German countenance and
thundered, "God damn it, you were right." '
,u Tilat,yunS fiddler is now a summer resident of
the Berkshires. His name is Fritz Kreisler.
Quote, Unquote
Puritanism, believing itself quick with the red
of religious liberty, laid, without knowin- it " lb,
egg of democracy. James Russell Lowell ' "
in-EtiSVSr?aSt- WeSt 15 San Francisco,' accord
ing to Cahfornians. Californians are a race of peo
Die: thev ar nr,t m-t.. , .. UI Peo-
' " , muc'J mnaDitants of
They are the Southerners of the West
in a Municipal Revort
Consistency is a paste jewel that mi i
men cherish.-WiHn Alley! White in the F
Gazette, 1922. - "v'l"e in the Emporiu
The one certain th; ...u- ,
b '"J- m Le left ;
i
a State.
O. Henry
know about
second
" "15 w. stepfcen Laecod