TACC TWO
THE 'DAILY TAR HEEL
at
Perspectives By Yardley
Jonathan Yardley
(This is tbe third in a series of nine articles
which will attempt to present a reasonably objec
tive view of the leading aspirants for the presi
dency in the forthcoming election. The purpose of
these articles is to inform, not to sway. If the
author's opinions should sneak in, the reader is
asked to remember th.it he is only mortal.
(Further exposilions on these men may be found
in Eric S'-vareid's excellent collection "Candidates
I960," published by Basic Books, from which the
author has gleaned tome of the facts contained in
the scries )
Adlai Stevenson
fvAind Over f.Aanner
Twit- tin- Demon uUv parly nominated Adlai
i:viiK; S'.ever.M-n. Mietnne governor of Illinois, as
their cumulate for the presidency of the I'niUd
States; twice he
r
.
.
JONATHAN YARDLEY
lost. In 1052 Gen
ml Dwight Pa
id Kisenhowcr.
unning on a Re
publican ticket
"Inch castigated
' h e Democrat -c
administration
or "Korea, com
nunism. corrup
ion a n d con
! rols." slaughter-
him by more
han sis million
-.tes. In 19.36
isenhouer. run
'ing with the ad
antages of in
umhency a n d
he nation's de
ire for a mili
tary leader to
face the Suez
crisis. g r o u n d
him into seeming
political d e a t h
with a majority
of nine and one
half million vot
es. Stevenson
s h o u 1 d have
been, by all ac
counts, through.
Yet this mild
mannered, s h y
intellectual has
inadvertently ga
thered around
him a coterie of
dedicated follow
ers who will pur
sue his quest for
the presidency
.until it is gained.
The key to their
devotion is the
lev to the man.
,i lamily has l'ng been ardently
. r'iTi!'cd to pit! !'c er ice. One of his ancestors
v. .is I tc foundi-r of the Republican ra-y 'n Illinois:
.inot'ier Adlai K. Stccnson was Vice-President of
tl'.e natii n during the tenure of ('.rover Cleveland.
P,:r n u I'tbrtarv .". 100:). Stevenson was sent
to priva'e s( ! o il .it Chonlc. in YYallingford. Conn .
s. id then jo rpp ed !o Princeton, lb had an im
i'i tinuu!.'-' d ( irr( r ;,t Harvard Paw School, workerl
: ' ' . '. I
f if t J.
. i j.;
& J v ?
s - ..'-.$ -
," "v ..- J ''
ADLAI
E. STEVENSON
:e 'Ml'
lor
s''o;! pM-i"d as foreign correspondent for the
PI' o'M I".:' n I':i"t i:'Tp,i. and finally received his
l.i v ilrvrcr from Northwestern in 19215 After settl
down v. it'i a ra'h'T r m-descript Chicago law
li'-ri. !i pia ried. in 191. I'.llen P.orden. a Chicago
d"but.iiite fie- cribed as '"beautiful" and heiress to
a l.ir'..e fortune.
Hi- ci'ti r begun to acquire the scope it now
r'if;iN when be went to Washington at Vhe out
bial; of the w;,r to become a special assistant to
Stvretarv tf fie Navy Prank Kno. Travelling all
i vr the world, b" began to graps the immense
pruhVms wliich war and poor economic develop-
Happy New Year
The nation is at war.
The nation is losinq the war badiy.
Tlie nation must cxeit a tly ertater effart
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DAVIS B. YOUNC
. FRANK CROWTHER
M LOU REDDEN
PARRY SMITH
JONATHAN YARDLEY
WALKER BUAXf ON
r'tature Editor
ELLIOTT COOPER
MARY ALICE ROWLETTE
focd Editor
JOSIE MORRIf
nient had brought. When Knox died in 1944 Ste
venson left the position, but returned to Washing
ton two months later as special assistant to Sec
retary of State Edward Stettinius. He worked on
the formulation of the United Nations and foresaw
in the bleak post-war months, the troubles that
organization would face.
In 1947 Stevenson first began to be preoccupied
with the idea of entering the elective side of poli
tics. He entered the 1948 race for Illinois' gover
norship and won by the greatest majority in the
state's history. His victory was marred, however,
hv his wife's requesting a divorce. Though she had
fully supported his candidacy and had encouraged
him. she did not like the limelight that her positino
placed her under.
As governor of Illinois Stevenson was immense
ly effective. He single-handedly ripped the entrails
out of a corruption-torn Republican administration
and restored order, of a Stevensonian variety, to
a disheveled state. He brought the ablest men
available into the state government, reorganized
a corrupt state police, raised Chicago mental hos
pitals to the top of the national rankings. He was
characterized as being seemingly inefficient and
indecisive but always, when the important de
cision had to be made, he was ready and able to
make it.
In early 1952 President Harry S. Truman sum
ironed Stevenson to Washington and offered him
the nomination, on a silver platter so to speak.
According to Truman's later reports. Stevenson was
"flabbergasted." He declined the offer. But Steven
son is a person who lndievcs that when a person
is called he must serve. And so, although he re
fused Truman's offer, he never said that he would
not accept a draft.
In the 1952 nominating convention Stevenson
was drafted to be the Democratic for president.
Running on the ticket for Vice-President was Sen
ator John Sparkman. placed on there in an effort
to attract the Southern vote, which party prognos
ticators felt Stevenson was incapable of doing.
The campaign Stevenson waged was a strange
one. Instaed of harping upon his own capacity for
the job and his party's chances of victory, he dis
cussed the hesitance at accepting the responsibility
and stressed the voter's need to vote not for a
party or a man but for whatever he felt repre
sented the right. This idealistic approach to a prac
tical matter was too much for the nation's voters
and for the cigar-chewing professionals who daited
nervously and impatiently in the background while
he instructed Ihe audience from the stage.
Rut his campaicn won for him the everlasting
adoration of the liberal intellectual of America.
Stevenson was waging a campaign not of actions,
1 ricks, or jokes: his was a war of idea pitted against
idea, of intellect against intellect. Few doubted
that he won the war of words, but he was a failure
as a politician.
To Stevenson there is nothing more important
than fitting "the word to the idea": a conscientious
craftsman with words, he labors over his speeches
and ignores the rest of his campaign. TTe Is enough
of an idealist to believe that the public is more in
terested in the beliefs and philosophies of the
candidates than in their looks, their stage presence,
or their "fatherliness". But he is wrong. The Ameri
can voting public frowns unon the stigma of "in
tellectual" or, even worse, "egghead". And Steven
son is a man who is bitterly opposed to anything
that is anti-intellectual.
In his fight for the 1952 nomination Stevenson
said and did what he thought was right; he was
wrong. It is not the wav to win an eleet'cn He lost,
miserably. In 1956 he had apparently decided that
he must run and run hard for this position that
so manv wanted him to take. He went out on the
campaign trail and was forced into all primaries
hv an unexpected Kefauver victory in Minnesota.
Again ''c was given the nomination.
In 1956 much of the integrity and intellcctualism
disappeared from the Stevenson mien; he was learn
ing, the hard way. the game of politics, and he
was finding it confusing. On television he was a
shernbling. insecure failure blinded by the lights
and confused by the teleprompter, Mr. Eisenhower's
favorite device. On the road he became temper
arrntay and hard to get along with. He ajain
tried to bandy his opponent with words, but this
time the sting had gone out of them. His defeat was
one of the soundest ever recorded.
Adlai E. Stevenson is a gentle, kind man who
is distraught by the immense problems of the world.
He is a sensitive person who takes these problems
seriously and personally. He is not an impressive
man, and this detracts from his abilities as a leader.
Men need to feel physically as well as mentally
dominated in order to subject their will to that of
another man.
Yet Adlai Stevenson is a leader. He is a leader
of men's minds. He is a man of intense thought
who wishes to convey the depth and what he be
lieves to be the truth of his thought to every man
who will hear him out. He is also a man who is as
well aware of the real problems facing America
and the world as anyone alive. He has the intel
lectual ability to help America overcome those
problems, but he docs not seem to have the per
sonal magnetism.
Stevenson is also a man who is fully, deeply
cognizant of the hazards and difficulties awaiting"
the president of the United States. He is perhaps
the only candidate in recent history to have pub
licly questioned, during the course of a campaign,
his ability to assume that position. His supporters
say that such a realization shows a deep humility
about himself.
Stevenson has made no formal moves to place
himself in ihe running for the 1900 nomination.
It is certain that he will not enter of the primaries,
and it is also certain that he will not do what his
opponents wish he would do and make a Coolidge
like "I will not be a candidate for the presidency
in 19(0" statement. He believes too deeply in his
responsibility to the American people to make such
a statement.
Stevenson really may not want the presidency
at all. He is almost sixty, and though healthy is a
nervous man who would live or die with every
breath of the union he would control. .Yet, be
cause of the man that he is, the Democrats, some
how, can always know that "if called, he will serve."
On i
Indonesia
Hans Frankfort
Netherlands
Although throughout this article
I shall try to be as objective as
possible, the reader will have a
belter understanding of any prob
lem that exists between Indonesia
and the Netherlands, if our stu
dents from Indonesia comment on,
c.i i&ize or in any way respond to
this Dutch point of, view.
Indonesia was a Dutch colony
before it gained its independence.
The .stiuggle tor self-government
started in the lale Twenties wlun
Mr. Sukarno organized demonstra
tions against the Colonial Govern
ment. For .his he was depoited to
Nev Gainea. During the Second
World War the Japanese released
him, thus giving him an oppor
tunity to organize the Iree-om
movement. When the war ended
in 11)45 the Independence was pro
claimed; the movement which
eailier was termed "communistic"
btcame a "lejellion" against the
DiKth ho were trying 10 rega n
their pre-war authority in this Is
land Empire. This ihey were not
able to accomplish, mainly be
cause t. the tollowing reasons.
First, the propaganda cam
paigns conduce;! by the Sukarno
group in the pe.Ld between 1941
aad PJ15 have been very effective,
perhaps overly elective. Wheie
a? oo: ore W W ll the Indonesians
were passive politically and un
aware of their rights as an In
donesian nation, the evidence alt
er 11)45 showed the contrary. Three
large scale "police actions'' were
undertaken by the Dutch armed
forces against the "rtbe's." Ter
ritory wa.s gained. The price?
The support of the Indonesian
population.
Secondly, the Dutch government
in its attempt to maintain author
ity in the Eat Indies was acting
against world opinion, as it ap
peared. The tide had turned
against colonialism, whatever
form it may have. Every Nation's
right to rule itsell had to be recog
nized, whether it was ready to do
or nut. ine united rsaitons
i 1
Fixers
llvi blot . is fin ny thic to illness
Copyrbht, W- The Pu'itzer Publishing Co
St. Louis Pot D'spatth
Third Prize In Essay Contest
Paul Wehi
so
Posing the question, "What is wrong with Amer
ica and what can be done to correct it?", is rather
like asking people why they believe in God. There
are as manv answers as there are respondents.
General Assembly condemned the should one ask this question of 1.030 persons in
Dutch actions in the Fast Indies. filly different nations, 1,000 different criticisms,
a.ter a Inch a small nation like somt, constructive, others not, would be voiced.
Holland naturally was obliged to
consider this as an order to leave , :Jt seems that Americans, npre than any other
Indcnc&ia people, want to "be liked" throughout the world.
Sukarno, president ol the republic. 11 is almost an obsession with many of them. There
and his government decided to fore, those concerned with the international situa
strengthen the authority of the tion bine, of late, sought the answer to the above
Central Government in Jacarta by question in the criticisms of those outside of Amer
changing the Confederation into iC society. I believe that such a realization of how
a Union An answer to the others see us is vitally important. I wonder, how
dissatisfaction that exists on evcr- if wc haven't neglected the conception Ameri
some island would be an even cans should aml must h;JVC of themselves and their
stroiver Central Government- country as it fits into the international mosaic. This
Guided Democracy." Ot course, awakening of a true self-conception will be the
Indonesia Ls independent, and it is
determining factor if America is to halt the back-
Lheir business what they do inside wuu m ai Jtc
the national boundaries. But to a decade.
what extent should the principle of
.sell-determination be applied, and
v. hat body is qualiiied to make de
cisions on this matter?
',In one sentence. America has lost not only her
self-conception but with it her purpose for exist
ing, her raison d'etre. In both the domestic and
international spheres Arrrrica has reacted, not act-
This, as 1 understand, is the tCd. In the world she has continually been on the
main principle behind the Dutch defensive . . . against the spread of Communism,
position on the issue of Western against the nationalism oi the emerging nations.
New Guinea, claimed as its ter- against the problem of human want and suffering,
ritory by the Indonesians. This is- always against something. At home, the answer to
sue has been given a national sta- 'soqjal, economic and political problems which seem
ture by the Indonesians. The p.o- to continually multiply has been a half-hearted re
paganda value is great, and tnc action rather than strong, purposive movement. The
torch of Nationalism, that kceistfew attempts at this type of initiation have more
the country together, must b'oftim than not been smothered by lack of energy
kept burning. It should be under- and funds.
stood that, although Western New Adlai Stevenson put it rather well last year
Guinea was geographically u part when he observed that the American way of life
of the Fast Indies, the colonial' seems to. have lost its "mainspring". There is no
Government had always consider- longer any positive, driving force by which the
ed this area as a separate entity t values which America has espoused for nearly two
in important matters concerning eerhuries can be translated into action. In fact,
the East Indies . . Furthermore,', these basic values, themselves, seem to have lost
the people of this island are oi an their meaning for many Americans. Equality of
entirely different race 'Negrito1, opportunity, democracy, honesty, efficiency all seem
still living in the Stone Age. Con- to fade away as slum clearance programs bog down,
sidering the record the Indonesian citizens arc denied fundamental rights despite "en
Government has shown with re-'J'ti'nment". nalf the potential electorate stays
gard to other members of the home on election day, and business ethics hit a
"Confederation." and the fact that ncw low
the political as well as the econ-
omical situation are unhealthy, it. '
is dirticult to believe that the Ja-''"-
carta Government will be in a
position to take the responsibility
of preparing the people of West
ern New Guinea lorthe day that
they can choose the form of gov:
eminent they desire.
The issue had been brought up
. in the United Nations by Indon
esia and a number of Afro - Asian
nations, but the Dutch Government
has so far succeeded in keeping.,,
it off the General Assemblie's
agenda. A Dutch proposal to place -this
di.-puted area under the- su-
pervision of the United Nations
until the people are ready for self-
determination has been rejected
by Sukarno's government. If the
General Assembly decides to place
the New Guinea issue on its agen
da, it will be a decision that u'ti
mately might become a violation
of a basic principle it stands 'o
Human Rights.
The standard criticism, these days, by those
who bother to criticize, seems to be that Americans
are just too soft. Americans have tjo much. They
have become fat, contented, lazy and unconcerned
with the house which is falling down about their
cars. The world's highest level and standard of liv
ing, the emphasis on the material, the unwarranted
conceit of man and nation have all tended to de
ceive the American and lull him into dangerous
apathy.
There is quite a bit of truth in all such criti
cisms. Yet, I would maintain that this nation,
which does seem to exist, is more of a result than
a cause of the failure of America to develop some
"national purpose". Frozen foods, comfortable trans
portation, a certain degree of conspicuous consump
tion and American leadership in the world could
all find just and rightful places in our way of life
if only some at least partially unselfish purpose
were to evolve around Which Americans might
rally. The heterogeneity of America's population
makes this suggestion difficult but not impossible.
Of course, the ideal purpose would be that of Chris
tianity but that, I'm sure would be considered too
unreasonable.
It is undoubtedly much easier to attempt to
answer the first part of the original question than
the last, for it is usually easier to define a problem
than it is to solve it. I say, again, that this develop
ment of a sense of purpose can not come from a
few distant State Department directives but must
come from within the people themselves. I can
produce no definite formula by which this might
be accomplished. Consciously or otherwise, Ameri
cans are searching for leaders who will embody this
purpose. With less effort required each year to
provide the comforts of life for oneself and one's
family, rfiore time in each life is made available
for activities outside one's occupation. If leaders
(political, intellectual and religious) were found
who would assume responsibility for presenting
programs of positive action directly affecting do
mestic and international problems, to America, for
rallying support around them, this would be a be
ginning. Hitler used the modern methods of science
and communication to direct his people toward
evil ends. Could not American leaders with vision
at least present such a "program of purposive ac
tion" with these tools, if not gather public support
with them? Something, someone must jolt the ma
jority of Americans out of their narrow, provincial
existences and in a mass culture such as ours, it
must be done in a "big" way. (to be continued)
FRIDAY, JANUARY 8, 1760
Editor's
Corner
Davis B. Young
By the time this column reaches
you, a great many people will have
spent the better part of the past
three nights diligently campaign
ing for the passage of the judicial
referendum to be voted upon next
Tuesday. Support for the four
measures to be considered by the
student body has been overwhelm
ing. To indicate that nobody is
against the proposal would be
false reporting; yet, there has
been a distinct paucity of opposi
tion. For one thing, the chairmen of
both campus political parties are
supporting the amendments. Hank
Patterson of the UP and Dewey
B. Sheffield of the SP have signed
a joint statement saying, "We do
hereby declare ourselves in sup
port of the amendments to the
Student Constitution being voted
on by the electorate on January
12. it is our belief that democratic
principles, that popular participa
tion will be the salvation of our
campus judiciary system. We urge
the members of our parties to
join us." It is gratifying to note
that they have been joined by a
large majority of the Student Leg
islature, including a significant
portion of each party's represen
tatives. The four amendments would call
for the right of a defendant to a
trial by a jury of his peers. These
jurors would be randomly select
ed. This, would mean that every
student in the University would
be obligated to serve on a jury.
The defendant would also be al
lowed to have an "active" de
fense counsel. He would be per
mitted the right to summons wit
nesses on his behalf. T. i final
change would be that members of
the various councils would be
elected according to a geographi
cal apportionment instead of cam
pus wide. This would obviously
create a greater understanding of
the Honor System, since each stu
dent would be closer to the mem
bers. The advantages of these foui
proposals and the continued sup
port they have been given should
be 2 clear Indication of their me-
rts. The student body will surely
strengthen the entire system by
giving a resounding affirmative
vote to all of them on Tuesday.
The need for having a doctor
andor nurse on duty in Woollen
Gym at all times was never more
apparent than during a locker
room episode Wednesday.
Seems that an undergrad had
fainted cold in a small shower
room. A student who was leaving
the building just happened to no
tice the fallen figure.
The student was pale as the pa
per this is printed on, was having
chills and when he came to again
said he was having pains in tnc
region of the abdomen.
Two basket attendants were
summoned. They did what they
could, and one went to get a doc
tor or nurse. He returned some
minutes later and said, "There
isn't a doctor or nurse in the build
ing. This is a helluva situation."
Truer words were never spoken,
for it was truly that sort of si.ua
' tion.
It's fortunate indeed that the
boy was not really in dire need
of on-the-spot medical attention,
for, if he had been, it would have
been just too bad for someone.
So even though Wednesday's lit
tle event did not have a tragic
ending, the needs were pointed
up vivdly. Let's hope those whs
are in charge of this sort of thing
will take the appropriate action
before it's too late today could
be-too late.
R. S.
MCvVC?V,M!Z.-
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