Newspapers / Daily Tar Heel (Chapel … / Dec. 1, 1962, edition 1 / Page 2
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1W fl i - tEfje Batlp tEar Heel n its seventieth year of editorial freedom, unhampered by restrictions from either the University administration or the stu dent body. All editorials appearing in the DAILY TAR HEEL are the indivdual opinions of the Editors, unless otherwise credited; they do not necessarily represent the opinion' of the staff. The edi tors are responsible for all material printed in the DAILY TAR HEEL. ; December 1,1962 Tel. 942-235G Vol. LXX, No. 5G Aftermath Of Cuban Crisis: Must Remain Initiative ' In the aftermath of the Cuban confrontation and the United States' apparent "victory" the na tion has uttered a great sigh of relief. Americans generally are pleased with the Kennedy admin istration's decisive action and with the success of this action in forc ing Khrushchev to back down and remove the Communist arsenal in Cuba. There is a false emphasis, how ever, in the attitude of many who are looking back at the encourag ing recent events, rather than look ing forward to the difficult future. To think that the Cuban blockade and its results really solved any thing seems very narrow, and al most silly. The Cuban "victory" has given the United States more responsibil ities than benefits. Decisive action must lead to more decisive action and thence to more decisive action. The alternative is to withdraw into the action of re action, whereby Washington reacts to -whatever new crises Moscow has developed, whereby the initiative is forever left in the hands of the Soviets. BY HIS action in the Cuban af fair the President has assumed a great responsibility in other areas. He now must continue U. S. uni lateral military and political ac tions where it is justified (in South Vietnam, for instance) must take the economic initiative in for eign aid and trade areas where the Russians have failed or not yet entered must do everything pos sible to aid India in its struggle with China must solidify Latin American support for the U. S. ac tions toward Cuba and seek to broaden the base of that support by economic aid and political under standing must continue working within the United Natiins when ever conceivable, while recogniz ing that body's limitations in big power squabbles. . . . The Presi dent's responsibilities are great; he has assumed a terrible burden - the threat of thermonuclear war. The resultant threat of World End (or according to some Penta gon strategists, only Half-World-End) is increased in every crisis, just as in every appeasement. And the consequences of such a war (if several days of all-eradicating mis silry could be called a "war") are on the President's shoulders alone, no matter how many political pundits dismiss the danger with, "The Rus sians fear war as much as we do...." IN THE WAKE of victory there are two dangers. One is that the United States will assume a super militant pose, brandishing its new found power with arrogance. The other danger follows from the fears of some that the U. S. pushed Khrushchev too far and that the Chinese thus may gain control of Communist foreign policy and make it more militarily aggressivel This view would lead to a United States foreign policy reversion to In proceeding to confrontation of the world's major problems, in Ber lin, in 'Africa, in Asia, the United States temporarily has the initia tive and support for that initiative wjiich it rarely attains. The So viets are no longer the supermen incapable of mistake, and the U. S. is no longer the bumbling, well-intentioned fool, afraid to take a stand 'and work for success. Pres- idential advisor Henry A. Kissinger said in a recent magazine article that now is the time to "define what we stand for rather than go through a shopping list of Soviet demands in an effort, to determine which of them may be tolerable' Now is the time to. work for a set tlement in Central Europe, for in stance, not wait until another Ber lin crisis has been thrust upon the West. For this initiative to remain strong and firm, it must avoid the two dangers that of backstep ping conciliation and the danger of political and military sword-rattling. AMERICAN behavior during and after the height of the Cuban crisis showed several disturbing aspects, leaning toward the danger of mil itaristic .swagger and political blus ter. One was the instance of news "management" by the administra tion in its attempt to make the na tion "speak as one voice." By any name or excuse, this is censorship resulting in a public which reads of news about government, produc ed, manufactured and predigested by that government. A second disturbing characteris tic of U. S. thought was the seem ing lessening of concern over a moral and correct foreign policy. (Perhaps this stemmed from a feel ing of guilt that a policy of na tional .self-interest could not at the same time be moral a disheart ening thought at best.) Objections that a naval blockade, such as the U. S. used, was illegal under inter national law, was overruled with scorn. Concern over the danger of a nuclear war took a new, frighten ing turn when such persons as Kissinger said, "The Soviet leaders did not dare invoke the threat of nuclear war against our blockade. If we believed the threat, even a nation like ours might feel com pelled to strike pre-emptively." How long has it been since the United States calmly thought of launching an aggressive nuclear holocaust upon a foreign nation? THE INDIAN border dispute, on the other hand, has provided a more encouraging view of future U. S. policy. The Kennedy admin istration has so far acted with calmness in an uncalm situation. Arms will be given to India as many as she needs to hold back the Red Chinese and this is be ing done without the "I told you so" attitude which the Gold-Walker fringe would have America throw . at the luckless Indians. The Indian problem probably will get much worse it looms as a crisis of greater consequence than the Cuban affair, because the fate of India is the fate of all Asia and much of the other uncommitted world. The United States must, in India as elsewhere, meet the Communist challenge with confi dence yet moderation, willing to take a stand but never fearing to negotiate. The word "moderation" is import ant; it should have no taint of cow ardliness. In its true meaning, it can be a cornerstone of America's foreign policy, precluding both ap peasement and sword-rattling. As Kissinger; again said, "Moderation will appear an act of policy' (hence forth), for it is a virtue only in those who are thought to have a choice." And the United States' invigorated initiative gives it such a choice. (J.C.) "I Can't ome Out And Riot Tonight I Got To Study Civics-5 if! - - vTF A ySi ' Wade Wellman i Fascist Principles: Duty & Authority Letters To The Editors Beat Do ok And Fall-Out Apologies On 'Dook' Parade To the Editors, Pi Kappa Alpha fraternity wishes to apologize for the poor taste dis played by several participants in the Beat Dook Float Parade. Neither the themes of floats nor the floats themselves were reviewed by us, and as sponsors we had hoped that the entrants would be responsible to the community without our sup ervision. To prevent further debasing of the event, and to re-establish" the parade as an enjoyable spectacle and pep rally for the college and town, Pi Kappa Alpha passed the following rule on Wednesday, No vember 28, 1962.- 1. All entrants must submit themes for all public displays in the Beat Dook Float Parade to the Pa rade Chairman in a manner and by a date to be announced each year. 2. A committee, to consist of the President of Pi Kappa Alpha, the Beat Dook Float Parade Chairman, and a faculty member selected by Pi Kappa Alpha, will review all themes and to prevent, repetition and poor taste. -3. The above committee will re view all floats immediately before the parade, and reserves the right to deny entrance to any participant for any reason. Dr. Sam Hill, Chairman of the Department of Religion at U.N.C., has agreed to act as the faculty member on the committee for 1963 Float Parade. Pi Kappa Alpha appreciates the energy and enthusiasm displayed in the parade, and hopes that this spirit will be manifested in a more responsible way. We also appreciate the concern for the parade shown by its critics, and will welcome fur ther suggestions for effective admin istration of the traditional event. Ronald M. Butler President Pi Kappa Alpha Shelters Falling Out Everywhere . . . To the Editors, As I climbed the steps, a sign post ed high out of reach boasted the building's capacity as 3,160. Follow ing the direction indicated by two other signs I found myself in the book stacks on the seventh level op posite the elevator where another sign stated simply 440. Further in vestigation yielded 320 for the sixth level, and 570 for the fifth. There was no sign on the tenth level. This allocation of a specific num ber of students for each level would be more compatible for everyone concerned, if each student were as signed to that floor of the stacks containing material related to his field of interest, i.e., students of Greek and Latin to the fifth level, Philosophy and Religion to the third, etc. Also, the two elevators, (each of which has a nice fan), have a capacity of eight people apiece, and could accommodate those students specializing in the mechanics of elevators. Regardless of one's ma jor, however, some sort of priority system is necessary, since the peo ple on the lower levels of the stacks will be much safer in the event of an emergency, than those placed higher up. The second level will thus be made to accommodate those students with a B average or better, and so on up, the tenth level being reserved for everyone with a D av erage or worse and those who would eventually flunk out anyway. Since the ladies Rest Rooms are provid ed only on the odd numbered levels 3, 5, 7, and 9, these floors will be reserved for women only, while male students will be accommodated on the even numbered levels 2, 4, 6, 8, and 10, each of which is equip ped with a Men's Rest Room. Each student presenting his stack permit will be admitted to the seventh level, and then counted by a mem ber of the L. S. C. C. S: E. S. L., the Library Science Committee for the Counting of Students Entering the Seventh Level, so as not to exceed the number of people designated for each floor. The students will then be redistributed to the various lev els, those first in line having the advantage of being able to select the carrel of their choice, and sit out the raid in relative comfort. Each level has a cold water foun tain for your convenience, and there will be no lack of reading matter for the student who provides him self with two weeks supply of Li brary Cards. Although food is strick ly prohibited in the stacks, the kit chenette of the Library Employees Lounge will be pressed into service for the duration of the emergency, or at last until everyone runs out of coffee money. Free ice cream and favors for those drinking the least amount of water daily will be made available to all, though the facilities of the L. S. F. D. F. I. C. F., the Library Science Foundation for the Distribution of Free Ice Cream and Favors. The Library Foundation will also make arrange ments for friendly integrated touch football games of the Boys of the Eighth Level against the Girls of the Seventh, etc., which, in addi tion to providing wholesome recrea tion, will also help to keep every one physically alert enough to stand the strain and time-consuming pro cess of checking out of the stacks. As a final bit of information, I will pass on to you the fact that the on ly safe place in. the whole library is Room 2-35, which is almost entirely below Ground Level. This room is entered via the second level of the stacks by those who are forunate enough to possess the Pass-Key. This I learned from a member of the L. S. F. C. P. P. K. R. 2-35, the Library Science Foundation for the Continued Possession of the Pass Key to Room 2-35. (P.S. I understand that a few Girl's Dormitories are also avail able for Shelter, and I am personal ly holding Open House for those in terested in the Positive Approach to the Cuban Situation.) T. Crane Jr. Students Listen f To WUNC-FM To The Editors: A recent letter to the editor stat ed, as if it were a truism, that no Carolina students listen to WUNC FM radio. The letter writer is not to be entirely blamed for his erroneous statement, for fnis thought seems to be held by many. Indeed, many organizations, such as the Tar Heel, have been under the same impression and, quite properly, in that belief, have only rarely even printed the WUNC program sche dule. The recent letter-writer and the editors of the Tar Heel (as well as the student body as a whole), will be interested in the following factual information on WUNC-FM listeners. Last semester, in RTVMP 173 ("Research Projects in the Mass Media," taught by Dr. Hilliard), one of the class projects during the sem ester was a normative survey. The purpose of the project was to deter mine the radio listening habits of Carolina students in regard to WUNC FM. The survey was scientifically structured with the interview sam ple accurately reflecting the Class, Academic Major, Age, Residence, Geographic Origin, Sex, and Mari tal Status of the entire student body. Twenty-eight precent of Carolina students listen to WUNC-FM. Of the seventy-two percent who do not listen only twelve percent (or less than nine percent) do not listen be cause there are not enough pro grams on WUNC to interest them. The most popular programs on WUNC are classical, semi-classical and jazz and folk music presenta tions. Most students listen from Monday through Thursday evenings and the heaviest concentration of listeners occours at the 8-10 p. m. time period (the classical music time.) WUNC does have a comparatively large student listening iaudience, larger, in fact, than the auolences for sport events other than football, and basketball, and larger than the "observers" of many other cam pus activities. Of course, WUNC would like to grow, and as the sta tion manager stated in a recent letter to the Tar Heel, hopes to es tablish an operative carrier-current system when personnel and funds are available. WUNC, like many prophets in their own land, is not fully known to Carolina students at least not in terms of its national reputation, through which" ft is con sidered one of the finest university radio stations in the country, not only serving the students, but its (Editor's Note: This is the sec ond in a three-part series on "The Quintessence of Facism" by Wade Wellman. The first part, in yes terday's DTH, dealt with the pos sible emergence of Facism in Eu rope today; and Mr. Wellman's view that Facism is considerably more democratic than Commun ism.) Just as the human problem is twofold (that of mankind on the one hand and each individual on the other), so the Facist solution also is twofold, based on the spiritual theory and the actual concrete state. But this is not to suggest that one level of Facism approaches the problems of man, and the other level the prob lems of men. For one of the first tenets of this philosophy is that you cannot segregate man from the state; you might as well segregate, the brick from the building. Tae problem of the indivdual can only be met when he is wffiing to identify his welfare with the welfare of his countrymen, and to realize that his own existence has its real import ance in the continuation of the nation-state. He must understand that his actions and struggles have value chiefly as they promote the collec tive activity of the nation; the func tioning of the citizen must be di rectly bound up with the functioning of the wTiole human aggregate. This means that the citizen must make an unselfish sacrifice of himself and see that his importance is in large measure his importance to others. And here we come to the first of the three outstanding Facist prin ciples the principle of duty. Now how is this duty realized? We may define it as responsibility to ourselves and to others, in the knowledge that duty to oneself is the same as duty to others in the nation-state. That is, by practicing duty to others, we serve our own interests alongside those of our countrymen. This duty to our fellow citizens is triple, manifesting inself first in the family, second in the profession one practices, and third in the promotion of the nation as own and nearby states for a radius of 150 miles, and as the recipient over its ten years of operation of many national awards. I hope this information may be of value to the afore-mentioned letter-writer, to the students in general, and to the editors of the Tar Heel, who, with this information now avail able, will, I am sure, wish to cover more fully the programs presented by WUNC-FM, at least through pub lication of its daily program sche dule. Wayne Bryant WUNC-FM This Space Is Dedicated To Those Students Who are Tired Of Keadinjr Daily Tar Heel Edits And Letters Enjoy Yourselves. a whole. We must show a dutiful, altruistic service to our family, our vocational corporation, and our welfare depends on that of our com patriots in the nation-state. The or ganization of the people in a Fas cist society is so intimate and so precisely outlined that duty to our fellow citizens and duty to our coun try soon become almost indistinct. A worker or businessman in the corporate "state knows that his day-to-day work is a part of the life of the nation, and is not simply a means of perpetuating his own ex istence the common attitude of American workingmen. Duty within the corporation, the responsibility shown by the work ingman and the professional per son, is the spiritual basis for the corporate state, and duty to the country as a whole is the foundation for the other two main Fascist tenets law and authority. So it can be seen at this point that the con cept of human responsibilit', divided into several compartments, is the Fascist answer to the double plight of man. And the practical Fascist state is built upon this solution, so that the theory of duty, in its broad est sense, is the center of the entire Fascist system. I am eager to get into the work ings of the corporate state, but the two main extensions of responsibility must be discussed before we have a full view of the spirit behind cor poratism. The sacrifice of Fascism on the spiritual plane has been . mentioned: there remains the ques tion of this sacrifice in its visible form. In actuality, it takes the form of a surrender of some of the liber ty and priviledge which run wild in the plutocratic democracies of the west. Certain restrictions on the press and communications media are enforced, and our actions are subject to more control from the government than we usually ex perience in American democracy. This sacrifice is not a crippling one; indeed, man has no greater satisfaction than the knowledge that he, as an individual, can practice some self-denial for the sake of h s friends. To a Fascist thinker friends are one's countrymen, and this self-denial consists of submis sion to the guidance of a strung government. To the Fascist, government must be able to restrain the actions of a man and to make itself felt wh.n certain groups decide that their welfare is not the welfare of the nation. And so we come to the second main principle of the Fascist sys tem, the principle of authority. We have seen that the concept of duty begets the concept of au thority. Now duty or responsibility must function at every level of the Fascist society; so also must au thority. But there is one main dis tinction. Whereas duty originates from all tie interactions of human beings, and is just as much the obligation of the ordinary citien as it is that of the head of state, authority must originate, from a bove. And authority is manifested by the husband in the household, the employer in the office, and the head of state in the government almost synonymous with the manifestations of duty. Authority of the government ever the people is the binding force in the duty of the man to the coun try; the authority of the govern ment must see to it that our obli gations are fulfilled in the social interactions of citizens, employers. Widespread strikes, the continual plague and the threat of all demo cratic system, can never occur in the controlled economy of Fascism. To enforce responsibility the nation state must have authority, and this must be vested in the government; that is, it must come from above, not from below. This is the sorce of the name Fascism, which de rives from the fasces bundles of rods carried before ancient Roman magistrates as a symbol of au thority. The prime philosophical de fect of democracy is that it turns authority over to the masses, thus cheating it of its intrinsic purpose, which is to enforce proper behavior and restrain misdemeanor. Incidentally, this principle finds some development in the writings of Dante, who believed in the empire as our guiding authority in temporal affairs, cooperating that Dante's appeal to the Fascist mind has al ways been profound. He felt, perhaps rightly, that the ideal political setup was the Roman Empire, and Mus solini, whose writings contain some of the most stimulating, philosophy written in this century, openly pro claimed Facist Italy and its African acquisitions as a revival of the Roman Empire. If the heads of the rising European Combine Have the same feeling, we can hope for a Fascist revival that will reach far greater heights than the system ever attained under Mussolini. lLJ-jWL"'''l','t''Jll'lr"'' 1FfT A A
Daily Tar Heel (Chapel Hill, N.C.)
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Dec. 1, 1962, edition 1
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