Volume 72, Number 28
Wednesday, October 23, 1963
More On NSA
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services of the University News Bureau.
Court Will Be Knocked For Justice
The Supreme Court has made what
will obviously be another unpopular de
cision. The Court instructed the Federal
Appeals Court of New York to consider
a contention by Vito Genovese, leader
of the nationwide crime syndicate Cosa
Nostra, that notes of pre-trial inter
views with the government's main wit
ness were wrong-fully withheld from the
defense during- the trial.
The granting- of the hearing- does not
automatically give Genovese freedom or
even a new trial, as he is currently serv
ing a 15-year sentence in federal prison
in Leavenworth, Kan., but says simply
that the handling of the case by the
Justice Department merits investiga
tion. The Court's mandate will be well pub
licized due to all the recent storm over
Genovese stemming from the Vallachi
hearings, and opponents of the Court
will use this as they use anything they
can to prove that it is anti-God, anti
Country and pro-big time crime.
The real point is, of course, that the
the Court must protect the most evil
members of our society from infringe
ment of their rights if it is to protect
the most innocent member. There is no
double standard; one for the innocent
and one for the guilty. If the Justice De
partment can't get Genovese legally, re
gardless of how evident his guilt is,
then the should not be permitted to get
him in any fashion.
It is a shame that in our country such
an obvious fact as this will be ignored
and the Court's detractors will use this
latest decision as further grounds for
attack.
Facts Behind The Image
That apparently elderly graduate stu
dent from South Carolina, who wrote
recently to correct what he considers
to be the false and stereotyped image of
his fellow South Carolinians, undercut
himself without realizing it.
"Most South Carolinians are very
warm, intelligent people who would no
more dream of forcing someone to con
cur with their particular religious or po
litical beliefs than they would laugh at
him for his own ideas," he wrote, ap
parently oblivious of the segregation
laws in his state which force whites not
to mingle with Negroes in certain situ
ations under pain of fine or jail.
Does this not amount to "forcing
someone to concur with . . . particular
religious or political beliefs . . .?"
And if, as our correspondent alleges,
most people consider "conservative seg
regationists" to be "a bunch of red
necked, ignorant, cornbread-dippin', big
oted cotton-pickers who haven't got
enough sense to come in out of a show
er of burning kerosene from the shan
ty we just blew up," then whose fault is
it? Certainly we have not heard lately
of any liberal integrationists burning
shacks or blowing up shanties.
Undoubtedly there are many "warm,
intelligent" people in South Carolina,
just as there are all over the world.
Until they make their presence felt more .
strongly, however, they will continue to
be lumped with the ignorant maniacs
who have been able to perpetrate acts
of violence unhindered by restraints,
legal or verbal, from their more ra
tional fellow Southerners.
Knoivn Communist Talks At Statehouse???
The Greensboro Daily News
The North Carolina Council of Wom
en's Organizations plans to meet at Raj
leigh's new Statehouse this year; and
on November 13 they are to hear a talk
by Mrs. G. M. Frolova of the Russian
embassy in Washington.
Obviously, the ladies of the council
have little fear that Mrs. Frolova will
contaminate their minds and we suspect
they are right. But the appearance at
the Statehouse of a Russian embassy of
ficial, presumably a "known Commun
ist," does raise a few delicate questions.
The Statehouse, as everyone knows, is
the home base of the . General Assem
bly and the General Assembly has re
cently declared North Carolina's college
campuses off limits to "known Com
munists." By what twist of legislative logic,
then, do the legislators countenance the
appearance of Mrs. Frolova at the State
house? Deputy Attorney General Ralph
Moody has been most emphatic on the
point. On page two of his recent memo
to the attorney general regarding the
Speaker Ban, Mr. Moody severely re
proved the state's "institutions of high
er learning" for disregarding a 1941
statute. That statute provides, among
other things, that "It shall be unlaw
ful for any public building in the state
... to be used by any person for the pur
pose of advocating, advising or teaching
a doctrine" that the government should
be overthrown by force or violence.
Of course no one knows in advance
what doctrines Mrs. Frolova will teach
November 13. But the recent Speaker
Ban, though it applies only to state-sup
ported college campuses, treats all
"known Communists," whether embassy
officials or ballerinas, as potential
wreckers of the American Way. (One
of the milder inanities of the Speaker
Ban as well as Section 14-11 of the
1941 statute is that it imposes on
guardians of state property the nigh
impossible task of finding out in ad
vance what visiting speakers want to
say.)
To come to the nub of the matter,
however, we wonder whether Sen.
Thomas White and other legislative
managers of the Statehouse are getting
themselves into hot water with Mr.
Moody by permitting the use of the
Statehouse for a "known Communist's"
speech. Is one to conclude that the leg
islators who run the Statehouse "pay
no attention to these statutes," in Mr.
Moody's words, while any college of
ficial who allows a Communist to speak
on a state-owned campus risks harsh
condemnation ?
We have no wish to disrupt the pro
gram of the Council of Women's Organ
izations, who can no doubt weather the
talk of a lady Communist. But there is
a matter of consistency to be establish
ed here which, upon being establish
ed, would doubtless show once again
the silliness of this tissue of repressive
laws.
But it does seem that the legislators
who lord it so mightily over the free col
leges and universities of this state are
exempting themselves from the very
rules they lay down for others. If
Caesar's wife should be above suspicion,
all the more should Caesar his night-
glowing license plate notwithstandin
rr
On Civil Ri
gits
And Re for Mi '
Bob Spearman
The USNSA has made its
commitment to the cause of
civil rights clear from Its be
ginning. It has long urged that
college admissions be predicated
without regard to race. It has
urged federal legislation to in
sure voting rights. It has endors
ed the student sit-in movement
c-nd has conducted various civil
rights projects of its own. These
include a voter registration pro
ject held in Raleigh last sum
mer and a training institute which
wras run for civil rigats leaders.
A great deal of time was spent
at the 16th National Student Con
gress in redefining the role of
USNSA in civil rights and in
articulating new programs.
In the area of civil rights pro
gramming, four resolutions were
passed by the . committee,, and
all of these were subsequently
adopted by a plenary session of
the Congress. The first, entitled
"Cooperation witi Student Civil
Rights Organizations", concern
ed the relationship between
USNSA, SNCC (the Student Non
Violent Coordinating' Committee)
and NSM (Northern Student Move
ment.) It provided for NSA to
aid SNCC and NSM by helping
to procure office supplies, food,
clothing, and by assistance in
fund raising. It also provided
for the establishment of a Civil
Rights Desk in the national of
fice to supply civil rights infor
mation to member campuses and
to coordinate NSA civil rights
programming
Tne resolution
called for the establishment of
exchange programs between seg
regated and non-segregated in
stitutions and set up a Civil
Rights Leadership Institute. This
resolution was important in its
providing fcr direct help from
NSA to different civil rights
groups. It represents, however,
much less than what these
groups desired. SNCC had press
ed for $12,000 to help finance
their programs, but this was
rather sharply turned down. The
majority of delegates seemed
to feel that NSA should undertake
programs in the area of civil
rights, but they were skeptical
of underwriting particular or
ganizations for large sums of
money. Most felt that NSA would
lose its organizational integrity
by undertaking all the projects
desired by SNCC.
The second resolution adopted
concerned education in Prince
Edward County, Virginia. (The
public schools in Tfince Edward
were closed in 1959 to avoid in
tegration, and Negroes in the
county have been unable to re
ceive an education since that
time. White students have been
attending a private white
school.) This resolution called for
aid from member schools to help
a non-discriminatory private sch
ool system which has been es
tablished in the county. It also
provided for the establishment
of an adult education program
and voluntary summer tutor pro-1
jects mere which would employ
students from member schools
to serve as teachers.
A third resolution urged sch
ools to establish educational pro
jects among minority groups in
the communities surrounding
their campuses.
The final such resolution con
cerned desegregation in public
schools. It provided for a series
of interracial conferences on the
problems of desegregation in ed
ucation, and instructed tie na
tional officers to distribute in
formation on the legal aspects of
school desegregation to member
schools.
The committee passed four
major policy resolutions in the
field of civil rights, two of which
were adopted by plenary ses
sions. One of these resolutions
failed and the other was not con
sidered. The one which failed
was entitled "The Role of the
Students and Universities in
Civil Rights". Liberals objected
that the resolution was too mild
and was more a call to thought
than a call to action. Its defeat
on the floor stemmed from this
opposition in part, but was due
primarily to objections tnat the
wording of the resolution was
vague or incomprehensible.
The plenary adopted" the re
solution entitled "Omnibus Civil
Rights". This was an endorse
ment of the Kennedy civil rights
bill now before the Congress
but it also called for certain ad
ditions to the bill. These includ
ed strengthened guarantees for
voting rights, and a time limit
to end school segregation. In the
committee and on the floor ad
ditional strengthening amend
ments urged by SNZC were de
feated. (These contained provi
sions of the so-called Kasten
meier bill, the strongest civil
rights legislation ever introduced
in the U. S. Congress.)
The final civil rights policy
legislation passed was "Coopera
tion with Student Civil Rights
Organizations". This called &for
member schools to cooperate
with SNCC and NSM in a man
ner consistent with the by-laws
and constitution of USNSA. (This
was the counterpart policy re
solution to the program previous
ly discussed, which mandated
specific programs which would
help those organizations.)
Not considered by the plenary
was a resolution entitled "Civil
Rights 1963." This resolution
would have brought NSA endorse
ment of various forms of com
pensational treatment for Negroes
and NSA support of campaigns of
civil disobedience. It was strong
ly opposed by a minority in com
mittee, and was not considered
on the plenary floor.
Civil Rights issues at the 16th
Congress were marked by inten
sive efforts by SNCC and SDS
(Students for a Democratic Socie
ty) to throw the weight of NSA's
influence and financial resources
behind SNCC programs. Ultimate
ly the Congress refused to do this,
in part because some people took
sharp issue with certain of
SNCC's activities and partly be
cause some felt that NSA could
accomplish more in the field of
civil rights by its own work. Cer
tainly NSA's commitment to civil
rights was continued and intensi
fied by the 16th Congress. But it
was also clear that the Associa
tion was becoming increasingly
selective about the methods and
actions which it endorsed.
(A final note should be added
about NSA financing. Aside from
the funds to maintain the national
office, almost all NSA financial
backing stems from' foundation
grants. This is true for field pro
jects undertaken by the Associa
tion. Thus when certain projects
are called for in resolutions, these
are almost always contingent up
on the national officers' securing
of foundation grants.)
Harry DeLung
There are few who would not
agree that the most significant
legislation passed at the 16th
National Student Congress was
the structural reform of the Na
tional Student Association. A
similarly small number were
entirely satisfied with the re
forms which were finally passed
as a result of many compro
mises. Two broad objectives were in
mind when the national officers
and the National Executive Com
mittee met in December, 1962 to
discuss the possiblity of propos
ing reforms to the 16th Congress.
These were ( ll to answer a
number of charges from right
wing organizations, most not
ably the Young Americans for
Freedom, and (2) to increase
the communication between the
national office in Philadelphia
and the 400 member campuses.
The only consensus that was
reached at the December NEC
was that under the present re
gional structure, there was little
or no leadership provided for
NSA (and NSA-assisted) pro
grams on member campuses.
This was considered to be a
major breakdown in the utiliza
tion of the first and second level
leadership of the Association.
The background on the right
ist charges stems from an ef
fort of the right, which began
in force at the 14th Congress, to
alter the organization of NSA.
They claimed tftat the Associa
tion had concerned itself too
much with non-campus issues
and that a "power elite" control
led the policies of NSA in this
area. Over the period between
that Congress and the December
meeting, this became an opinion
held, at least in part, by most
of the ' Association's leaders.
By the time of the Congress in
August, a number of reform
"programs" had been proposed
by members of the national
staff. They all had in common
the abolition of the National Ex
ecutive Committee. This body,
composed of the chairmen of the
23 regions of the Association and
additional delegates elected from
the larger regions, had admin
istrative and policy making pow
ers, in addition to serving as a
check on the national officers.
The large size of the NEC and
the limited familiarity of some
of its members with the functions
of the Association made it re
latively incompetent in most
administrative matters. Also, it
had become the opinion of most
of the first and second level
leadership of NSA that the pow
er of the NEC to pass on a sub
stantial number of policy resolu
tions served no worthwhile pur
pose. To replace the administrative
duties of the NEC, all reform
proposals included the 'formation
of a National Supervisory Board
and a Congress Steering Com
mittee. As they were actually
established, the NSB was com
posed of ten members, elected
from four geographic areas, and
the CSC was staffed by the re
gional chairmen.
Despite the existence of a
$19,000.00 deficit in the Associa
tion's economy, it was felt nec
essary that money be appro
priated for new, full-time mem
bers of the national staff. The
central controversy dealt with
the nature of these positions.
Most agreed that the two elect
ed positions of Program Vice
President (officers of NSA who
travel to member campuses)
could be abolished.
Dennis Yeager, a PVP who
spoke to the Student Legisla
ture of UNC last spring, backed
a plan which would have creat
ed at least four elected student
Government Vice President posi
tions. These officers would not
work out of the Philadelphia of
fice, but wxuld have their head
quarters on various campuses
around the country, and they
would make several visits a year
to campuses , in that area. Their
function would be to offer assis
tance in problems and issues
that were facing member stu
dent government projects on a
regional basis. These persons,
elected by the Congress, would
have extensive experience with
student affairs, often having pre:
viously served as student body
presidents on their own cam
puses,. At the other extreme was a
proposal by NSA academic free
dom project director Neal John
ston. His plan was that all of
the new positions would be held
by "desk" personnel; that is, na
tional staff members who would
work" in the Philadelphia office
in specialized areas, such as
student welfare, academic free
dom, civil rights, etc. They
would spend a comparatively
small amount of time traveling
to member campuses, and would
do so only in regard to what
ever area was their specialty.
A. compromise' was worked
out by NSA President Dennis
Shaul and other staff members
by which three SGVPs would be
elected, and two 4iaesk" jobs
would be created. In this struc
ture, the regions (such as Caro-linas-Virginia,
Kentucky - Tenne
ssee, etc) would be abolished,
and four large areas would be
created. These were the North
east, the South, the Mid-West,
and the Far West, and a SGVP
would be assigned to each, ex
cept the Northest which would
be administered out of the Phil
adelphia office.
About midway through the
16th Congress, it became evident
that there was still too much di
vision of opinion for this plan to
be safely passed by the plenary
of the Congress. It was with
drawn and a final proposal was
submitted.
This plan, which was adopted
by the Congress differs from the
first compromise in that it re
tains the regions as a medium
of area programing and com
munication, the four areas are
not formally established, and the
number of SGVPs is cut to' two.
In addition, three "desk" posi
tions are provided for, with the
understanding that these persons
will be available for more fre
quent trips to member schools.
Less tangible alterations in the
character of the Association in
cluded a feeling that more de
cisions should be made by the
Congress plenary, and less by
the officers and staff of the or
ganization. This led to the aboli
tion of the "referal" practice by
which the plenary could refer
any. legislation that it did not act
on to a smaller body. It is signi
ficant that neither of the new
administrative bodies, the NSB
and CSC, have any formal policy-making
powers.
In the interest of allowing
more time for consideration of
legislation, the plenary limited
the amount of policy resolutions
that may come out of all of the
five committees to 30. In the
past, as many as 150 resolutions
had been reported to the plen
ary. As every Congress or legisla
tive body has its conservative and
liberal years, this year was re
latively conservative for the Na
tional Student Congress. How
ever, most observers do not at
tribute 1he passage of reforms
to this characteristic.
It became apparent in 1962
that the suggestions for change
offered by the Young American-;
for Freedom were not made in
"good faith. At the YAF's nation
al assembly at Madison Square
Garden, a resolution was passe,
urging conservative students to
participate in NSA and try to
change its structure and poli
cies. This decision was soon re
versed by the executives of
YAF who refused to cooperate
in any way with the National
Student Association, and have,
in fact, urged that campuses dis
affiliate from NSA.
There is little doubt that t he
structural reforms were entire lv
due. tp the work of moderates
and liberals who were seeking
to improve the one and only r.a"
tional union of students in (he
United States. It should, how
ever, be encouraging to conser
vatives to note that despne the
official position of the YAF ex
ecutives, many conservatives ex
erted strong leadership at the
Congress. An announced Gold-water-supporter
from Cornel!
came within one vote of bein
elected chairman of the i.n;4
NSA Coordinators' Conference.
To some, the most notable
characteristic of the leth Con
gress was the often-clear scpara-
uuu ueiween inose ciejesat.es who
had their first concern in tie in
terest of NSA, and those who
were seeking only to use NSA as
a vehicle for their own causes.
It became evident byThe end of
the Congress that the future of
the Association rested on those
students of all political persua
tions who were, and are willing
to let their particular causes he
subsidiary to the goals set forth
in the Preamble of the Const iu;
tion of the United States Nation
al Student Association:
To maintain academic free
dom, academic responsibility,
and student rights:
To stimulate and improve
democratic student government;
To develop better educa
tional standards, facilities, and
teaching methods to improve
student cultural, social, and phy
sical welfare;
To promote international
understanding and fellowship:
To guarantee to all people,
because of their inherent dignity
as individuals, equal rights and
possibilities for primary, second
ary, and higher education re
gardless of sex, race, religion,
political belief, or economic cir
cumstance; To foster the recognition of
the rights and responsibilities of
students to the school, tio im
munity, humanity, and cii;
And to preserve the interests
and integrity of the Government
and Constitution of the United
States of America.
D3
IMC
Bad 01' Us
Editors, The Tar Heel,
I believe the legislature of
North Carolina made an error in
"Dear Gen. DeGaulle: Adenauer Has Retired. Macmillan
Has Retired. Just Thought I'd Drop a Line
To Ask How Are Things With You?"
the subject matter of the ga
law. What it should have at
tempted to gag is the writers,
students and other guilty parties
that allow such bad taste and an
'udder' obnoxious article as ap
peared by Curry Kilpatrick 'sic)
in the Sunday edition of the Daily
Tar Heel, headlined, "Moo U.
Goes Down To Udder Defeat, 31
10." Some other acts as seen, this
weekend were the efforts of the
Carolina cheerleaders leading
such yells as "Castrate State,"
and "Screw Moo U."
The past few years, N. C.
State's football team and student
body won victories in their bad
games with UNC. This year,
only the Carolina football team
won a victory while the student
body lost as it only reasserted
itself as an impudent, non-conformist
group of persons if one
can call them persons) which
can act with no better judgmen:
than a five year old child.
Are these the "Carolina Gentle
men" which we wish to have run
the affairs of the state in the
future? Or should we not turn
to the real "Carolina Gentlemen"
which seem to reside at State,
Duke and Wake Forest?
Bill Robinson
UNC Law School
Indecency
Editors, The Tar Heel,
After reading John F. IloIIin-.s-worth's
letter in Sunday's paper,
a protest that has been smolder
ing within me for a long time
was arou.ed. Now that I've
thought about it for several
hours, I am red hot about the
whole thing.
I feel that UNC males are be
ing forced to be exhibitionists
a forced showing of the body in
public and certainly the men's
room is public when 30 people
are in there at a given momert.
If every student would write a
letter home about it, perhrp
their children could be sjed
from indecency FORCED IX-DENCY.
John Leder
10 Remney Lane