Page 2
Wednesday, May 5, 1965
ne u. a.9 Mssifi ma r lei nam
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leviig (LloseF I o A JMiliiaipy LiOiilroptation
Opinions of the Daily Tar Heel are expressed in its editor
lals. Letters . and columns, covering a wide range of views
reflect the personal opinions of their, authors.
No Stall For Campus Radio
After some amazing roller coaster ups and downs, the
prospects of, immediate action on Campus Radio look good.
The problems involved in setting up- the radio station
are complex but not insurmountable. If it is to be done with
greatest effectiveness, it must be done now.
The man who. holds the power of life or death for Cam
pus Radio is Student Body President Paul Dickson. With
a large degree of unreasonable reluctance, he has agreed
to work for the passage of legislation setting up the radio
now.
Dickson had wanted a referendum next fall. The
chances are good that this would have killed the plans al
together. A referendum is not needed because no increase in
student fees will be involved, now or in the foreseeable
future. The money needed to set up and operate the radio
station can be drawn from Student Government's general
surplus and unappropriated budget funds. This can be done
without the risk of leaving a surplus too small to cope
with any financial emergency Student Government might
face. '
In Campus Radio we have a well-planned program
which has every assurance of offering the students a real
service at no added cost.
The Office of Admissions says enrollment can be ex
pected to increase about 1,000 a year. This new revenue
itself would pay much more than the $11,000 a year operat
ing costs of the radio station, and still leave a growing
surplus.. Added income from student fees would amount to
between $15,000 and $20,000 a year with no fee increases.
The time to act is now, the administration is in a co
operative mood, and there is no assurance that it can or
will be in the same position at any time in the future
Arrangements have been made for the University to
provide office space for the station and to pay for the
renovations. The plan called for having the work done this
summer and there is no assurance that the offer can be
left standing for months while some student politicians try
to figure out how to set up the station in the way most
beneficial to themselves.
Plans which have been made would have to be- made
again, and for all practical purposes the entire program
would be started from the beginning again.
If shelving Campus Radio now did not kill it complete
ly, it would hand it an unnecessary delay of at least a
year. . "
Dickson's misgivings about the program however
unfounded they may have been have apparently been
satisfied by the members of the Campus Radio Committee
and others who do not, want to see the work go down the
drain. . . '
The students of this University should .support him and
the, legislature in setting up this program one, of the
most important to be considered in recent history.
B HANS J. MOB.GENTJIAU
, In The New Republic
Having just returned from Moscow aft
er talking to American diplomats, to rep
resentatives of allied and neutral countries,
and, to Soviet officials,, academicians and.
military men, I carry with me two. major
impressions:- the hopelessness of a nego
tiated settlement of the war in Viet Nam
under present conditions and the likelihood
of Soviet military intervention.
A negotiated, settlement. is now rendered
impossible by three factors: the irrecon
cilable character o the positions taken by
either side, the military situation remain
ing unfavorable to. the United. States, and;
the ambiguity of the American negotiating
position. . ,
Moscow,. Hanoi Peking. land the Viet
Cong are at one in seeking the elimination
of; the American military presence in South
Viet Nam,, while the United States appears
to be willing to remove its military, pres-
squab Ansisus? wira oitt7s:.:m
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Applies To Dominican Republic
T
Jfaiisoiii
Boctrine
But Don't Forget Education New VarHKQg III Effect
Congress of Racial' Equality National Director James
Farmer said here Monday night that the civiL rights move
ment will be directed more and more toward the economic
upgrading and political activity , oi the American. Negra.
This is not surprising. Since the passage of the- Civil
Rights Bill of 1964, most civil rights groups have shifted
emphasis from- public accommodations to political, involve
ment and economic upgrading. .
The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party created a
furor at the Democratic national convention last summer
when it attempted to seat its. delegates. They were re
fused, but party leaders have worked steadily since then
registering Negro voters and urging political interest
among Negroes.
The center of months of strife in Selma and nearby
communities was over voting rights. And voter registra
tion continues.
During last year's riots in Harlem Farmer and other
rights officials urged New York Mayor Robert Wagner- to
create a sort of Job Corps to provide jobs for unemployed
youth, many of whom would have been Negroes.
One disturbing aspect of Farmer's speech was the
comparatively small emphasis placed on education, for Ne
groes. Farmer is concerned, and rightly so about rem
edial, education for Negroes. But demands for better ele
mentary, high school and college education must continue
to be a vital part of the southern movement. Indeed, it is.
complementary to the other goals.
If Negroes are to accept their rightful places as voters
and politicians; if they are to have jobs other than those
of a traditional nature, they must be given an educational:
background which will enable them to accept their- respon
sibilities along with their rights.
WASHINGTON (AP) For some years,
international legal experts have argued
whether the Monroe Doctrine - a U. S.
warning to non-hemisphere nations to keep
hands off Latin America has been in
effect or not.
Be that as it may ; there is no doubt
about a new, doctrine in force today.
It was. proclaimed by President -Johnson
Sunday in a speech to the nation ex
plaining the background of what he termed
a communist .attempt to take over the, Do
minican Republic
The doctrine he proclaimed: .
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72 Years of Editorial Freedom
TEe Daily Tar Heel Is the official news publication of the
University of North Carolina and is published by students
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Ernie McCrary. editor; Mike Yopp, associate editor;
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Strother, Ernest ItobI, Bob Wright, David Rcthman, staff
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local news pruicu j u - -
dispatches.
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'Boy Needed?
Not Corpsman
From The Oklahoma Daily
More than 1,000 recently returned Peace
Corps volunteers: and national leaders met
at a three-day conference in Washington
recently to discuss the: problem of, the vol
unteer's, re-entry into American life and
business;
This conference and several like it were
developed, by Peace Corps psychiatrist Dr..
Joseph English to discuss ways of "open
ing up opportunities" for the ex-volunteer.
At present-there are some 3,500 re
turned volunteers. Of these, nearly 60" per
cent -are back in colleges or at universi
ties studying for advanced degrees. Only
about eight per cent enter the business
field. The . reason for this added education
and, the low average entering business is
the lack of opportunity for newly-returned
volunteers.
On returning to the United States, the
volunteer finds that promises of vast op
portunities for the men and women with
overseas experience are in truth not avail
able. He will find that employers aren't too
impressed upon hearing of his Peace Corps
experience.
.What the employer is interested, in is
job experience and quick results, not over
seas experience.. The Peace Corps just isn't
too good as a recommendation.
To help solve this problem of job op
portunity, President Johnson recently
asked federal agencies to give special, con
sideration to hiring ex-volunteers. He also
expressed hopes of enlisting corpsmen in
his war on poverty.
At this time the main, jobs open to re
turning corpsmen are with, the foreign
service; the Washington bureau of the
corps, and other foreign and domestic aid:
projects.. But what ot the non-government
employers? They too must give the ex
volunteers the opportunity to use their spe
cial skills and training.
"The American nations cannot, must not
and will not permit the establishment of
another communist, government in the
Western Hemisphere;"
The President said U. S. troops were
sent into the -Dominican Republic when lo
cal authorities there reported they were
unable to guarantee the safety of . Ameri
cans and of other foreigners in the Do
minican Republic.
The decision on troops was taken with
out prior consultation with or approval of
the Organization of American States. ' '
Some Latin American nations, notably
Venezuela itself long threatened with
guerrilla activities by followers of. Cuba's
Fidel Castro and other communists -Mexico,
and Chile; have brought this lack
of advance consultation in critical public
statements.
As if to answer such criticisms, Presl
dent Johnson said:
"There may be those; in our own coun
try who say that such, action was : good
but we should have waited or . we should
have delayed or. we should, have consulted
further, or we should have called a. meet
ing.": -
But the situation was one, the President
saidV in which IL S. citizens and those of
other countries faced death in the streets.
"L knew there was no time to talkj to
consult or to. delay,!' the President said.
In an- effort to achieve multinational
implementation of ther Johnson Doctrine,
the United States has asked: the- represen
tatives of Latin American republics- to ap
prove a resolution calling on' all OAS
member nations to make contributions of
military units to the peace-making, efforts
of an OAS mission in the Dominican Re
public. The Monroe Doctrine was proclaimed,
by President James Monroe Dec 2r 1823
in his annual message to congress. Its ma
jor emphasis was a warning to non-continental
powers, chiefly in Europe,, not to
seek, to extend their political systems to
any country in the Western. Hemisphere..
As a balance, the United States agreed
not to interfere in the internal affairs of
European nations.
Some have argued that the Monroe Doc
trine has been, in effect, destroyed by the
emergence of the United States as a world
power playing important roles in many na
tions through its military and: economic aid
programs. ' 1 .
In any event, the Monroe Doctrine would
not seem to be applicable to the Domini
can crisis since no. European; power is be
ing accused of intervening there..
But the Johnson Doctrine applies direct
ly. How it will be judged by history re
mains to be seen.
ence only on conditions of stability in South
Viet Nam which are unattainable in the
foreseeable future. The military situation
remains as desperate as it has been in re
cent times. Richard Dudmrm has given in
the St. Louis Post Dispatch a vivid picture
ot incessant military deterioration, of cities
jsupplied only by air or sea, of the Viet
Cong exacting tribute even from govern
ment convoys
The London Economist reports in its is
sue of April. 17 that "two slogans that are
now heard quite often in Saigon and else
where are: 'Yank go fight your war some
place else,' and, in Army circles: He who
doesn't fight has no need to run away' "
and that ''north ot Saigon, it is with the
greatest difficulty that the Americans can
persuade the government . forces to keep
the main coastal road open during the
day." Finally, the President's speech of
April ,7, intended to open: a new, more con
ciliatory phase in American policy, is con
tradictory within itself in that it attempts
to combine elements of the old poiicy of
indiscriminate-peripheral military contain
ment of communism in Asia with a new
policy of creating an independent Indo-'
china including North Viet Nam and sup
ported by the Soviet Union.
In Soviet eyes, however, these construc
tive elements in the President's speech
have been obliterated by the massive air
raids on North Viet Nam, following the
President's speech, by less than 24 hours.
Wherever I. mentioned in Moscow the con
structive elements in the President's
speech, I was referred to the bombs whose
detonations seem to have drowned out the
words uttered in Baltimore..
The Soviet attitude toward American
policy is one of despair, alarm and ex
asperation; The despair is most keenly felt
by those who have been identified with
Khrushchev's policy of peaceful coexistence
and' of mitigating the conflict with the
United States. They declare themselves to
be fighting with their backs to the wall,
barely holding their own against the grow
ing influence of the faction that favors the
hard line of the Chinese.
It is not necessary to take such state
ments at face value in order to recognize
the dilemma in which the Soviet Union
finds itself and the impossibility for the
Soviet Union to remain indefinitely a pas
sive bystander in the face of the progres
sive destruction of North Viet Nam by
American military power.. It is likewise
easy to see why the Soviet Union would
take an active part in the hostilities only
with the greatest reluctance, being forced
by American policy to take a course of
action it would not have taken if it had .
had a choice.
The dilemma, the Soviet Union faces
stems from the fact that, on the one hand,
the Soviet Union has a vital interest in
avoiding a direct military confrontation
with the United States and that, on the
other hand; it cannot remain indifferent
to the fate of another communist country
and ally, such as North Viet Nam,, espe
cially as it-must compete with China for
the control of the world communist- move
ment. However anxious the Soviet Union is
to avoid a direct military confrontation
with the United States, it is not willing to
buy that avoidance with its abdication as "
leader and protector of its communist al
lies. Thus the bombing of North Viet Nam, a
complete failure as an inducement to bring -Hanoi
to the negotiating table, is likely to
succeed in bringing the Soviet Union to.
the battlefields of Southeast Asia. The
bombing is bound to continue on an ever
expanding scale; for such are its inner
dynamics in. "view of its assumptions and
of its failure to achieve its end. Every
target hit - one marvels, to believe the
official reports, at the number of bridges
and radar stations with which the land
scape of North Viet Nam must be dotted
' weakens not the resolution of Hanoi to
unify Viet Nam under its auspices but the
resolution of the Soviet Union to stay out of
the conflict.
Yet military intervention, carefully lim
ited, brings compensation to. the Soviet Un
ion, and the hard liners have not been re
miss in pointing them out. Military inter
vention might well serve to restore the as
cendancy ol the Soviet Union in the world
communist movement. That ascendancy
has been effectively challenged by China,
and the main talking point of China has
been the lack of the Soviet Union's revo
lutionary militancy.
However, in the present conflict China
is in no position to come to the aid of
North Viet Nam without risking the des
truction of its atomic and major industrial
installations; for it is not yet a . nuclear
power. But the Soviet Union is under the
cover of its nuclear deterrent. It could go
a long way, albeit facing the risk of esca
lation, to demonstrate to the communist
world that while China only speaks loudly
but can-da very little it is the Soviet Un
ion who in actuality carries the big stick
and is willing to use it on behalf of another
communist nation. If worse should come to
worse and China, too, were to be involved
actively in the conflict, she would have to
rely for her protection upon the deterrent
nuclear power and the conventional arms
of the Soviet Union.
Thus in the end the monolithic charac
ter of the communist camp would be re
stored under the auspices of the Soviet Un
ion, which, would have demonstrated by
deed where effective power lies within that
camp.
Turning from the substance of policy to
its intellectual quality, the critical observ
er is struck by the motivating force which
considerations of prestige exert both in
Washington and Moscow. That this is so in
Washington hardly needs extensive elabo
ration.. If one probes beneath ths ration
alizations for our military presence in
South Viet Nam, one finds as the dominjnt
motivation the fear that if South Viet Nam
should go communist, no nation threatened
by communism would entrust its protec
tion to us. Thus one nation after the other
would go communist. In other words, the
communization of South Viet Nam would
. be the beginning of the end of the free
world.
We have even dignified this historic de
terminism with the name of a theory, the
so-called "domino theory." It assumes th.t
as South Viet Nam goes so will Thailand,
and as Thailand goes so will India, and so
forth, until the whole world will have gone
communist. This theory is a slogan born
of fear and of a misconception of history
and politics. It is unsupported by any his
toric evidence. The Soviet Union went com
munist in 1917 and China in 1949, but no
other nation followed suit In 1943, Poland
and Hungary went communist, but Finland
did not, and all the Balkan States went
communist, but Greece did not. In 194S
Czechoslovakia went communist, but no
other nation did. In 1954 North Viet Nam
went communist all by herself, and in 19C0
or so Cuba went communist without being
followed by any other Latin American na
tion. Social and, more particularly, revolu
tionary change is not the mechanical result
of imitation and prestige but of objective
conditions peculiar to individual nations. It
is, however, illuminating to note that the
"domino theory" is but a replica of a vul
gar Marxism which also believes in the
inevitable spread of communism from one
country to the rest of the world.
Similarly, the Soviet Union operates on
assumptions of prestige, both for itself and
for North Viet Nam. It cannot allow Hanoi
to go to the negotiating table under a hall
of American bombs; for to do so would
be tantamount to admitting that the United
States can impose its will upon a small
communist nation by force of arms.
It cannot afford to remain indefinitely
passive while American bombs destroy
North Viet Nam; for to do so would be
tantamount to admitting that the Soviet
Union cannot protect a small communist
nation against America's military power.
When I mentioned to a Soviet official
American considerations of prestige and
pointed to the need for a face-saving de
vice and for Soviet cooperation in provid
ing it, he replied: "Other nations must take
care of their prestige, too." He was right.
But then it is the task of statesmanship to
settle disputes in such a way as to mini
mize the damage to the prestige of the par
ties concerned. Of such statesmanship there
is not a trace to be found on either side.
" As a result, we are moving closer and
closer to. that military confrontation which
nobody wants but which nobody knows how
to avoid.
Beautiful Bay,
If You hike It
By JOE COBLE
417 Ehringhaus
Sunday the campus was full of
people. There was a stage on the
lawn in Polk Place in front of his
toric South Building. The large
roped-off area was covered by cou
pies on blankets, watching the per
formance and enjoying themselves.
It was a beautiful day.
Today the campus is full of peo
ple. The stage is gone; the ropes are
gone; the blankets are gone; the
Coke cups are gone; the cigarette
butts are gone. All that remains are
memories and the campus which
sees many people and events come
and go and remains unchanged, dec
ade after decade.
There are many people on the
campus today, but they are not the
same. Sunday the general atmos
phere was one of celebration. Today
the atmosphere is one of a factory.
There is laughter and talk, but the
general air has undergone a change.
Sunday some students had a
hangover from too much to drink
and not enough sleep. Today more
students have hangovers, but they
are not the kind which come from a
bottle. They are of another kind, a
harder kind to rid yourself of. For
Sunday was a day free from care,
and today begins a two-week period
in which late hour semester tests are
given in many sub j ects .
It would be a gloomy prospect at
any time, but coming as it does on
the heels of Jubilee, it gives a feel
ing of depression, which is hard to
remove.
Today is a beautiful day in Chap
el Hill. There is not a cloud in the
sky. The temperature is in the high
80s, seasoned "with much shade and
cool breezes. The trees are green,
and new grass is beginning to grow
in many places on campus. Birds
sing and squirrels scamper from the
ever-present Chapel Hill dogs.
Yes, it is a beautiful day, if you
like beautiful days.