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September 17, 1968
Page 4
THE DAILY TAR HEEL
Bland Simpson
76 Years of Editorial Freedom
Wayne Hurder, Editor
Bill Staton, Business Manager
.K.si..-io
3 0
B
Oale Gibson, Managing Editor
Rebel Good, News Editor
Joe Saunders, Features Editor
Owen Davis, Sports Editor
Dick Levy, Associate Editor
Kermit Buckner, Jr, Advertising Manager
trust anyone over
Will It Happen Here?"
Wrong Question To Ask
Three thousand students are entering
the University for the first time this fall
at a crucial point in the University's
history and in that of American higher
education.
At the end of the last school year
students at Columbia rebelled against the
administration because they believed it
to be playing a role supportive of racism
in American society and supportive of
illegitimate and immoral intervention in
the Vietnamese war.
In France thousands of students
across the country revolted against the
inferior and irrelevant education they
thought they were getting at the hands
of their government.
At Fayetteville State College black
students took over the administrative
buildings because they were getting an
inferior education and because they felt
the school was too repressive for their
development.
These events, and ' others, have
administrators and students at most
colleges across the country wondering,
"can it happen here?"
Such questioning has very obviously
been going on at Chapel Hill during the
past few days. Chancellor J. Carlyle
Sitterson proved that the administration
is thinking about it, when he reads to the
new students the North Carolina law
against' sit-ins. "Will it happen here?" is
an .interesting question, but not the
crucial one that students or
administrators should be asking. k."
The important question is whether
the University is fulfilling the needs that
a student has as he attempts to develop.
The question is whether the
individual can develop sufficiently in an
DTH Starts
76th Year
Of Freedom
For the past 75 years the Daily Tar
Heel has been an independent,
editorially free college newspaper, one of
the few really independent college
papers in the country. With this issue we
begin year number 76 in that tradition.
The Daily Tar Heel is a student-run
newspaper, financed from student fees
and advertising, and operated for the
benefit of the students.
Over the years the DTH has picked up
a reputation for being a hell raiser when
it comes to social issues (e.g. the civil
rights struggle in Chapel Hill) and when
it comes to student issues (e.g. the coed
dorm security controversy last fall). This
is the heritage the Daily Tar Heel hopes
to continue this year: one of concern for
big things and small things. '.
On our news pages we'll give you an
objective account of what's happening
on campus, even though that may make
some people uncomfortable.
We'll try to keep you informed of
what's happening in Student
Government, in South Building, in
Kenan Stadium, in the Experimental
College, etc. In doing so, what we
attempt to do is serve you, whether it be
by writing about the Black Student
Movement or about the movies that are
being shown in the area.
On the editorial page, we'll comment
on what is happening in the student
world, and outside it. Although the
editor is elected by the students and the
paper is supported financially by them,
we will not try to reflect student opinion
in our editorials.
We hope that you will enjoy the
paper this year, especially since it b
yours. However, what is more important
to us is that we make it through year
number 76 without having prostituted
our freedom by doing what the majority
wants, rather than what we think is
right.
environment where he encounters many
rules that he and other students consider
a barrier to the educational process.
As student Body President Ken Day
puts it, the question is whether "each
individual has placed upon himself the
responsibility of deciding his educational
goals and whether he has a University
which provides him opportunity and
option in fulfilling his goal. .
Many persons, particularly those in
the . Southern Student Organizing
Committee, who are sponsoring a
"Disorientation program" contend that
the University is providing a stifling
atmosphere in which the individual's
development is prevented.
These are the questions to which
students, and the Administration in
particular, should address themselves
The Administration needs to consider
these, in particular, because it seems that
it in the past, judging from the
statements of some members of it, is not
concerned with the students' problems
as much as it is concerned with keeping a
clean image across the state and
preventing student disorders.
This is most . evident in some
Administrators' statements about lines
of communications between students
and the administration and about how
open these lines are.
The way they describe the
student-Administration dialogue, it
seems like an invention by some analyst
of student disorders as a means .of
preventing more riots.
Dean of Student Affairs CO. Cathey,
in an interview in the Chapel Hill Weekly
last May, explained that he thought that
the riots occurred at Columbia because
there was no line of communications
between the Administration and
students there. He went on to say that
he didn't think any student riots would
break out at UNC because the
Administration is always happy to listen
to students.
That sounds nice but a question
immediately comes to mind: Is the
administration listening to the students
because it believes that in doing so it can
prevent student disruptions, or is it
doing so because it is interested in the
students' problems?
Likewise, Chancellor Sitterson told
freshmen that students are members of
various University committees that
decide things like who can park where
on campus, what the undergrad
curriculum must be, or what dorms will
be changed into offices. He spoke as if
students represented a meaningful force
on these committees but if one would
check the list he would find that in most
cases there are only one or two students
on each of the committees that usually
have 17 members. And these are
committees that have immense influence
over the students' lives.
Here again one must ask whether the
administration is putting a token number
of students on these committees so it
can claim channels of communication
are open or because it is really interested
in students' problems.
What it seems the Administration
needs' to do is ( 1) quit worrying whether
there will be student riots on campus
this year and worry about whether the
University is allowing each student to
develop fully; and (2) realize that it
doesn't have all the solutions to the
problems that students face in adjusting
to their environment.
The members of the Administration, ,
having grown up in a different
environment than that which students,
are developing in cannot claim to have
learned what is best for the student
because they have not had the same
experiences that the students have faced.
That is why, in seeking to create a
University that fulfills the needs of its
student body, the University cannot rely
solely on the judgement of its
administration, it must also rely on the
opinions of those who are to be effected
by the University.
"Don't
thirty."
Proverbs
I didn't believe it either, but
it did happen. There are even a
few witnesses; ask them, if you
wish.
We were sitting on one of
the benches near Old East
when an. old Englishman
walked up and asked for "some
candid comments on the
University community. My two
friends, fearing the man was a
Communist or at least a
Fabian, ran away to call J.
Edgar. But I, hoping to be
helpful, courteous, and kind,
told the gentleman that I
would answer whatever
questions he might have.
"First off," he began,
"what's all this rubbish about
'orientation' and
Mis-orientation'?"
"Well," I drawled, "it's like
this: the orientation people are
so dis-oriented from all matters
of relevance that the
dis-orientation folks thought
they would orient everyone
else to the hard facts of
American society."
"Oh."
"But don't let that throw
you. The official orientation is
responsible to student
government; that should
explain their problems. And
the dis-orientation is run by
the SSOC, sort of
establishment radicals. Both
groups are dealing with the
screwed-up freshmen anyway,
and that only leaves freshmen
twice as screwed-up as they
were to start with."
"Perhaps. WTio, though,
constitutes student
government?"
"That's Ken Day, the
'institutionalized radical', and
his crew. They're all looking
for careers in state politics, so
don't expect fireworks from
them."
"I see."
By this time, we had moved
through Y-Court and down
onto Polk Place. This
Englishman seemed genuinely
interested in what I was telling
him.
"Why, what are all those
Negroes doing over there by
the flagpole?"
"Oh, well, that's just the
Black Student Movement," I
replied. "They meet on
occasion to orchestrate about
how all whites are racists and
other such pertinent, valid
information."
"Curious lot! Let's move on
before we're seen conversing
with them." I could tell he was
nervous, and his racism was
beginning to show.
"Very WelL" But before we
could get ten feet, up marched
a group of white liberals, trying
to confront us with their
racism. "Don't worry about
them," I continued. "They're
just a bunch of students and
profs who haven't figured out
"yet that they don't belong in
the Black Cultural
Revolution."
"My, my. You blighters
certainly have a dandy of a
racial problem here. WThat a
mess!"
"Oh, no!" I added. "It's
really quite grand. Why, when
the militants start giving
speeches and threatening riots
elsewhere in the nation, we get
the same treatment here in
Chapel HilL So, you see, we
don't get left out"
"Hmmm. Interesting way to
look at it" Then, glancing
towards a bunch of students
who were dancing around the
Bell Tower, he asked, "What's
all that?"
"Just the Experimental
College. They get together
down here from 3:20 to 4:45
TKe fc-M rr.ni5"trvr;7r (Jec?me fJie Class xf
p.m. every Monday to be
spontaneous."
"WHAAT?? Planned
spontaneity?"
"Certianly. Just think what
a ruckus you'd have if all these
naturally creative people
'happened' anytime" they
wanted wherever they might
be."
"But that's what
spontaneity IS!!" He was
obviously confused.
So I just shrugged my
shoulders, seeing that he
couldn't understand the
intelligent reasoning behind the
Experimental College, and said,
"You do have a good point
there,"
"Well, anyway, who are
those two men standing
nearby?"
"Dean Cansler and Rev.
Smith. They work with
residence colleges to bridge the
administration gap."
"Residence colleges?"
"It's nothing really. Just a
fancy name for 'dorms'. At one
time, though, the
administration had desires to
use the residence college
system to politicize the student
body. But the students weren't
interested; said they'd rather
drink beer than be stooges.
Can't say as I blame them."
"Sounds Zany. What about
these characters with pointed
heads and grey checked suits
that keep walking by, looking
up in the air?"
"You mean the f rat-men.
They're nothing either.
Somehow they got the idea
that they're the only people at
the University, so they tend to
ignore everybody else. Look
there! See the big fellow with
the scrawny blonde? He's
president of ZooPie, and she's
rush chairman for
FooMaggaCrud."
"How impressive." Then,
still confused and a bit
flustered, the Englishman
pointed to two groups of
demonstrators who were
involved in a mutual
confrontation. , "And who,"
pray, are they?" - - - -
"Well, " I" went on, "the
crowd on the right is the Vote
Wallace and Bomb North
Vietnam Back to the Stone
Age Committee, and the bunch
on the left is Peace, Freedom,
Love & Vote Dove Action
Committee. They fight around
here quite a bit, but nobody
pays them any mind."
"Say, then, who would you
vote for this year, while we're
on that subject?"
"Oh, I reckon I'd like to see
Bob Dylan for president with
Norm Mailer as vice president
But I'd make them pledge to
make Ayn Rand the chief
justice before I'd definitely
vote their way."
"How clever! With your
imagination, once would
suppose that you could write
for the student newspaper.
Ever thought of that, old
sport?"
Seeing that he didn't know
who I was, I shuffled my feet a
bit (trying to" look modest) and
said proudly, "Well, I do write
for the Daily Tar Heel. I'm
Simpson, the sensation-seeking
columnist, didn't you know?"
He almost fell over
backwards with excitement
"Astounding!" Then he
whispered, "Certainly you
should know what the plans
are for achieving open
visitation for coeds in male
dormitories, er, residence
colleges as well as the plans for
getting rid of coed closing
hours."
Showing off once again, I
gave a subtle nod and said,
"Sure. 1500 women are going
to run out of their dorms nude
just before closing hours all the
way across campus to the
men's dorms, as a mild protest
against both of the old rules.
"When will all this
happen?"
"As far as I know, It'll be
October 3rd at 12:45 ajn."
Then, to my utter surprise,
the old man started jumping up
and down, roaring with
laughter and tearing at his hair
and clothes. That's when I
realized who he was. Beneath
that disguise of the urbane, old
Englishman was none other
than Chancellor Sitterson!
"Thanks, Simpson," he
shouted. "You're a great
informer!"
He laughed some more,
after which he stalked back to
South Building with enough
' confidential information to
' smash every student rebellion
,, for years to come.
I just sat down and cried,
knowing that all the faculty
and students would scorn me, .
the downtown merchants
would spit at me and, on top
of it all, I would probably
always be a racist Sob.
Then I'll never get into
ZooPie, or any other frat, for
that matter. Well, that's
Carolina.
Dale Gibson
Ta-Ra-Ra-Boom-Di-Yea . . You All
The United States has just
witnessed one of its most
turbulent political years in
history and it's not over yet.
Thus far, it has been a
summer marked by first time
occurrences. The withdrawal of
an incumbent president, the
death of a candidate, the
revival of an already defeated
candidate and one of the
bloodiest conventions of all
time are all trademarks of this
political year 1968.
To compound matters, a
peppery former governor of
Alabama threatens to send the
election to the House of
Representatives.
As far as the two major
parties are concerned, they
chose the two men the
American electorate probably
least desired to have run. The
parties passed up opportunities
to nominate the ever popular
Nelson Rockefellar and the
surging dove Gene McCarthy.1.
The Democratic part
presents Hubert Humphrey as
its choice. Humphrey has
distinguished himself as one of
the great liberal leaders of our
time. Yet, he is unable now to
receive the backing of those
liberal forces he once led. He
has been pulled from his
position of leadership to one of
alienation to the liberals
because of his ties with the
Johnson administration and his
absolute servitude to it
The Republicans again came
up with Richard Nixon the
man who couldn't do it in
I960 against John Kennedy
but who hopefully will be able
to win - against the less
appealing Humphrey, v
But the other force, that of,
George Wallace, is one which
must be watched closely.
Wallace has the unique ability
to express his views candidly
without fear of "splitting the
party" or angering certain
factions of a party. He is his
own man and as such is in the
most enviable position of all
candidates.
The third party movement
of Wallace is not characteristic
of similar quests in the past
which usually appealed to a
single issue idealism. Wallace
has devised a complete
program which, combined with
his own Southern pragmatism,
will lead him to great influence
in the coming elections.
I had the opportunity to
observe the local Wallace
strategy the technique which
will swing more votes in his
direction than any other. On
the local level, Wallace
campaign workers are able to
appeal to the masses in the
manner they best comprehend.
They are able to tell those who
gather for a local Wallace rally
what they want to hear
without fear of antagonizing
any elements of a local party
or the national foundation. v
While spokesmen for
Wallace are appealing to local
voters with emotional
anti-communist come-ons
which would have rivaled those
of Joseph McCarthy, the
former Alabama governor is
able to stand at the national
level as an eminently appealing
character to the
conscientiously conservative
elements of the nation.
The racial theme is being
played down in the Wallace
strategy. The candidate doesn't
want to come on as a
segregationist candidate or
anti-black. He preaches his
ideals of states rights and the
belief that each state should be
allowed to decide for itself
whether or not it wishes to be
integrated or segregated.
Despite the toning down of
the race question among
Wallacites, there remains the
undercurrent of thought
among most Wallace supporters
that their man, if elected,
would once again be the one
who cried out in his 1963
gubernatorial inaugural:
''Segregation today,
segregation tomorrow,
segregation forever."
This rhetoric is now left to the
Wallace leaders at the local
level while Wallace himself
carries on the crusade for states
rights and law and order.
This is the basic Wallace
strategy. It is one which will
bring to this former bantem
weight boxer more votes than
any third party candidate in
history. It is a movement
which threatens to send our
choice for president to the
House of Representatives.
Law and order will be the
most, widely discussed of the
issues. It will take second seat
to Vietnam in the mind of a
public which thinks of
solutions in the short range,
but it will be first on the lips of
the candidates who for various
reasons had rather talk law and
order than the explosive
Vietnam subject
Humphrey is the product of
a convention racked with
disorder on the floor and
violence in the streets one
that was obviously controlled
from the machine level than
any other in recent memory.
Humphrey, who is increasingly
trying to be his own man, is
nonetheless the offspring of
the Johnson Administration
which is so obviously wretched
with problems, it would have
been difficult for Johnson
himself to have carried the
nation again.
The vice president finds
himself today in the most
unenviable position, of either
candidate. To begin with,
Humphrey has very little
appeal personality-wise. He
cannot rely on a dynamic pull
in votes.
Humphrey also finds
himself flanked on one side by
the liberal doves who tired to
take the nomination for
themselves and on the other by
the Johnson policies on
Vietnam which by all past
reckoning would be alien to
Humphrey.
Humphrey will be unable to
draw support from McCarthy
supporters and as McCarthy
himself points out, the vice
president is an unsure position
in relation to the President
himself. Just last week,
Humphrey stated that troops
could be pulled out of Vietnam
by the end of 1968 or early
1969. Johnson, in a speech the
following day, repudiated this
statement so that the Vice
President ammended his
statement to say that he
"hopes" troops can be pulled
out by that time.
"It's like a strange football
game, " McCarthy says.
"Everytime Humphrey gets the
balL he is tackled by the
coach." And that coach is
Lyndon Johnson.
Although Nixon's strategy
on Vietnam is not radically
different from Humphrey's, he
posseses a quality that might
swing a substantial number of
dove votes his way. Because of
his past hard-line stands against
communism, most Americans
feel that Nixon would be
better equipped to end the war
now. -
Wallace is in somewhat the
same position. He has to be
considered a hawk and is
regarded as a potential
hardliner although he has had
no dealings abroad. He would
give more power to the
military in running the war,
but cautions against the use of
nuclear weapons.
So, Nixon and Wallace are
given the advantage of second
guessing in their bids to
become President
i-SSSgS:::-:??-:::::-::
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