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CGC representation
The hullabaloo about proper representation by the Campus Governing
Council offers a sad commentary on the understanding of representative
democracy by some individuals on this campus. The same poor
understanding seems to be behind angry reactions of political figures to
recent mass rallies and petition campaigns aimed at political change.
The ultimate power of the governed, in a representative democracy, is the
vote. Citizens can vote upon individual officials or upon specific policy
questions by means of a referendum. Although the outcome of the smoking
ban referendum set for October will not have an official effect on smoking in
classrooms, it may have an effect upon the University administrators who
determine building use policies. Directly or indirectly, therefore, the vote is
the first tool of citizen participation and influence.
But there are other tools. Working in or contributing to a campaign in
hopes of influencing other voters is a means of citizen impact. Writing letters
to representatives or to newspapers is another means of influence. So is a
petition drive for the recall of an official or for the initiation of legislation.
And so is a mass demonstration such as that staged by the Black Student
Movement in protest of the handling of the BSM Gospel Choir's budget by
the CGC.
So those elected officials who cry "unfair" when the masses arise or the
BSM marches do not understand that in both cases citizens are expressing
their desires in order to use the powers over elected officials which, as
citizens in a democracy, they inherently possess. When some individuals
tried to stage a show of white counterforce during the CGC meeting at which
the BSM was discussed by circulating flyers urging anti-BSM students to
come in force, they discovered that the power of the BSM lies not in
numbers but in the active interest of black students in their immediate well
being. Dissident whites may have been grumbling about BS M influence, but
the issue was less salient to them than to the BSM. Hence, black students
outnumbered the white students at that CGC meeting.
Now some unhappy constituents have exercised their prerogative in
voicing discontent with CGC Representative Dan Besse. That these
constituents understand their prerogatives and means of influence is
commendable. That they misunderstand the various models of
representation by an elected official is unfortunate.
These constituents are distressed that Besse did not vote the way they
perceive most people in their district would wish him to vote on certain
issues, primarily that of funding for the Carolina Gay Association. It is true
that this is one model an elected official might follow. But there are others
which are equally defensible in the democratic context. Indeed, the other
models may be superior to the strict constituency-oriented model, which
restricts the time a representative has to study policy issues (by forcing him
to study popularity polls and public opinion) and which tends toward
majority rule regardless of minority rights or higher goals.
The second model is that of the representative who follows the party line,
or in the absence of party, the actions of individuals who impress him or her.
In the case of the CGC, there are some representatives who seem to vote in
such blocs. The advantage of this model is that party or ideological labels
become indicators of which way a representative will vote on certain issues,
thereby allowing constituents to identify desirable candidates on the basis of
party or affiliation. The disadvantage of the model is that informed choice
may be, sacrificed to party line,, and public policy-making . may. .become
concentrated in the hands of a few party -leaders-or influential
representatives.
The other model is that of the representative who votes according to his or
her own judgment based on available information, personal principles or
personal priorities. The model has roots in Plato's idea of the philosopher
king, who learns the truth and rules benignly. If a representative can temper
his or her own judgment with that of the constituents, following the more
persuasive lead, the third model may be the best, as long as the
representative remembers that re-election is contingent upon satisfying the
general needs and wants of the constituents.
To reject this final model as "undemocratic," as some of Dan Besse' s
constituents are doing, is to act in ignorance. A representative who votes
according to conscience has not betrayed democracy; he or she has
tempered the judgment of some with his or her own judgment.
If that is an unreasonable manner of operation, then the CGC might as
well dissolve itself and let us rule ourselves in a direct democracy, voting on
every issue on the basis of what we as voters can learn about important
issues on our own time.
(The iailij
83rd Year of Editorial Freedom
Cole C. Campbell
Editor
Jim Grimsley
Managing Editor
Greg Porter
Associate Editor
Ralph J. I race
Executive Editor
Jim Roberts
News Editor
Robin Clark
Features Editor
Susan
Shackelford
Sports Editor
Barnie Day
Projects Editor
Joyce Fitzpatrick
Graphic Arts Editor
Business: Reynolds Bailey, business manager; Elizabeth Bailey, advertising manager.
Staff: Martha Buie, Elisabeth Corley, Mark Dabowski, Ellen Horowitz, Larry Kulbeck. Linda
Livengood.
Composition editor: Mike Leccese. Editorial assistant: Gloria Sajgo.
Student Graphics. Inc: Dean Gerdes, shop foreman. Typesetters: Stan Beaty. Henry Lee.
Chiquetta Shackelford. Ad composition: Donna Carroll. Carolyn Kuhn. News composition:
Brenda Marlow, Joni Peters.
Printed by Hinton Enterprises in Mebane, N . C . , the Daily Tar Heel publishes weekdays
during the regular academic year.
wi? U w vans
Thursday, October 9, 1975
Star BM
News: Lynn Medford, assistant news editor. Writers: Sue Cobb.
Art Eisenstadt, Dwight Ferguson, Chris Fuller, Sam Fulwood,
Bruce Henderson, Polly Howes, Bob King, Vernon Loeb, Nancy
Mattox, Vernon Mays, Greg Nye, Johnny Oliver, Tim Pittman,
William Roberts, Laura Seism, Merton Vance, Richard Whittle.
News Desk: George Bacso, assistant managing editor. Copy
editors: Janet Creswell. Autumn Dobies, Ben Dobson, Jan
Hodges, Clay Howard, Todd Hughes, Malia Stinson. Betsy
Stuart, Bill Walker.
Features: Linda Lowe, assistant features editor. Critics: John
Russell, critic at large; Rick Sebak, drama; Michael McFee, film.
Writers: David Broadwell, Alison Canoles, Susan Qatz, Dan
Fesperman, Elizabeth Leland, Marty Logod, Fred Michael, Sue
Ann Pressley, Liz Skillen, Bill Sutherland.
Sports: Jim Thomas, assistant editor. Gene Upchurch, desk
assistant. Writers: Jane Albright, Kevin Barris. Brad Bauler,
Doug Clark, Mike Egan, Chip Ensslin, John Hopkins, Bill Moss,
Lee Pace, Ed Rankin, Grant Vosburgh, Tom Ward.
Graphic Arts: Martha Stevens, head photographer. Staff
photographers: Alice Boyle, Steve Causey, Charles Hardy,
Margaret Kirk, Howard Shepherd. Cartoonists: John Branch.
Stan Coss, Nan Parati.
I """"" 1 """V (
"THEREFORE, NEVER SEND TO KNOW FOR WHOM THE BELL TOLLS
Ben Cornelius
The land
"The Stars and Stripes Forever" a
rousing tune, the epitome of apple pie, a
gun over every door and a nation united.
Rousing indeed, until 1 endured it nine
times last spring as I watched a
majorette tryout in Carmichael
Auditorium.
But as I was drifting off into the Land
of Nod, one of the veteran performers
instantly commanded my attention. She
was a competent twirler, but there was
more to it than that. She had elected to
perform to "Dixie." 1 rejoiced, for here
was a respite from Sousa, and here, also,
was the symbol of the South, a song
rarely heard in these days of ethnic
awareness. 1 cheered.
For years newspapers and magazines
have been full of promises of "The New
South." They speak of new attitudes,
new views, new action really a new
rebuilt, revamped region of the United
States. This all sounds nice to me, but 1
must admit that, somewhere along the
line, I've missed it; 1 don't see anything
new, 1 don't see anything rebuilt or
revamped. What I do see is something
rehashed, and 1 don't like it. It is nothing
more than the North relocated. We are
now plagued with traffic jams,
overcrowded cities, decaying rural
areas, lack of public transportation, and
Joyce Fitzpatrick
The building is different from those
that surround it more modern, taller,
with walls of black marble. A stern
interruption in a row of white stone
buildings. Expensive looking.
Permanent looking . . . with a large
impressive entrance. On one side of the
massive doorway, huge aluminum
letters are securely fastened into the
marble:
The National Rifle Association.
On the other side of the door, the
inscription: "The right of the people to
keep and bear arms shall not be
infringed."
Inside the quiet building there's office
space for over 250 employees and a
firearms museum. There are editorial
offices for the monthly magazine called
The American Rifleman. There is a
large section of offices in the accounting
department, whose duty is to manage
the annual budget of at least 6 million
dollars. Most of all, this building serves
as the nerve center for almost 12,000
local shooting clubs, gun manufacturers
and state rifle associations. There is also
a legislative and public affairs division
which informs any of the one million
NRA members of any legislative threat
to "the right to bear arms."
The building houses the most
amazingly powerful and efficient
national lobby ever assembled.
M obilization of N R A forces is lightning
quick. Almost overnight they can send
perhaps half a million letters to U.S.
Congressmen. On a local level, if city
councilmen or politicians have the
courage to suggest legislation that
would restrict or control the traffic in
guns, the computerized membership list
can supply the names of the gun
enthusiasts in the district who should
have a warning of the threat.
A recent CBS documentary, "The
Guns of Autumn," encountered the
forces of the NRA when advertisers
were pressured to withdraw their
support. The documentary ran,
nevertheless, due to a risky but wise
decision from the top of the CBS
hierarchy.
Along with the documentary, two
attempts on President Ford's life and
the startling rise in statistics of death by
handguns in the U.S. have refocused
attention on gun control legislation
once more. Attention, like that during
IT TOLLS FOR THEE
of cotton
a generation of children who have
grown up without knowing the joy and
pleasure of fried chicken, mashed
potatoes, and hush-puppies, or else they
eat them at the Colonel's, and that's
really the same as not having them.
When a magazine features an article
on "The New South," it opens with a
picture of the bustling city of Atlanta.
The scene is from the east (which affords
the best view) and it shows the Interstate
highways, the tall buildings, the round
buildings, and, of course, the Hyatt
House, capped with a banner headline
something like "The New South Is
Fulfilling the Phoenix Legend."
A closer look at Atlanta will show a
snarled, tangled highway system and a
city that has grown too far too fast.
Atlanta has shed its Southern image for
that of a fast-moving international city
its own slogan is "Atlanta . . . the
next great city of the world." Will this
lately great Atlanta be like bankrupt
New York? How about crisis-weary
London or pollution-choked Tokyo,
overcrowded Calcutta or racist
Johannesburg? It seems that "great
cities" are having troubles these days,
and I'm not so sure that striving to be a
great international city is such a wise
policy.
THE HUNTER
the tragedies of the 60 s, is intense and
direct but mysteriously receives little
results, even though recent polls have
shown that over 80 per cent of the
American people favor stricter gun
control laws.
The NRA. Huge and unwavering.
Senators who favor gun control laws
and are vocal in their support are
curiously not re-elected. Things soon
return to normal. A certain mystique
surrounds the gun in America the
myth of the American West, the frontier
where man's best friend was his pistol.
m
(975 W
forgotten
The New South is a fine goal to try to
achieve. The South has the opportunity
to learn from the other regions'
mistakes. In fact, we must learn from the
others' errors.
But Atlanta, the heralded symbol of
"The New South," reminds me of
Hartford, Connecticut. I for one don't
want Atlanta to remind me of anyplace
else. But somewhere off in the vague,
uncharted mind, somewhere off in the
fog, there looms the goal, "The New
South." I don't know exactly what it is,
because it has remained as elusive as
turning lead into gold. I hope and pray
that it's not the magazine picture of
Atlanta, for if it is, looking back and
looking forward, "The New South" will
be nothing more than a cruel joke.
For sure, many parts of the South will
have to play catch-up with the rest of the
country. The important part of that
action will be the way they do it.
But until there's another solution
besides "The New South," I will
continue to doze through "The Stars
and Stripes Forever" and cheer for
"Dixie."
Ben Cornelius is a sophomore
journalism major from Winston-Salem.
M A DECOY
The gun in America is big business.
The sale of firearms and ammunition
totals more than 300 million dollars in
an average year. American boys are
given toy guns as casually as the girls are
given dolls. We seem to be training the
boys for murder more effectively than
we ever suggested motherhood for the
girls. It is no wonder that some
American men react so violently to any
proposal for limiting their freedom to
buy and use guns.
The fact ' is that neither NRA
literature nor the inscription on the
public
151tL
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Ethics
and the
press
To the editor:
Cole Campbell's editorial "At long
last the end," in which he expresses his
opinion on how the Student Supreme
Court should rule regarding the Student
Constitution, is reminiscent of other
fine journalistic efforts of the past.
One can't help but recall Dr. Sam
Sheppard who in 1954 in Cleveland,
Ohio was tried on the editorial pages of
the Cleveland newspapers which also
urged their "interpretation" ofthecase.
Sam Sheppard was found guilty. In
1966, the U.S. Supreme Court
overturned his conviction and he was
subsequently acquitted by a jury trial.
Not being a journalist, Mr. Campbell,
no doubt, knows little of journalistic
ethics. Thank . God he wasn't in
Cleveland too in 1954.
Richard Pope
10-A Estes Park Apts.
Editor's Note: The issue in the Sheppard
case was one of prejudicial pre-trial
publicity affecting a jury trial for a
criminal charge. It is hardly analogous
to a civil non-jury hearing on a
constitutional question about a public
policy issue.
Worth a ten-cent stamp?
To the editor.
I am writing this letter hoping that
you will put my name in your school
paper, because I want someone to write.
I am in prison in London, Ohio.
I have no family or friends to write
and sometimes 1 wonder if I am worth a
ten-cent stamp.
1 will answer all letters that I receive
from students at the University.
1 am 30 years old, five feet, 1 1 inches
and weigh 167 pounds. 1 will send a
photo if anyone has ten cents to waste
on a lonely prisoner who has no light
coming in from the outside.
1 will see the parole board in eight
months so please help me if you can.
S.M. Stevenson 127-8933
P.O. Box 69
London, Ohio 43140
black marble building quotes the full
text of the Second Amendment. It
reads: "A well regulated militia, being
necessary to the security of a free State,
the right of the people to keep and bear
arms, shall not be infringed."
Some constitutional experts interpret
this amendment to mean that it is a right
of the people collectively to maintain ah
armed force (a right denied colonists of
King George). If so, the individual
citizen has no constitutional right to
keep a firearm in his home. But this
remains a moot point, in that a re
interpretation has not been issued.
The disturbing point remains the
incredible amount of power the NRA
wields. The American Rifleman
dismisses the assassination of Martin
Luther King somewhat casually.
"No law that human ingenuity can
devise." says the magazine, "would have
prevented the murder." And in the same
issue articles appear like the one called
"Happiness is a Warm Gun" with a
picture of an eight year old holding a
dead pheasant and a shotgun. This kind
of mentality determines our gun laws
or lack of them.
Such organizations as the NRA show
the tremendous influence of special
interest groups on the American system.
The dilemma is real for the
Congressman w ho supports gun control
legislation yet wishes to remain in office.
The dilemma is also real for the innocent
victims of handguns guns which are
too easily purchased, registered and
delivered.
Since 1938, the NRA has enjoyed an
incredible winning record in Congress.
If ever their power is to be checked and
the people of the U.S. protected from
themselves by much stricter gun control
laws, the time is ripe. Now while three
assassinations are still cold memories
and now after two attempts of the
President's life are chilling reality.
The majority of the American people,
the 80 per cent who want stricter gun
laws must reorganize and vocalize.
Meanwhile, the NRA building stands
with quiet dignity, tall and strong,
dominating a Washington street.
Joyce Fitzpatrick, graphic arts editor, is
a senior journalism RTVMP rr.rjcr
from Kernersville, N.C.
opinion