6Tho n-;iy JCT HadThursday, September 11, 1980
Ji, Editor
D:ntta J amis, Msxjtfxg Editor
Ex ad Kutfo-, Assxute EaVrar
Thomas Jessiman, Associate Editor
Kasin Rowley, rVrtw
Pam Kelley, University Editor
Martha Waggons, G7y Editor
Jim Hummil, Sfc cJ National Editor
till Fir. ids, Sertj rilre
Mask h'i.T.::.ir, Features Editor
Lausa Elliott, !rr JEJfcr
ScOTT Slum, Photography Editor
Milanie Sill, Weekender Editor
1
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83 th year of editorial freedom
and go
od news
By MATT COOPER
Discourg-ed and rudely surprised perhaps sum up the reaction
of various administrators and faculty within the UNC school system ,
when they learned this year's results of the nursing licensing exam.
While Carolina, UNC-Greensboro and other schools maintained their
traditionally strong showings, three black schools did not fare as well.
Winston-Salem State University, North Carolina Central University
in Durham afid North Carolina A & T in Greensboro not only did not
improve their percentage of passing students, which historically has
been low, but they actually showed a decrease that dropped two of the
schools below;, a 2Q percent passing rate. This is bad news for all
concerned. (With UNC wrapped up in a dispute with the federal
government, such figures are not likely to sit well with Washington
officials who frown at UNC's state's-rights claim. And with the UNC
Board of Governors threatening to shut down the black nursing
schools should scores not increase substantially and soon, faculty and
administrators of the black schools probably feel their chairs warming
up a bit as well. But overreaction will not shed any light on the
inability of the three schools to raise their scores.
Lack of money and modern facilities at the black
schools deficiencies cited by HEW officials more than a year
ago may well be part of the nursing school's decline, but other
factors must be considered. For example, NCCU has improvised a
more stringent program for its students, 'but the results of these efforts
cannot be gauged until the 1931 class takes the exam. In addition to
these changes, NCCU has a building under construction that should
offset facility inadequacies.
A & T and WSSU also have made substantial improvements,
including strenthencd curriculums and faculty and tougher admission
standards. Certainly, the low scores are partly vestiges of an
antiquated system that has not had time to correct itself. One source
blamed the quality of student as a possible explanation, and pointed
out that the black schools get virtually the same amount of money per
student as the other schools. Of course, until the schools improve their
scores they will have difficulty attracting many of the best, students,
black or white; thus the vicious cycle continues.
Patience, persistence and priorities seem the answers for these
seemingly sinking programs. UNC must continue to support the
schools by giving recent improvements time to take effect. Faculty and
administrators must continue to upgrade programs as time and money
allow. Obviously, one is contingent on the other. If, in the next few
years, the schools are unable to boast substantial improvement, then a
restructuring of priorities and the phasing out of certain programs
might be in order. But we hope and expect that such action will be
unnecessary. .
Congress and j elly f ish
A federal commission asked by Congress to figure out just what's
wrong with the U.S. government has delivered itself of a verdict and
shoved the blame straight back at Congress.
The Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations
chastized Congress for acting as a "municipal and county council
almost as often as it acts as a national deliberative body." The
commission, composed of representatives of Congress, the executive
branch and state and local governments, scolded Congress for
dabbling too often in other governmental bodies' business.
The commission began its work in 1976, and took four years to
reach the remarkable conclusion that the federal government
consistently sticks its nose in where it doesn't belong. It cited as
examples of unwarranted federal intervention measures introduced in
Congress to repair local highway potholes and control jellyfish. If
Congress had bothered to ask, say, the Yaupon Beach Town Council,
they would'vc found out that nothing can control a jellyfish, not even
the jellyfish itself. The things just drift aimlessly, a lot like Congress.
As remedies, the commission recommended that federal, state and
local officials straighten out the complicated process of obtaining
grants, instill greater discipline in Congress and strengthen political
parties. It stopped short of suggesting that we simply turn the rascals
out.
Sadly, the commission did not address the question of municipal
and county governments that take on national issues. That will likely
take another commission and another four years.
It seems to rr.j that I've been discussing ra.ee
problems ever since I was "able to walk and talk. In
playgrounds and sand lots we were always talking '
about "us guys" and "then guys." This was before ve
learned all the names for all the people we didn't like,
or weren't supposed to like, from cur parents. I always, '
always seemed to find myself in the middle of the
name-calling or wrestling matches.
Maybe the reason for this was because I am one cf
them. You know a darkie, lazy and shiftless. The
kind cf guy you think is all right as long as he stays
away from your sister. A rugger. '
I've lived with these labels and more. Now, though,
since I've entered the University, things have changed.
At least that's what all my liberal acquaintances tell
me.
I won't argue with them. I enjoy listening to them tell
each other how far blacks have ccme, how many doers
' have opened and how some black person who happens
to be a very good friend cf theirs is making it big in the
world. Then the discussions end and everyone sits
' around smiling at each ether, 'with me smiling with them.
Let's be mere realistic. I can understand how one
might be unaware cf the more subtle aspects cf bigotry
or racism cr prejudice that exist here as well as in the
real world. Things like an averted gaze cr a cold hard
. stare are easily overlooked unless one has the paranoia
thai comes from a lifetime cf such experiences. Yet
how can cne net hear the shouted obscenities leveled at
me as I walk down a crowded street? How can cne see
and not question the way blacks totally separate
themselves from whites on campus? . . ' ' -
There is no way to ignore the writing on the walls,
bathroom walls that is: "Why are niggers so dumb?"
"Why are crackers so white?"
We can pass laws and make amendments until our
fingers cramp from the effort and the hate will still be
-.there. We can sing "We Shall Overcome" until we're
blue in the face and nothing will change. We can
recognize the fact that, according to our rules,
everyone who suffers from the disease called bigotry is
-. About the only thing we can do about this situation
is to reco
ponder the reasons for its existence.
. I have an answer myself. I think that everybody
needs somebody to hate sometime. Scapegoats.
Something convenient upon which to place the blame
for things we cannot easily understand. If you have a
group that looks a bit different from the majority of
the people,. or if you have a group of people who have
been kicking you in the face and keeping you down for
a long time, then yeu have plenty cf people to blame
for your own shortcomings.
If there is a problem with unemployment, then it has
got to be because the government is giving all the jobs
to the blacks. If ycu got cut from the teem, it must
mean that the coach is prejudiced no matter that the
guy who beat you cut is bigger and faster than anyone
else cn the team. Convenience. That's what prejudice is
all about.
All of this adds up to a pretty grim picture. The
gloomiest aspect of it all is the fact that this stuff isn't
taken from the past. This is today, and this is real.
Matt Cooper, a junior journalism major from Chapel
Hill, is a staff photographer for The Daily Tar Heel.
Letters to the editor
n
r7 TTi TY7 T "N r 7hflS T&
kl O sJd hJJ V . U VL-
To the editor: .
By creating a new vice chancellor for
University Affairs this University has
now put itself in a position from which
it, at least partially, can fulfill its
rhetorical commitment to the increased
presence and enrollment of minority -students.
The proposed position stems partly
frm a report, submitted jointly by
Student Government and the Black
Student Movement, presented to -the ,
chancellor's Committee on the Status of
Minority and Disadvantaged Students.
The university has stated in its
solicitations for applicants to this
position that the functions of the vice
chancellor would be to "...report
directly to the chancellor and advise and
assist the chancellor on means for
achieving increased minority presence
and an improved environment for
minority students and employees. This
officer will also advise the chancellor on
activities that will facilitate recruiting
and retention of minority students and
"employees." The functions outlined by
the University are consistent with the
original recommendations made by.
Student Government and the BSM.
One can easily infer from the
statements published by the University
and the involved student organizations
that the quintessential purpose of this
new position will be to serve as a support
service for minority students. Although
this is a noble gesture on the part of the
University, the creation of a vice
chancellor for University Affairs does by
no means guarantee the fruition of the
University's stated commitment to the
improvement of minority status on this
campus.
To ensure that this position is truly,
effective in attaining the stated aims it is
imperative that a person whose full
commitment to minority presence is
beyond question be selected.
Hayden B. Renwick, associate dean in
the College of Arts and Sciences, is such
a man. His record during the last three
years is witness to his commitment
toward minority students.
Largely due to his well-publicized
efforts in 1977, the enrollment of
minority freshmen in 1978 leaped by 35
percent over the enrollment of minority
freshmen during the preceeding year.
This serves as an accurate indicator of
his ability to create positive gains for
minority students at this University and,
similarly, across the state.
77
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Renwick has long stood on this
campus as an advocate of minority
students and he most certainly was an
influencing factor in the creation of the
new vice chancellor position. His only
sin has been to speak the truth and speak
it loudly. .
As vice chancellor, Hayden Renwick
would have the capacity to enable this
University to finally offer to the people
of the state of North Carolina, and
indeed the entire nation, tangible
evidence that UNC is now prepared to
fulfill the promises that have remained
-hollow for more than a decade. ;
Mark H. Canady, chairperson
' Black Student Movement
Zcta Pds
To the editor:
Regarding your editorial, "The Zeta
Psis" DTH, Sept. 9: it would seem to me
that the answer to the Duke sorority
complaint of insufficient punishment
for those concerned is quite simple.
As any attorney could advise, assault
can be defined as putting another
individual or individuals in fear, this has
obviously happened, in addition to
attempted rape.
These are criminal offenses.
If members of that sorority want the
offenders punished they have but to go
to the nearest police station and swear
out a warrant for a series of 4iJohn
Does."
Why this University, of which I am an
alumnus, has not expelled those
involved is beyond me. The actions
involved were dearly criminal in nature,
and whether those involved have been
indicted should have no bearing on the
case.
Pat Fletcher
Chapel HiU
Editor's note: According to Student
Attorney General Louis Bledsoe, the
members of Alpha Omicron Pi, the
Duke sorority, declined to press criminal
charges.
Open debates
To the editor:
I agree with your editorial,
"Percentages and polls," (DTH, Sept.
10,) that the League of Women Voters
would have been better off o judge for
itself whether Anderson merited,
inclusion in their debate. Rather than
"only two-thirds cf a debate to offer,"
the League may offer only half a debate.
Ed Clark, the Libertarian candidate for
president, is being excluded, even
though he is already on the ballot in 45
states and expects to be cn the ballot in
all 50 states; thus, there are four
candidates with a theoretical chance of
winning. Ed Clark's limited government
and free market ideas contrast sharply
with the other candidates ideas.
Americans should have a chance to hear
from Ed Gark, an eloquent spokesman
for individual liberty.
Philip Fransiolo Busby Jr.
Chapel Hill
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By GEOFFREY MOCK
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Jimmy Carter's re-e'ection campaign
got a resounding vote of confidence
from a recent pell. According to the
poll, Carter vcu!d be the landslide
prciidential choice at this time, receiving
as much as 2 percent cf the electorate's
vc:e, while RcnalJ Recgaa could do no
t 1 I V'li .vj SI V j,-
candid-te John Andrrscn v,ou!i figure
in u 1th such sentiment! favcrite write-in
choices as Tw;:ty Elrd tnd the Head
Runner.
Unfortunately for Carter, the
e ..,-; criers unccvcreJ ty this r-z'S ucn't
t: t' !; to vc:e this :r, cr fcr thct
rr. ttirr. this d
lie pell Invclved a t'? cf mere
ilzn 3:;:)
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11 found solid
"Teacher" and "
support.
Goldenbcrg told the Associated Press
that he was impressed with the children's
honesty and candor more than anything
else. "They're not politicians yet," he
said. "They haven't learned the lies we
all tc'.l as part cf every day life."
Along with his poll-taking duties,
Ccldenberg also records some of the
more astute political observations of
these candid constituents. Some cf the
"Rcnald Reagan got his start on The
Electric Company."
"My dJ says tlut Brother Diy is
rrciident Carter's H::t ability."
zii was a brid-e that caught
One of the most remarkable aspects of the Soviet
intervention in Afghanistan and the revolution in Iran
is that no fundamental re-evaluation of American
policy toward the Middle East has taken place.
Obviously something is very wrong with U.S. strategy
and needs to be corrected.
A policy re-evaluation is vital because our problems
in-the Middle East are far' from over. Immediate
attention is focused upon the hostages in Iran, but far
more is at stake in Iran's neighbor Saudi Arabia.
American leaders have talked of taking steps to
protect Saudi Arabia from Soviet .threat, but it is
becoming probable that within three years, the United
Slates will not be receiving a drop cf ci! from Saudi
Arabia. This will come about not because cf Soviet
9
"Wat
venturism, but because cf American miscalculation.
We would find ourselves far less capable cf reacting
than we were during the 1973 embargo. '
The problems Saudi King Khali i facts resemble
those faced by the shah a few years ago. Doth rulers saw
ell profits as a means to build a modern industrial
nation from a ccneervctive Mamie heritage. Perhcps
no nation has ever evdved as rapidly politically,
economically and socially as these two nations. That
the shah didn't succeed may simply be due to the
rapidity cf the cha-ge, but it does echo the mctt
disturbing Question before Khalld: Is industrialization
incompatible with Islamic culture? '
Another disturbing matter is America's reaction to
these problems. As we did in Iran, we sre almost totally
ous forces in Saudi
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waves throughout the Arab world as they should have
in America as well.
The Saudi government reacted fast. They premised
certain reforms ranging from a new consultative consul
to crackdowns cn the corruption that pervades the
bureaucracy and the extravagant lifestyle of the ruling
'family.
The Saudi government also faces severe economic
problems, resulting from the influx of many foreign
workers and the dislocation caused by migration to the
cities from the poorer rural areas.
In May the ruling family promised to phase cut all
foreign workers in five years, while solving the uneven
distribution of wealth with an ambitious five-year plan
coining for a more diversified economy and increased
aid to agricultural workers.
America must encourage Khalld to
form a line of stability outside the
crmy. The first step should be to slo w
down the pace of modernization.
These actions helped the government, but they may
not have been enough. The five-year plan merely
in a i wCl th. iLs . c n s ind!j z-z ion pro, c , niji
" - ' y f Nfcf f rf f jtJ w fff
Khali 1 is determinei not to cJtzr.zt course.
A Csudi cfficicl said the r.atlcn wculi achieve
extended aid to our friends who were faced with
external and internal threats. It referred to Indochina,
but was given its fullest application with the shah.
The doctrine justified the massive arms aid given
the shah based on the dubious assumption that a strong
army would stifle internal dissent. In fact, American
military aid has never acted & a stablizing influence
anywhere. In Iran, the only purpose it served was to
make the U.S. government overconfident that when
the time of decision came, the powerful army would
throw in with a stable government friendly to America.
This belief shows how seriously the United States
miscalculated the nature of the shah's problems.
The shah's collapse should have dragged down the
Nixon Doctrine with him. Instead, America began to
base the stability of the Saudi government cn its army,
equipped with American weapons. One wonders
..whether this Is really helping our friends. The same
Islamic militant ism that appeared in the Iranian army is
present in the Saudi.
America must encourage Khalld io form a line cf
stability outsid? the army. The first step should be to
slow down the pzee cf modernization. The Saudi
government has been pressure J to reduce the amount
cf ell it is producing and we should encourage this step,
though it might create some short term problems for
us.
A second ste? should be immediate aid to the
en. One cf
major cc
ints cgiin;t Khsl.i is thsct he has
in:'.
n wit
out being evs
the political and rs
v.eetern influences. A more t eg :;::.! v,
colled the Saudi attempt "cne cf t!
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because then he wouldn't have to change
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