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I 10The Daily Tar HeelFrida,- --ri't 2H. 1981 Jim Hummi l. i Jm O'Comio female judge .over-played SUSAN MAUNEY. MMu.(iNK Jn.r Mark Murrell. Amuu- u,u JONATHAN RICH. -AtMiiv Uih By BEVERLY SHEPARD Eijwina Ralston, iimvrsity cJiw JOHN ROYSTER. City Edihw Charles Herndon. suw ami n.uuuI EiiW Beth Burrell. n. Mm Clifton Barnes, Sw bum Tom Moore. Am ezw Keith King. Ftuam Eduor Scott Sharpe. phokmphy eJh Ann Peters, Wrfctwir Ediu Chuck James. Ombkma yftir o" editorial freedom Spare us There is an old saying that a politician is never satisfied unless he is run ning for something. This Weeks announcement by several politicians that they will be seeking election to the governor's office in 1984 seems to rein force that axiom, considering Election Day is more than three years away. Gone are the days when a candidate can file several months (or weeks) before Election Day, nail up a few posters and give a speech or two. Ap parently most of the better-known politicos in this state think that getting an early start has a direct relationship to getting elected, which is depressing for those of us who have to listen to the extended f hetoric4hat accompanies a long political season. What is even more depressing is news that Insurance Commissioner John Ingram is considering a gubernatorial bid in 1984 and beginning to map out his strategy already. "He's listening to his public," an aide to In gram said this week. We have some advice for Ingram: give it up now and spare us all the agony that generally accompanies an Ingram bid for office. The Democrat's most recent fiasco was in 1978, when he was landslided by Jesse Helms in the race for U.S. Senator. Since first being elected in-. surance commissioner in 1972, Ingram has been able to gain re-election, despite a poor public image and repeated court defeats involving insurance increases, which prompted some to suggest he change his slogan to "Los ing for you." Last November, three aides to the incumbent were so frustrated with their boss's performance that they resigned and decided to run for com missioner themselves. Unfortunately, they split the vote and Ingram was ' re-elected to another term. But perhaps the most distressing thing about the possibility of Ingram's running for governor is the fact that while he is out on the campaign trail, the state suffers because his time is not being devoted to important insur ance questions that affect a large segment of North Carolina. Ingram is mistaken if he thinks he will be able to gain enough support to defeat what is shaping up to be a strong field of competition. Concen trating his efforts on the job of insurance commissioner instead of dream ing about a higher office would be the best thing he could do for the State of North Carolina. r Ripping it up Nobody in this town probably gives a damn about Manhattan's Bilt more Hotel, but its sad fate last week illustrates a crass fault that is pecu liar to America. We are forever destroying our own history, while there is precious little to spare. ,,,The BUtmore, an elegant place in the 1930s and 1940s; gradually lost its attraction, although its .name was once a household word. So a.mere 68 years after it was built, workmen moved into the hotel's first floor and started to rip out wood and plaster, converting the 27-story structure that was once haven for the characters of Salinger and Fitzgerald into the headquarters for the Bank of America. Known for its gilded Palm Court and huge clock under which hundreds of people have met through the years, the Biltmore was "not architectur ally significant," a renovation architect said. Although the clock will be kept, the historical interior of the hotel along with its charm are gone. A few more years of the American past will be hauled away with the rubble and junked. ; How typically American. If it's too expensive to work around history, we just rip it up. There is probably no town that has not lost a cherished building this way. In Chapel Hill, residents are luckier than most. While a few structures have been razed to make way for bland, modern, classroom cubicles, the most historical structures have been preserved, with a major $157,000 renovation of Playmaker's Theatre now nearing completion. Though the record here is not perfect, it is worthy of emulation. Castles still stand in Europe. Even though many may be in ruins, they are better off there than they would be near American cities. We would . have turned them into fast food restaurants, amusements parks, banks or parking lots long ago. Sandra Day O'Connor's nomination to the U.S. Su preme Court has made her a center of controversy. On one side, feminists and liberals herald her appointment as a great step for women. On the other, conservatives and many members of the Moral Majority say O'Connor's views on abortion and the Equal Rights Amendment be tray the 1980 Republican platform. Much of the controversy would be eliminated, how ever, if both sides could look beyond O'Connor's "wo- manhood" and see her qualifications instead. One look at O'Connor's record should erase any doubts concerning her qualifications. O'Connor, who attended high school in El Paso, Texas, graduated at age 16. In just five years she attained her undergraduate and law degrees from Stanford University, graduating magna cum laiide. As a state senator, O'Connor became the first female majority leader of the Arizona State Legislature. Since 1979, she has been a judge in the Arizona State Court of Appeals. Paul Gewirtz, a Yale law professor, described O'Connor as "smart, fair, self-confident and altogether at home with technical legal issues. All things considered, O'Connor, as a lawyer, state senator.trial and appellate judge has an impressive record of experience. Regardless of her sex, O'Connor has the necessary qualifications for the job of Supreme Court justice. Chances are that Reagan was playing politics by ap pointing O'Connor. If, indeed, he was, this will not be the first time tokenism has produced government ap pointees. But, often overlooked, is the record tokenism has had in producing dramatic changes. Some of the same doubts circulated when Thurgood Marshall, the first and only black on the court, was appointed. But in the years of Marshall's service, his liberal attitudes alone . could not change race relations in this country. And should O'Connor's nomination be approved by the U.S. Senate in September, her opinions alone will not substan tially change those of the eight other judges, who as members of the court for many years have deep-rooted legal interpretations that they will probably continue to uphold. Still, members of the New Right and Moral Majority and other conservatives contend that Reagan betrayed a campaign promise by appointing an individual to office who was not in favor of "the traditional family and the sanctity of human life." A summer edition of the Conservative Digest lists O'Connor's faults as an Arizona legislator: In 1970, she voted for an abortion bill. In 1972, she voted twice to prompt Senate action on the Equal Rights Amendment, and two years later she co-sponsored a bill calling for a referendum on the amendment. In 1973, O'Connor co sponsored a family-planning bill, that among other ) I I '5 things, would allow abortions for minors without the consent of their parents. Again, in 1974, she voted against measures urging Congress to determine the legal ity of abortions and voted against prohibiting state fund ing for abortions at the University of Arizona hospital. What conservatives have overlooked is that O'Connor is a political and judicial conservative. Her record is one of conservative voting as well. For example, she voted to restore the death penalty and voted against compulsory busing to achieve integration. O'Connor, who has never confirmed any pro-abortion sentiments, may simply believe that a woman's personal life should be none of the government's business and that an issue like abortion has no place in a legislative agenda. Smeal, presidentof the National Organization of Women, said O'Connor's appointment was "a major victory for women's rights." But on issues other than abortion and ERA, O'Connor's opinions may not be as agreeable. O'Connor may burst the bubble of expectations when feminists see once she puts on that black robe, her inter pretations of law will be those of a judge rather than those of a woman. at large If conservatives could grasp this point, they would also realize that, as a woman, O'Connor's attitudes on abor tion will not interfere with her service as a judge. Should the issue of abortion come before the court someday, O'Connor's single vote should it be pro-abortion may make no more difference than Marshall's , vote against the acceptance of William Bakke into medical school at the University of California at Berkeley, On the other hand, too manyTemales are over-emphasizing O'Connor's impact as a female judge. Eleanor As a member of a minority, I can sympathize with O'Connor, who is being forced by society to wear the tag of "woman judge" instead of "qualified judge." She is trapped into defending her sex against her qualifications, something that a conservative, white, male judge would never be forced tcr do. Certainly, one can expect O'Connor's perspectives, as a woman, may differ from those of the male justices v But that diversity should be considered as an asset, in stead of a liability. Changes may come, but hot immcdi- : ately. And minorities, as objects of, tokenism and criti cism in the past, know that O'Connor should not be forced into being a token candidate for either group. In the 191 years of the court's existence, none of the 101 judges have been women. In that sense, O'Connor's appointment does, indeed, break a tradition. But, it is unfortunate another tradition has remained unbroken that of labeling a book by its cover rather than judging it by its content. Beverly Shepard, a senior journalism major from Jacksonville, is an editorial writer for The Daily Tar Heel.- Mousing shortage should wuprovein the future By JONATHAN RICH When the UNC athletic department re cently announced the acquisition of $15 million in private funds for the new sports complex, most students applauded. There were some, however, notably those on dormitory waiting lists or those who com mute daily from off-campus apartments, who could only note the discrepancy within a university that can build a $30-million sports complex, but cannot furnish basic housing to its students. Chronic housing shortages, both in the University and surrounding communities, have almost been accepted as an inevitable aspect of university life. Last spring, 1 ,380 students were closed out of University housing. These people joined almost 12,000 other students in a yearly scramble for affordable of f-campus housing. Mean while, the local apartment market remains as tight as ever, with vacancy rates for school periods fluctuating between 1 and 2 percent. Housing has not always been such a problem, nor must it remain so. In the 1960s, when the University community still numbered only 13,000, University housing was much less competitive, especially with many students prefering to live off campus. As the student population increased steadily during the subsequent decades, four South Campus dormitories were constructed by 1968 to accommodate the new growth. For several years these dorms were not filled to capacity now they are as packed as the rest. Part of the housing shortage is the result of poor planning and unrestricted Univer sity growth. But there are other factors, as well. Inflation and rising apartment costs have driven many students to seek more reasonaby-priced campus housing. Mean while, high interest rates and a continued influx into the Research Triangle have limited the construction of new housing, making apartments a scarce and expensive commodity. Although the University has for years attempted to alleviate the housing shortage, numerous plans and proposals have proven unsuccessful. State laws that require that University housing be self-supporting have made expansion almost impossible, because of high interest rates and construction costs. The decision by the UNC Board of Trustees last spring not to continue with plans to build student apartments on the University Couch property near Kroger Plaza seemed to signal that further student housing was out of the question. Does this mean that future generations 1 of students must resign themselves to dorm lotteries and tight housing markets? Not sity is serious about a proposal to build a fifth high-rise housing complex on campus. This and other developments have made the gloomy housing situation a bit more promising. ocally - John Temple, UNC vice chancellor for business and finance, said that his depart ment was looking at various designs for a new housing complex capable of holding 500 students. The development would be financed by higher rents for all student housing, rather than forcing the new residents to pay extravagant rents. The housing project would drive student rent up a maximum of $100 per year, Temple said. Since on-campus students are now paying only an average of $700 a year, the new rates would still give them a bargain on housing. Temple will present various designs for the new project to the UNC Board of Trustees in October. Once they have ; chosen a definite plan, it will have to be ultimately approved by the N.C. General . Assembly next May . It is encouraging that the administration has finally proposed a workable plan to alleviate housing diffi culties. If the first project proves successful, another dormitory could later be added. Temple said. Additional student housing will have the double advantage of providing housing to students while taking pressure off the low-cost housing market a long ' standing source of contention between the University and local communities. Construction of new off-campus apart ments largely depends on current interest rates. While rates are now prohibitively high, most financial experts predict they will drop within the comingyear. When this occurs, there should be a boom in the apartmenthousing industry. ' Students can expect housing shortages to persist, especially as the Research Tri angle area continues to development. Yet while no consolation to current students, future Tar Heels should be in a better posi tion to find low-cost housing. Jonathan Rich, a junior political science and. history major from Quogue, N.Y., is associate editor for The Daily Tar Heel. Teacliers9 kit Mt conld eiidaiiger education By JOHN DRESCHER The North Carolina Association of Educators has declared war. Beating its chest and shouting a battle cry, the 50,000-member. organization has said it is tired of taking fiscal abuse from its funding organization . the state legislature. So the educators organization has jerked a page out of the book of various right wing political action groups by singling out how legis lators voted this year on a few separate issues. The NCAE has flunked 35 legislators who "need improve ment" and targeted them for defeat in their next elec tions. The group, which previously has been involved pri marily with lobbying, feels legislators have not been listening. "NCAE has played the quiet, dignified role for years in its lobbying effort," wrote Peter G. Togger son, a Wake County teacher and member of the NCAE board, in a letter to the Raleigh News and Observer. "What have we gotten for it? We have been ignored, mistreated and insulted. Teachers in this state are tired of subsidizing not only public edu cation, but grand state office buildings and horse arenas." It's easy to understand Toggerson's position. Po litical activity by the NCAE is welcomed, and legisla tors should be accountable for their voting records. Teachers are becoming increasingly angered and frus trated over poor classroom situations and, conse quently, over their relationship with their employer, the state government. Teachers do not feel that edu cation is getting a large enough share of the state budget and they are probably right. Toggerson's reference to horse arenas refers to $4.3 million appropriated to two arenas in the last budget that could have gone to public schools, and it's easy io understand his anger. Yet, in developing its hit list, NCAE has rated legis lators as either "for education" or "against educa tion" by looking at only five issues, a gross over sim puucctuou ui judging a legislator's, true position toward education. Issues cannot be taken out of their context and be expected to give a true representation of a legislator's record. For example, a vote for the budget will be counted as a vote "against schools." Certainly, funding was not allocated. for some educational needs, including teacher pay raises, but writing the budget is a compli cated process, with many key decisions made not on the floor, but in committee. The five issues the NCAE picked out, including such diverse issues as how le gislators voted on an increase in the state gasoline tax, hardly constitute a reflection of a legislator's voting record on public education. Ulna sHate John I. Wilson, president of the NACE and leader of the effort," said the organization's goal is to raise "a war chest" of $400,000 to use in "electing friends of education to the next General Assembly." Wilson said the NCAE would recruit candidates, which it has never done before, but the NCAE's recent tactics al ready demonstrate that the NCAE will campaign against certain candidates, not just for its candidates. Craig Phillips, state superintendent of public in struction, realizes perhaps better than anyone else that schools lack funding. In a recent article for the Greensboro Daily News, he wrote that public schools "face chaos down the road unless our legislature acts soon." Yet, he also said the NCAE was getting into dan gerous ground with its hit list, and condemned the action in a letter to the 170 members of the legislature. Calling the NCAE's list an "irresponsible attack," Phillips wrote: "I want you ... to know that I am deeply concerned over the recent action of the N.C. Association of Educators in black-listing certain mem bers of the assembly in an effort to discredit the per formance of that assembly." Pressing the matter further, Wilson riled legislators even more when he singled out four powerful Senate leaders for criticism because they are pushing for a study of the state's teacher tenure law. Wilson con tended that the study might lead to legislation that would weaken the Fair Employment and Dismissal Act, which assures teachers' job projection after three years' probation with a school system. Wilson again overreacted. The senators were asking for a study they weren't taking any action. Any capable teacher would have no fear of the study. Only those who are tenured but shouldn't be and maybe this is more than Wilson would like to admit would , fear the study. There's every indication to believe that these senators were working to improve public educa tion, not hurt it. The unfortunate aspect of the NCAE's action is that a negative campaign based on shallow, misrepre sented information will only anger legislators and serve to harm, not help, public education; The NCAE should have learned from the Congressional Club's distorted advertisements against the gasoline-tax in crease this summer that vicious attacks can work against their originators. Already one senator has said the NCAE is "biting the hand that feeds them." Undoubtedly, that hand could do a better job of feeding education and probably will when the General Assembly meets this fall. Until then, the NCAE would be wise to find a better way to channel its efforts and money, before it fails the test of helping public educa tion. John Drescher, a senior journalism and history major from Raleigh, is an editorial writer for The Daily Tar Heel.
Daily Tar Heel (Chapel Hill, N.C.)
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Aug. 28, 1981, edition 1
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