Newspapers / The Charlotte Labor Journal … / May 21, 1936, edition 1 / Page 1
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The ONLY REALLY INDEPENDENT WEEKLY in Merkfenburg County ENDENT WEEKLY in Merkknburg County for a Weekly, Its Readers Represent the LARGEST BUYING POWER in Charlotte Slip Charlotte labor Journal Official Or(u Central Labor Union; endorsed by State Federation of Labor InttkhJ, Honest, Impartial Patronise ear Adver tisers. They make YOUR paper possible by their co operation. i AND DIXIE FARM NEWS Endeavoring to Serve the Ma. Vol. VI—No. 2 lows AtvaariiniiNY in Tni journal is a toot iNVtSTHINt CHARLOTTE, N. C- THURSDAY, MAY 21, 1936 Jou«N*L AovnriNM Dunn eonwi $2.00 Pei; “REGISTER AND VOTE” WATCHWORD given to McDonald supporters? GET FULL VOTING STRENGTH OUT RALEIGH, May 20.—Register and vote! That was the watch word given to supporters of Ralph W. McDonald today by W. L. Lumpkin, manager of the anti-sales tax candidate’s campaign for Governor. “Our friends can be assured that the machine candidates will leave no stone unturned in their attempts to block McDonald,” pointed out Manager Lumpkin, “and one of their main cares is to see that every supporter they can muster is put on the regis tration book and voted. “It is up to Ralph McDonald's friends to arrange for his full voting strength to be registered at the polls June 6. Our friends must not be negli gent in this matter of such'vast importance. Their support counts nothing unless it is translated into ballots and counted.” Lumpkin urged particularly that McDonald workers renew their ac tivity in counties where new registrations have been ordered. Again he expressed confidence that Dr. McDonald would win the nomi nation in the first primary, but he sounded the warning that a first primary, victory depended upon a redoubling of work on the part of McDonald sup porters. As Lumpkin urged McDonald’s supporters to renewed activity, the candidate continued his vote-getting tour of Western North Carolina. Voters in the mountain districts were particularly pleased with his pledge to “clean house” in Raleigh and replace certain appointive officials with men and women who are fitted by training and experience for the specific work assigned to them. “The policy of the machine has been to select appointive officers accord ing to their political ability,” charged Dr. McDonald. “And the machine has been more concerned about raising the salaries of these swivel-chair poli ticians than increasing the meagre pay of men and women who actually do the work. “We intend to change this order of things. Our purpose is to replace the swivel-chair politicians, as fas as their terms expire, with capable officials whose appointments depend upon ability and not upon political worth. And we intend to give a better deal to the rank and file of workers such as highway and prison camp employees, school teachers, institution employees and low-paid clerical help.” LAMPORT SAYS WORK SLASHES ARE FOLLOWING U. S. SUPREME COURT RULING ON GUFFEY ACT WASHINGTON, May 20.—A prediction that a wave of wage cutting would result from the Supreme Court’s decision invalidat ing the Guffey coal act was made yesterday by Samuel C. Lamport, chairman of the cotton tolerance committee of the Tex tile Exporters’ association. “The reverberations of the majority opinion had hardly died down,” he said in an interview, “when we heard blasts all over country that the wage cutting germ had begun its work.” He said the effect already had been felt in the textile industry, asserting that a number of Southern mills promptly announced a 20 per cent wage cut. Central Labor Union Met Wednesday; A Fair Attendance With a decreased attendance of delegates, and a few visitors. Central Body went through the paces last night (Wednesday). Routine busi ness was transacted, and locals all had good reports as to working con ditions, everyone said to be workmg. Organizer William C. O Neill, of the Plumbers and Steamfitters, who hails from Washington, D. C., made a very interesting address to the as semblage, stressing the Union Labe*, and also urged co-operation of all members with the Women’s Union Label League in the work that it, along with other auxiliaries, are do ing to stand behind the men in the advancement of the labor movement Mr. O’Neill also stated that it had been his experience that when all the members of organized labor were em ployed ther was a falling off in at tendance meetings of both locals and central bodies, and deplored the fact. Mr. O’Neill was here on a business trip. In the absence of President Frank Barr, who is doing his “stuff” in Co lumbia, S. C., Vice-President Kiser presided, while Mrs, R. K. Amyx handled the secretarial end for her husband, who is seeing how he likes Atlanta. Brother McElice, of the Electricians, acted as recording sec retary in the absence of Brother Gil mer Holton, who hadn’t got back from the Teamsters and Chauffeurs picnic, at last reports. The meeting adjourned about 9:80 o’clock. GOVERNMENT CEMENT PLANTS SUGGESTED BY ICKES WASHINGTON, D. C.—Confront ed with a number of identical bids for large quantities of cement which the Public Works Administration is using at various points in the United States, Secretary of the Interior Har old L. Ickes, who is also Public Works Administrator, declared that manufacturers have been able to get around laws designed to prevent mo nopolistic practices. »***»»» FRIDAY AND SATURDAY RICHARD ARLEN iu Harold Hell \\ night's THE CALLING OF DAN MATTHEWS A COLUMBIA PICTURE 1 i IlirHAR LOTT V|| 3 BIG DAYS THEATRE --MAY 25, 26, 27TH “MAGNIFICENT OBSESSION” with Irene Dunne - Robert Taylor i i ] I INSURANCE AN AGENCY CONNECTION WITH facilities lor writing every form of insurance except life. All policies placed in Companies of wide experience and Backed by STRENGTH—PERMANENCE—STABILITY CITIZENS SAVINGS AND LOAN CO. 114 E. 4TH ST. PHONE 3-1181 CHATTING HARRY ■OATS Looking back into the history of 50 years or more ago we find that in those days it was not called a depression, but a panic, which to all intents and purposes are one and the same thing. Recently an article came under my observation entitled “Haymarket—After Fifty Years,” from which is extracted some thoughts making up this article. It is an account of a labor disturbance which was heard around the world. In the year 1883 began a depression, or panic, which did not die out in a short time, and three years later it came to a head when Chicago’s Hay market riots took place. It later developed that the police had a great deal to do with inciting the riot, according to history of the event. It was! dur ing this period of lack of work when the word “Anarchist” had its great rise to history in American language. Men wandering from place to place seeking work were not greeted with the same sympathetic feeling as have been many doing the same thing in recent years. They were met with clubs and rifles in many cases, hence the reason for this story. The combination of sick industry and desperate labor produced a dan gerous situation. Industrialists answered strikes with boycotts and black listings. The Federation of Organized Unions, parent of the American Fed eration of Labor, and the Knights of Labor, succeeded in bringing about reductions in hours and increases in wages. But. capitalists welcomed the rise of “black international,’ ’whose extrme idas wre not favored by the average American and would send public sentiment to the side of capital. A strike at the McCormick plant had lasted three months already and men were desperate. On May 3 a group held a protest meeting nearby. As the speaker concluded, the quitting whistle sounded and the “scabs” came forth on their way home. In a moment stones and fists were flying. Then came the Pinkerton men and police firing into the crowd, killing and wound ing several. From then on things moved fast and furious for many days. A meeting of protest was called to meet at Haymarket Square the fol lowing evening. The police learned of this meeting, and when the time came it was the police and not the anarchists who were armed. The police had gathered a force of 180 men at stations nearby. At the meeting were about 1,000 men and women, some anarchists and agitators, but mostly curiosity seekers. Mayor Carter Harrison, who believed in free speech and less police activity, was also present, and the police were instructed to get busy only in case the meeting got boisterous. During the meeting rain started and the crowd began melting away. Thus far the gathering was peaceful, when suddenly was heard marching feet. A crowd of 180 armed police had arrived, contrary to orders from Mayor Harrison. They ordered the crowd to disperse. Suddenly from an alley came a bomb hurled by a hand which to this day has not been identified. It exploded in the midst of the police, * doing deadly work. Newspapers next day were hysterical, each carrying in its own words what should be done to the anarchists. Some were sympathetic with labor, others antagonistic. On May 27 a handpicked grand jury returned indict ments against eight men, all members of the black international. These men were arrested and brought before Judge Jqseph Gary, who was already fixed on the side of the prosecution. They were given an unfair trial and convicted by the jury already prejudiced against the prisoners. Seven of the eight men were sentenced to be hanged and on sent to prison for 16 years. Of the seven ordered hanged, four actually did hang and three were commuted. On the date of execution, November 11, Chicago seemed to have the jitters. Fear had long existed that more bormings would occur. Corporations had private dtectives guarding their plants, and many business men feared to leave their homes, and many did not leave. Like all other events, an end finally came to fear and Chicago once more started on her peaceful way, but the same “anarchist” has ever since been a well known word. It has nevej^ been proved that all these people were desperate, and more so than those of the present day who are now ask ing for and dmanding the right to live an honest life in an honest way—by doing honest work for honest employers, and receiving therefor honest wages with which to purchase the necessities of life which all must have. The above is a very brief account of some events of more than fifty years ago which deserve further study on part of laboring people in partic ular, that they may know efforts at organizing labor is not a product of the present depression, nor have labors in that direction always met a kindly reception. The story of the Haymarket riot is well worth reading. ORGANIZER CHRLSTOPHER CRACKS AT FORMER OFFICIALS FOR USING LABOR TO CAUSE SPLIT IN GOV. RACE To Editor Labor Journal: Certain former officials'find members of the Shelby Textile Union (No. 1901)—United Textile Workers of America, who used the labor movement to gain influence and prestige are now going to various parts of the State trying to break into local unions in directly and split the vote of Organized Labor in the gubernator ial race. These people are not members of the Shelby local of the United Textile Workers of America, and so far as I know are not members of any craft in the American Federation of Labor. Neither do they carry credentials from the UTWA local in Shelby. These people are working for Candidate Clyde R. Hoey, trying to get workers whom they have met at various labor meetings and Conventions in the State to swing over to Mr. Hoey. They have simply “sold out,” and are using the money furnished them to set up workers with a drink or cigar, etc., in line with their plans to try to get the workers over for Mr. Hoey. I recognize that any person has a right to use his influence for any political candidate, but genuine members and friends of organised labor have learned by this time that election of friends to public office is for their best interests. Real friends of organized labor, and particularly members, know that no sincere and informed worker would go out and do as these certain persons are doing. Organized labor in Shelby is not sending out anybody in support of Mr. Hoey. Workers, beware of any of these people who would have you vote for and support any candidate whom you know is not your friend. They are only racketeers and mean no good for us. Shelby, N. C. PAUL R. CHRISTOPHER. IT. LOUIS TAILORS WIN UNION PACT IN 12 SHOPS ST. LOUIS, Mo.—An agreement or recognition of the union shop was igned by Local Union No. 11 of the ourneymen Tailors’ Union with the 2 shops comprising the Merchant Tailors’ Association of St. Louis fol lowing a strike which began March 31, The contract runs for two years. It provides for a 10 per cent increase in wages effective next Sept. 1, a 40-hour week with a maximum of 48 hours during the busy periods i jl -I. . ijiiji ijil) i.«ji juju unij ijiiijiiiii m imi Tnnr WEEK-END SPECIAL One Quart Penn Oil In Sealed Can FREE with 5 Gallons HIGHTEST GAS at 21c B. & M OIL COMPANY •34 S. TBYON 1TH AND BREVARD U. S. SUPREME COURT RU1 AGAINST GUFFEY COAL ACT, WH1 WOULD REGULATE WAGES HOI AND PRICES IN COAL INDUST WASHINGTON, May 1!L—Dividing: six to three, the sup) court struck down the Guffey coal act yesterday on the i ground that it invalidated NRA—an unconstitutional invasia state powers. The majority, through Justice Sutherland, held the fed government was without power to regulate hours and waget the mining industry as well as in the manufacturing industry* The dissenters were Justice Brandeis, Stone and Cardozo. Hie court did not rule on the constitutionality of the pi fixing provision of the Guffey law to regulate the bituminous dustry, but said these were so related to the labor provisions t) the fall of the latter carried the price fixing section down too. in inning to ruie on tne price lin ing provisions, the majority opinion warned that nothing the court said was to be taken as an indication that it would uphold them, even if they were enacted separately. “I am satisfied,” the dissenting op inion by Justice Cardozo said, ‘that the act is within the power of the central government insofar as it pro vides for minimum and maximum prices upon sales of bituminous coal in the transactions of interstate com merce and in those of intrastate com merce where intrastate commerce is directly or intimately affected. “Whether it is valid also in other (labor) provisions that have been considered and condemned in the opinion of the court, I do not find it necessary to determine at this time. Silence must not be taken as import ing acquiescence.” i Chief Justice Hughes, in a separate opinion, concurred in the finding of the majority that congress had ex ceeded its authority in attempting to regulate wages and hours. The majority opinion held the ex cise tax of 15 per cent on soft coal production, with provisions for re funding 90 per cent for adherance to terms of the law was “clearly not a tax but a penalty.” But the court did not rule on the tax. “The position of the government, as we understand it,” the opinion said, “is that the validity of the ex action does not rest upon the taxing power but upon the power of con gress to aegujate interstate com merce; and that if the act in respect of the labor and price fixing provi sions be not upheld, the tax must fall with them. “With that position we agree and confine our consideration according ly.” Senator Guffey, democrat, Penn sylvania, was in the crowded audito ence. 1 A separate opinion was delivered by Chief Justice Hughes, who con tended the act might be sustained in relation to the provisions for mar keting in interstate commerce.” “The decisions of the courts be low, so far as they accomplish that result, should be affirmed,” he as serted. The majority held that congress in the law had exceeded its power under the constitution in attempting to reg ulate interstate commerce. The decision holding NRA uncon stitutional was cited as a precedent. Constitutionality of the Guffey act to permit federal control of prices, wages and hours in the bituminous in dustry had been challenged by James Walter Carter, West Virginia and Virginia producer, and by 19 Ken tucky operators. In the Carter case, the District of Columbia supreme court upheld price fixing, but declared unconstitutional the provisions for regulating wages and hours. The western Kentucky federal dis trict court upheld the entire act. “Working conditions are obviously local conditions,” today's opinion re minded. ihe majority also held that it 1 an improper delegation of power permit a majority to dominate a i nority so far as wages and hours an industry are concerned. “The delegation,” the opinion serted, “is so clearly arbitrary, a so clearly a denial of rights sa guard by the due process clause the fifth amendment, that it is t necessary to do more than refer decisions of this court which foredo the question.” The NRA decision also was cite in this connection. The Guffey act, aimed to lift thi bituminous industry from depressiol and increase miners' pay. Proponents contended authority for it existed in the constitutions provisions for regulation of inten state commerce. ' Challengers had maintained that its power over local production did not square with the NRA decision. The law was enacted late last sum mer after President Roosevelt ex pressed hope that the house ways and means committe would "not permit doubts as to constitutionality, how ever reasonable,” to block it. New deal opponents have argued the administration was attempting to force legislation despite what mem bers of congress^ might think of its validity. j / Adherence of coal operators to the plan—called a “Little NRA” by some —was made compulsory through a 16 per cent tax on the sale price at the mine. ♦ v t To those producers who agreed to ato abide by the code regulating the industry, 90 per cent of the tax would be refunded. The soft-coal producing region was divided into 23 districts, each to have a board to determine minimum prices. Minimum wages and maximum hours were to be agreed upon by a majority of the miners and produc ers of two-thirds of the total tonnage. They would be applicable to all code members. Seven states—Pennsylvania, Illi nois, Washington, New Mexico, In diana, Ohio and Kentucky—had filed briefs as “friends of the court” on behalf of the legislation. Patriotic Groups Backing Reynold’s Alien Measure WASHINGTON, May 19.—Spon sors of the Reynolds-Starnes bill to restrict immigration and oust alien enemies will stand pat on their orig inal proposal as outlined in the meas ure introduced in the senate by Sen ator Reynolds of North Carolina. This conclusion was reached today at a conference in the offices of Sena tor Reynolds attended by more than 50 leaders of groups backing the bill. Tour own pocketbook will swell in lust the degree that you buy Union Label Goods SOME REAL VALUES AND Lots and Lots of Mileage at a Very Small Cost It will pay you to see these cars at these low prices if yon are interested. USED CARS ON HAND 1928 Olds Sedan.....$125 1930 Hudson Coach_$ 95 1929 LaSalle Sedan__$100 1930 Hudson Coach __$195 1929 Pontiac Coach_$ 75 1931 Olds Coach_$225 1923 Cadillac Roadster_$ 95 1933 Chevrolet Sedan_$395 1926 Packard Sedan_$ 75 1934 Chevrolet Coach J___$450 1931 Chevrolet Sedan_ $250 1924 Hudson Sedan__|___$ 75 1931 Pontiac Coupe_$245 1929 Chrysler Sedan_ $125 Small down payment—bal&nceon easy terms. A compari son of our used cars and others will convince you. THOMAS CADILLAC-OLDSMOBILE CO. SM W. Tn*-N«xt to MMkleafcvf Hotel—Phoa. JMt
The Charlotte Labor Journal and Dixie Farm News (Charlotte, N.C.)
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May 21, 1936, edition 1
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