Facing the Facts
With PHILIP PEARL
Assistant Attorney General Ttmr
man Arnold is attempting to substi
tut* a bill cd wrongs for the bill of
protecting American workers,
•x.nrofeeaor of law is
No. 1. HU
IUW •
labor’s r»>w» u .... _ ---
paisa is vicious in tbe extreme. Yet
so cleverly bas he camouflaged his
attacks on labor with righteousness
that anyone who contests his views
Uys himself open to denunciation as
a defender of crime.
What is all the shouting about?"
Arnold asks with an air of in
Mr
noccnce.
“I am only
after the
illegitimate'activities ofhdbor unions.”
And many newspapers are quick to
take up nis cry. We see editorials
questioning tbe sincerity and decency
of organised labor. They say labor
is insincere because it calls upon pub
lic authorities to prosecute wrong
doers in the labor movement and yet
objects to Mr. Arnold's campaign.
This reasoning is an appeal to
prejudice, an argument for ignor
amuses, a clincher for dosed minds.
But it is falsa. _ ,
The position of the American Fed
eration of Labor toward the prosecu
tions of labor organisations under the
anti-trust laws being conducted by
Mr. Arnold is thU:
1. —We do not shield nor condone
wrongdoing by unions or their offi
cials. On the contrary, we urge
prompt prosecution under the proper
laws.
2. —But under no circumstances
must the anti-trust laws be invoked
against labor.
AMO HUE IS WHY
The anti-trust laws originally were
adopted by Congress to break up busi
ness and financial trusts which oper
ated in restraint of trade. There
was no thought of applying these laws
to labor. However, the courts did so
and the Danbury Hatters case was
one of the results.
Thin decision, forcing union work
ers to pay a heavy fine out of their
Par Constipation
Vigor and P*»'
PEP-O. I.AV
Who Buvtan S*oirt» Demand
CL & ASPTOW
oaamumamiammaamiaaamuia
Isa Lake, in Yellowstone National
Park, sends some of its waters to the
Atlantic and some to the Pacific.
weekly wages Just because they or
ganised for their self-protection
aroused such widespread public pro
tests that the American Federation of
Labor encountered no serious objec
tion in Congress when it proposed
imendments to the Sherman Act in
1916 to exempt labor from application
>f the provisions of that act. The
new law, called the Clayton Act, stated
flatly that labor was not a commodity
nor an article of commerce and that,
therefore, labor organizations and
their members were not to be consid
ered trusts in restraint of trade.
For twenty-five years this law was
respected by the public authorities
at our nation and labor unions were
not prosecuted under the anti-trust
laws. Now comes Mr. Arnold and
proceeds to do that very thing in de
fiance of the Clayton Act.
Mr. Arnold lists five types of union
activities which he will prosecute as
illegal restraints of trade. Granting
for the. moment,'bat only for tbs
moment—that the activities listed by
Mr. Arnold actually are illegal, what
guarantee does labor have that Bis
successors will not decide later that
any and all activities of labor unions
are illegal?
For, you see, if the facts are consid
ered from the point of view of as
employer, organized labor is the most
obvious conspiracy in restraint of
trade that could be imagined. When
two or more workers decide to strike
they are conspiring to restrain trade
no matter how worthy their objec
tives may be.
So we say to Mr. Arnold, why stop
with five commandments against la
bor? Why not be consistent and go
the whole hog? Why not outlaw all
unions entirely?
' I AM THE LAW. AKNOLD
Now let’s take a look at some of
the activities which Mr. Arnold on
. his own motion and his own authority
'has branded illegal. He says, for
instance, that he will proceed against
“unreasonable restraints designed to
compel the hiring of useless and un
necessary labor.’’ Who is going to
decide when labor is useless or un
necessary? The employer, the work
ers, or Mr. Arnold? The courts long
ago have decided that such matters
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must be left to the field of economic
conflict. But, of course. Mr. Arnold
does not let that bother him.
Then Mr. Arnold also has listec
“unreasonable restraints designed t<
prevent the use of cheaper material
improved equipment, or more efficient
methods.’' Since when has this beet
illegal? Since when has it beei
: ga.nst the law for union workers t<
■efuse to handle scab-made products!
Since when has it been made a crimi
n»l offense for a labor oiwanixatioi
to try to protect the jobs of its work
era when ruthless employers instal
new machinery to put them oat oi
their jobs? Since when has it beet
made a jail offense for union worker)
to protest with their full strengt)
against such “more efficient methods’
as the Bedeaux system?
Furthermore Mr. Arnold wouli
make it illegal for A. F. of L. union
to compete with C. I. O. anions wkoi
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either has been established as the col*
lective bargaining agency in a plant.
This is just about the last straw.
Here we have a public prosecutor de
claring that a law designed to pro
mote free competition among busi
ness can be jo applied as to stifle
competition in labor. Does that make
sense, let alone law?
We firmly believe Mr. Arnolds
mental aberrations are not the law
of the land. The American Federa
tion of Labor will carry test cases
to the Supreme Court for an authors
tive ruling. And if the decision goes
against labor even there, that will
not end*the case.; For the American
Federation of Labor will ten institute
the strongest campaign in its history
to amend the law so that labor never
again can be considered a trust
(RriMMd by tbe American Federation of
Weekly Neere Service)
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SEX VICK or SUMMONS BT PUBLICATION
State at North Carolina.
County of Mecklenburg.
IN THE SUPERIOR COURT
Mary Lonioa Boyd.
Plaintiff,
in tha 8nporior Coart of Mochlonhuro
North Carolina, to ooenro a dWoraa
ha la roonirad to
Iho Soparior Coart of
tha tWh day of April. 1M0. to
tha Court Hoaaa. to aaU
North Carolina, to ananrir or dam
complaint in maid aetioa or plaintiff ■
to tha Court for