Newspapers / The Charlotte Labor Journal … / June 12, 1947, edition 1 / Page 2
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Editorial CHARLOTTE LABOR JOURNAL A DIXIE FARM NEWS Wwklv at Charlotte, N. C. M. A. Sull*. Editor and Publisher W. M. Witter. Associate Editor Catered as second-class mail matter September 11, 19S1, at the Post Office at Chamotte, N. C.. under the Act of Congress of March 3, 187* SUBSCRIPTION RATES: *2.00 per year, payable iir advance or 6c per copy. ADVERTISING RATES for commercial advertising reasonable. Official Organ of the Charlotte Central Labor Union and Approved by The American Federation of Labor and the North Carolina Federation of Labor Address All Communications to Poet Office Bo* 1061 Telephones 3-3094 and 4-6802 Office of Publication: 118 East Sixth Street, Charlotte. N. C. The Labor Journal will not be responsible for opinions of corre spondents. but any erroneous reflecting upon the character, standing or reputation of anv person, firm or co.*poration which may appear in the columns of The Labor Journal will be gladly corrected when called to the attention of the publisher. Correspondence and Open Forum opinions sqlicited. __ * 3 TWO MAYORS HIT SLAVE BILL By William O’Dwyer, Mayor of New York It’s been a long time now, but most of us have not for gotten the Republican depresiom that began in 1929. When we hit bottom in 1932 and President Roosevelt took hold, we needed help from Government. And so began the New Deal_a philosophy of Government based on the simple, democratic principle that we should do the most good for the most people. As conditions improved, the same old crowd that led us right into the worst depression we have yet had, became vocal once more. In Congress, on the radio, in the news papers, from the speaking platforms. The new Deal was under attack. Government, they said, was trying to run business. The New Deal was "plannee! economy,” "Statism,’ "socialism, and even "Communism.’1! If Washington would only let us alone, they said, we could splve all our problems ourselves. Get rid oi the bureau crats, the rules, tne regulations they cried. The New Deal is unconstitutional, un-American, blood brothers to the foreign isms. i That’s what they said in the days of President Roosevelt. But this is not ail ancient history. About one year ago we were assured by Robert Taft, Re publican Senator irom Ohio, and his conorts in Congress, that prices were bound to come down if the Government’s OPA ceilings were removed, iney scolted at me estimates of the Administration that living coats .would skyrocket. So the OPA was demolished in deference to tnose who clamored against, government regulation of business.. And what has ^een tne result / kou get the answer all too well when you go out to buy food and clothing and other necessities. But we have to say this for the Republicans. At least they were consistent. They opposed tne socially and eco nomically beneficial legislation of the New Deal and they fought against regulatory War Emergency legislation. But now what do we nnd with the passage of the Taft Hartiey bill by the Republican Congress? The great ad vocates of free private enterprise have now emparked on the most comprehensive program of regulation by govern ment we have yet to see in this country. Of course, they don’t want to regulate everybody. Just the majority of the people—those wno work tor a living at wages of $30, $40 and $50 a week. It took the New York Times more than 14 full length newspaper columns to report the complete text of this bill. Practically no phase of tne relations of management and labor are tree irom its restrictive provisions. Before a union is organized, there are laws governing what the workers can do. Alter a union is formed, there are rules for their dealings with management. There are restric tions on the kind of agreements that can be made. There are rules of procedure where no agreements are made. There are rules, regulations, restraints, restrictions and controls. , Those of us who sincerely believe in free private enter prise, also believe in free collective bargaining. Freedom cannot be apportioned on a class basis. If the Republi cans want the freedom for capital to own and operate businesses, as 1 do, they must also recognize the right of the working men and women to own and operate their unions. Now let me make this perfectly clear. I’m prepared to have it out both ways. I am against any kind of state control—for business or labor. 1 have an intense loathing and hatred for the fascist and communist glorification of the state at the expense of the individual. Let me also make this clear. Government has a job to do in correcting abuses by industry or labor, and I’m in favor of having corrected the abuses by the extremists on both sides. But that’s a far cry from the Taft-Hartley form of state control of labor unions. I have an abiding and deep-rooted faith in the common sense, the intelligence, the emotional stability of the work ing men and women, as well, for that matter, as the busi ness men and women of America. I do not believe that either group must be placed in shackles. I therefore op pose* with all the vigor I can command, the Taft-Hartley Labor Control Law. I By Hubert H. Humphrey, Mayor of Minneapolis As Mayor of Minneapolis I am grateful for the oppor tunity to give my views on the Taft-Hartley Labor Legis lation. Having worked in the Labor Relations Field as a consultant, and having served as mediator in dispute, I have had some experience in labor relation, and naturally have some opinions on such matters. I do not speak as an expert but I do speak as a citizen who has a burning desire to see and make freedom—per sonal freedom—economic freedom—a reality in our lives. Let me say at the outset I am strongly opposed to the Taft-Hartley Bill, and I hope President Truman vetoes it 1 oppose it because I consider it unsound legislation. I say it strikes at the heart of American industrial democ racy and our free enterprise system. I say the Taft-Hart ley BOl threatens the gains made by labor in the past fif teen years, and threatens to destroy our well-established system of free collective bargaining which has been the cornerstone of our industrial relations in a free economy. The free enterprise system can exist only if the balance k kept between free management and free labor. When FLAG DAY-GUARD OF HONOR A * A Imkt SffWrt LABOR UNITCD-AU RACES, RELIGIONS AND NATIONAL ORIGINS FlatDav-i947 Today, as never before, millions of people across the seas look to Old Glory jfor courage. In occupied Japan, our Flag points the way to enlighten ment and self-respect. In occupied Germany, it stands as a promise of free, representative government In the dia Klaced persons camps of Germany and Austria, it spells ope of liberation and refuge. And on this Flag Day, in remote corners of the earth, the Stars and Stripes fly over the graves of American soldiers—silent affirmation of our willingness to fight for human liberty. By their deeds, 'American workers have given meaning to the Flag. During the long hard years of the war, union men did battle on every front where the Stars and Stripes were raised; while at home, we forged the planet and guns and tanks that brought us victory. Today, while the world struggles to find peace and common understanding among nations, we are winning our own battles for human rights, with American workers of every color, every creed and every national background, forging a common brotherhood. Marching toward a brighter tomorrow for our own country and the world, we know that every delay in justice, every instance of racial and religious discrimination casts a shadow on Old Glory. Her future cannot stand upon the past alone. It must rest on the vigorous, day-to-day rededi cation of the American people. In the words of President Truman: "By showing that we, ourselves, know where we are going, and why, we can show the rest of the world the road to liberty and to peace." , this balance or equality of bargaining power exists, de cisions which affect both parties can be made jointly at the bargaining table. Such • decisions are voluntary, satis factory to both parties, well adapted to the needs of in dustrial productivity. ’ To give antiunion managements the power to cripple or destroy unions is a first step away from this voluntary process. It is a step toward compulsion and government regimentation.. It is a- step towards the de struction of faith and confidence which has been created between management and labor—a faith and confidence which has produced the practical demonstration of Ameri can economic power such as we know it today. Legislation such as this, conceived in the emotions of a postwar era when the entire world is suffering from the destructive forces of war, will set a pattern for American economic life that will produce endless confusion and ever increasing regimentation for industry and management, as well as tpule union organizations. Management and employers should remember that the strength of our eco nomic system has not rested upon capital alone. The arse nal of democracy was a reality because of the ingenuity of management and the skill of workers. Our high standard of living is a living testimonial to the effectiveness and the soundness of the free and unfettered collective bargaining process of the American economic system. Legislation today aimed at crippling labor and destroying the volun tary joint decisions of free management relations is a double-edged sword. It strikes at our whole system of enterprise. Labor relations as contemplated under this bill will result in decisions arbitrarily dictated either by management or government. Bureaucratic boards will be brought between management and labor with elaborate machinery for making and enforcing decisions hearings, order, court action, trials, punishments. Decisions of ec onomic policy will pass from the hands of management and free labor, who are intimately concerned and experienced in plant operation, td the detached bureaucrats and courts who know little or nothing about the important technical detail of industrial relations. Once started, this process of arbitrary dictation, with its elaborate bureaucracy of boards and rulings, of necessity feeds upon itself and expands. More and more boards, specialists, enforcement agencies are needed to handle the huge volume of cases. Labor and management well re member how the War Labor Board expanded from a mere handful of persons to approximately 2,600 employes. If the voluntary process of labor-management negotiations is sabotaged by the Taft-Hartley Bill, regimentation will soon reach to other fields, i Rulings which limit wage increases must be followed by rulings to control prices, production and profits if the economy is to be kept in balance. When collective bargaining no longer assures! a just share of in dustrial earnings for workers, buying power dries up as it did in 1929 and depression follows. This time when govern ment is called in to readjust the balance, wartime practices will be fresh in everyone’s mind and managements who object to regimentation will undoubtedly find themselves carrying out government orders in government operated plants. There are elements in American economic and political life who are eager to see a government bureauc racy with rigid controls governing bur economic system. This will make it easier for them to seizo power. LABOR WRITERS WANT COMPULSORY VOTING The Eastern Labor Press Con ference, in session here last Sat urday, adopted a resolution ask ing Congress to enact a law in quiring every qualified citizen to vote in national elections. The conference, which is com posed of about \00 APL labor weeklies and monthlies, declared that 20,000,000 labor votes stayed home in the last two elections, which resulted in election of anti labor Congressmen and the pres ent antilabor legislation. The resolution also suggests that unions nnd means oi per suading members to register and vote. Idea is not to tell anyone how to vote, but to ask them to just vote, in belief that if all tradess unionists exercise the'r right of franchise results will be favorable.^ The conference also congratu lated the AFL on its campaign to defeat antilabor legislation and urged labor newspapers to print the AFL ads without cost; urge! the AFL to establish a daily newspaper to present labor’3 views to the public. Arnold Zander, of Madison, j Wis., president of State, County and Municipal Workers, was r* elected president of the confer ence; Frank B. Powers, editor of the Telegraphers International Union, Washington, was elected secretary-treasurer; Martin Mc Intyre, editor of the Union, Brad ford, Pa., recording secretary. Uncle Sam Says Bxscthj hotu muck 4mm yoe mJm Me fast t2 monMs? If jn cut write a (n4 Mg (fan la tee ihcc above teen jroe'd be ■Mart te adept a method of notice teat millions of American hare found te be aboolntety rare Sre. This method is tee regular buying of United States Savings Benda. People buy Savings Bonds now oa two com venient plan. If yen are on a pay roll. through the Payroll Savings Plan. If you are a professional man or woman or self-employed, through the Pend-e-Meath plan at your bank. By signing up on either plan, twelve months from nw you will he able te write a alee healthy sum in teat space up above. V. S. Trgajury Dtfartmtnt BUY GOVERNMENT SAVINGS BONDS START £ as ><+t(A i HcCOMtlli NOW THE COMMERCIAL NATIONAL BANK Charlotte, N. C. Warlitzar Spinattt Piano* Cowvwiaat T*nrt*— PARKER-GARDNER CO. 8i»c« 1M9 111 W. Trad* PkMM 8317 1 — The Labor Journal is a Choice Advertteiaff Medium FOREMOST PASTEURIZED MILK Farm Fresh Milk—Foremost Ice Cream Foremost 'Farms, Inc. PHONES 7116 — 7117 Send in Your Subscription Today. We Need Your Support. . ALLEN OVERALL CO. MANUFACTURERS OF OVERALLS, ONE PIECE SUITS AND WORK PANTS 415 S. Church St. Phone 3-3598 I CHARLOTTE. N. C. Some of The Things We ^ Lend Money on Diamond* Watches Jewelry Men’s Clothing Tools Silverware Shot Guns Rifles Pistole Tranks Addinf Maehinee Ban Sait Caaca Muaieal Kodaka Typewrit era All Business Strictly Confidential. When far Need of Money We Never Fall You. 8m m for bargain in diamonds, watches, jewelry, clothing, ate. RELIABLE LOAN GO. 201 EA8T TRADE STREET • • The Labor Journal is a Choice Advertising Medium Big Star ^ Little Star Sopar Mtrbto Food Star— Martin’s Department Store RELIABLE MERCHANDISE ALWAYS AT LOW PRICES Shop id Wlxvdtiri and Sod* SHOES—CLOTHING—FOR THE ENTIRE FAMILY AT CORNER TRADE AND COLLEGE m
The Charlotte Labor Journal and Dixie Farm News (Charlotte, N.C.)
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June 12, 1947, edition 1
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