Newspapers / The Charlotte Labor Journal … / June 30, 1949, edition 1 / Page 1
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-r VOL. XIX; NO. 8 CHARLOTTE, N. C„ THURSDAY, JUNE 30, 1949 Subscription Price $2.00 Year Provisions New Labor Bill Are Likely To Contain; Far From Voting Stage WASHINGTON. — The Taft Hartley debate in the Senate hasn’t yet reached the voting stage. But you can already tell some of the things the Senate is likely to do. For example, the labor bill which the Senate finally approves and sends to the House will probably contain provisions oru 1. Non-communist oaths. 2. Financial reports. 3. “Free speech.” 4. Requiring unions to bar gain in good faith. Those provisions were not in the old Wagner act and were omitted from the Truman admin istration’s labor bill this year. But now, in the Senate, their ap proval in some form has almost been taken out of the field of controversy. Here’s why: They are included in four com promise amendments offered to the administration bill by a Dem ocrat- Republican group and sup ported by most Truman Demo crats. In roughly similar form, they are also included in a bill offered by Senator Taft of Ohio and oth er Republicans. several ocner proposals are favored by both Truman Demo crats and Taft Republicans. One is the abolishment of the independent office of “general counsel” of the National Labor Relations board. This job now is held by Robert N. Denham. In addition both bills would re tain all the old Wagner act bans against employers’ interference with unions. Both bills would prohibit un ions from striking, or refusing to handle goods, if the purpose is to beat out another union. Both would make it the “pub- ; lie policy of the United States” j for orderly settlement of dis-, putes arising under the interpre-| tation of the contract. On the other hand. Senate fights were still to come on many controversial matters. Such as—j Injunctions in “national emerg ency” strikes, the closed shop, the bargaining rights of foremen, co ercion of workers by unions, the independence of the federal me-, diation and conciliation service, lawsuits for breach of contract,; and restrictions on union welfare funds. On the four big matters on which an agreement seems most likely, here is a comparison of the procedure as laid down in (1) the Taft-Hartley act; (2) th$ bi partisan compromise amendments offered by Senators Douglas (D-m.), Hill (D-Ala), Aiken (R-! Vt.), Morse (R-Ore.) and others; (3) the Taft bill. Taft-Hartley act — Prevents a union from getting any help from the NLRB unless each of ficer, and each officer of any pa rent union, files annually an af fidavit swearing he is not a Com munist or affiliated with the Communist party, that he doesn’t Polic Precautions A good hoalth rule for parent* to Imprtse upon children in infantile paralysia epidemic aroaa is to avoid crowds and places where close con tact with other persons is likely. ■THE NATIONAL EONNBATIOI FOR INFANTILE PARALYSIS believe in the overthrow of the U. S. government by force or by any illegal or unconstitutional methods, and that he doesn't be long to or support any organiza tion which teaches or believes in such overthrow. Compromise amendment — con tains a roughly similar require ment, which applies not only to unions but also to each company which wants to take cases before the NLRB, and to all employer associations with which the com pany is affiliated. However, the oaths would not be required of either a union or a company if its governing laws have the effect of banning subversive people from holding office—and if the NLRB determines that the ban is being enforced in good faith. The term “officer,” with respect j to both unions and companies, would be expanded to include members of all “executive policy forming and governing bodies. Those who filed the oaths would be required to swear also they don't belong to or support any “fascist” or “totalitarian” organi zations. Taft bill — Would continue the Taft-Hartley requirement and ex tend it also to employers, cor poration officers, and each of the employers agents having re sponsibility for the employer’s la-, bor relations. Those who filed the oaths would have to swear, in addition to the Taft-Hartley lan guage, that they don’t belong to or support any organization1 "seeking by force or violence to deny other persons their rights under the constitution of the United States.” lan-nartiey act — Prevents a union from getting NLRB help unless it files annually with the government these things: copies of its constitution and by-laws; the names and salaries of all of ficers paid more than $5,000 a year! the manner in which these officers are chosen; the amount of initiation fees and dues; a financial statement showing in come. outgo, assets and liabilities; j and a detailed statement of un-! ion procedures on a dozen dif ferent matters. Compromise amendment—Would continue to require this informa tion from unions, except for the last-named detailed statement on union procedures. In addition, the same information filed by un ions would be required of any company that wants to use the' NLRB machinery, and of all em- j pk>yer associations with .which the company is affiliated. Taft bill—Would continue the Taft-Hartley provision, -without extending it to employers, but would eliminate the need of filing the detailed statement on union procedures. Taft-Hartley act—Says an ex pression of opinion and argument shall not “constitute” an unfair labor practice unless such expres sion contains a “threat or repri sal” or “promise of benefit.” (For example, if an employer tells his workers “The union is poorly led.” that may be all right. But if he says, "You stay out of fhe union and 111 give you a raise.” it’s illegal.) The Taft-Hartley provision also says an expression of ppinion shall not even be used as “evidence” of an unfair prac tice. Compromise amendment —Con tains a similar guarantee of “free speech” but eliminate the ban on using a person’s statements as “evidence” against him. CARPENTERS WIN LUMBER MILL LAUREL, Miss. — The United Brotherheod of Carpenters and Joiners of America won a collective bargaining election at the Greene Lumber Company, Laurel, with a vote of about 8 to 1 in favor of the Union. r UNLESS Wf SHUT HIM UP NOTHING WILL EVER GET DONE f Southern 'Cheap Labor9 Said Not To Be Cause Of Industrial Movei I ent Claims by our Southern “Re publicrats” that cheap labor is essential to the industrial expan-* sion of the South have been dis proved—disproved by industrial ists themselves. . i A report by the National Plan ning Association says that plants locating in the South are inter ested in, first, the good markets offered by the region; second, available raw materials in the area; and third, the Labor Sup ply. /The report comments: “Labor came up third—which may be a surprise to many. But the Committee turned up even more surprising information: New plants were usually not after cheap Labor; they W'anted Labor supply itself and low Labor costh; —quite a different thing.” The report, “New Industry Comes to the South,” was made by the Association’s Committee j of the South. It is based on painstaking research, not emotion al appeals which most Southern Congressmen use in opposition to Wage Hour Measures. The Committee studied 88 plants built in the South since \ the end of World War II. They are in 13 states: Alabama, Ark ansas. Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, - North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Caro lina, Tennessee, Texas and Vir ginia. The study was published as most Southern Congressmen and Senators continued their attack on the expansion of wage-hour legislation. Their arguments run like this: Southern Businessmen cannot af ford to pay such “high” minimum wages as 75 cents or $1 an hour. (That amounts to the “luxury” I * ! j. \S \ 9(<’ f,o ? N Af l9NAk ifefSilii .•ate of pay of $30 to $40 a week for 40 hoars work.) To attract ndustry from the Northeast, the South must hold down its pay scales. But the report says, "... Available Labor and satisfactory Labor attitudes were more im-. jortant to these companies than :he South’s alleged cheap Labor. “This survey'’ indicates that companies operating plants in >oth the North and South pay roughly the same wage rates in »wn3 of equivalent size. . . . “With few exceptions, those companies that are paying lower *ages in their Southern than in their Northern plants told the Committee that they would not ‘lave risked their funds in a new Southern location simply because af the wage-scale differences. They considered these differences only temporary. . . . “Many . . . companies knew their plants would be Unionized, end therefore were anxious to lo cate in a town that had a history of good Labor-Management rela tionships . . . “A few apparel, shoe, and tex tile plants were located in certain communities in order to try to avoid Labor Unions. . . . But, on the whole, the companies with Unionized plants elsewhere placed little or no stress on avoiding Unions.” NOTICE The reason this issue of The Journal is late is due to an ex tensive job of remodeling which has been going on in our plant since the first of May which put our facilities out of order until it was completed. The back wall on our building was ready to topple over and the landlord was compelled to rebuild the wall at once. The need was so urgent that only little notice could be given us. While this | work was underway we asked the landlord to make other improve ments and from now on we will have The Journal to you on time each week. For this delay we are deeply apologetic and thank our sub icribers and advertisers for their patience. All back issues of The Journal will be coming to you in short order. THE PUBLISHER. U.S. Chamber of Commerce Equals N.A.M. As A Foe To Organized Labor Organized business, as repre sented by the United States Chamber of Commerce, put itself solidly in the camp of reaction this month. On almost an assembly-line ba sis. 50 policy resolutions de nouncing nearly all phases of President Truman's “fair deal" program were given a rubber stamp “okay" by 1,700 delegates at the Chamber’s annual con vention in Washington. Many of the resolutions raised the scare that the Truman pro posals paved the road to “so cialism." One denounced all forms ‘ of “government-controlled aconomy.” By contrast, however the con vention called for retention of practically all of the most vicious provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act. In other words, the Chamber put itself on record as wanting a free hand for business, shackles for labor and no social welfare legislation for the people. Same Old ttogey Before the convention ground out the swarm of resolutions, the delegates also heard a lot of in dustrialists, Tory congressmen and other speakers, who brand ished the bogey of "socialism” against the Administration’s do mestic program. There was one significant ex ception. At a session devoted to the “dangers!’ of- the “welfare state,” the Chamber made a ges ture toward hearing the “other side” by inviting Nelson H. Cruikshank, A. F. of L. director of social insurance activities, to anaalt. . He was pitted, however, against three other speakers who sought j to tar the Truman program asj “socialistic.’ One applied the label to government housing, an ther to Federal aid to educa tion, and a third to health in surance. Cite* The Constitution Cruikshank answered in a man ner unexpected to the delegates. He read from the Constitution, adopted way back in 1789. to •how that nothing in the Truman program conflicted with that great charter. No one, he said can brand the Constitution a “socialist” docu ment. yet its preamble 4bmmitted this nation to “promote the gen eral welfare” through the power of the governmena This aim is reinforced, he add ed. by Article 7, Section 8 of the Constitution which gives Con gress power to “collect taxes” duties, imposts and excises” for the “general welfare of the United States.” Furthermore, Alexander Hamil ton was one of the first to “de fend the broad power of Congress to act for the general welfare” when he argued that the Con stitution gave Congress authority to establish a national bank, Cruikshank said. Was Hamilton a “socialist?” Is Tariff Socialistic? “Since that date there have FIVE—JUNE 10TH been a host of enactments spon sored by every political party to implement the welfare activities of our government,” the A. F. of L. speaker declared. “Every time Congress has passed a tariff act we have engaged in an ac tivity of the welfare state.” he said. Cruikshank cited other exam ples: The establishment of a system of public school over a century ago; the Homestead act of 1862 which turned over large sections of the public domain to the plain people for settlement; the gra'nt of huge amounts of public land to the railroads. “Servants Of The People” “When the frontier was ex hausted and the public lands were all settled, or given away, we found ourselves still faced with' the insecurity of old age and un employment,” he said. ”So the government simply continued its basic policy of dedicating its re sources and instrumentalities to the aid of the people through a system of social insurance. “That is how our social secur ity system came into etfect as on activity of the welfare state . . . At the bottom of it all is the idea that the state can be the servant of the people.”—Union Reporter. "UNION INDUSTRIES SHOW" WILL TAKE "TO THE ROAD” CLEVELAND. —- organized la i bor’s big annual exposition—the "Union Industry Show,” sponsor ed by the A. F. of L. Union Label Trades Department — wound up j here after playing to an audience df several hundred thousand Clevelanders. Many more saw the big, ani mated array of the products and services of union labor over tele | vision hookups, and great num bers heard al>out it in a coast-to i coast radio broadcast. The exposition is going to be ' put to a unique purpose. Secre i tary-Treasurer I. M. Ornburn of i the Label Trades Department re ; vealed. Movies were taken of | the show, and these are to be equipped with German sound track, then sent to Germany to iHustrate achievement* made *mk: stole by labor-management co operation, Ornburn said. Also, similar movies are lining made available for showing dur ing the coming months at union meetings, public gatherings and local theaters, Ornburn added. GARNER HEADS POSTOFFICE CLERKS STATE FEDERATION. BLACKWELDER IS 8EC.-TRAS. ASHEVILLE.—A. J. Garner. Ill, or Asheville was elected pres ident of the State Federation of Post Office Clerks yesterday dur-i ing the final business session of the group's 19th annual conven tion in the George Vanderbilt ho tel. Sam Blackwelder of Char lotte was named secretary-treasu rer, and Jere Gay of Raleigh is legislative representative. The auxiliary of the state fed eration also holding its conven tion, elected Mr*. A. J. Garner, III. of Asheville as its president today. Mrs. K. L. Adams was elacted first vice president. Slyde Smyre of Statesville is retiring president of the post of fice clerks. Mrs. Norman Harris of Shelby is retiring auxiliary president. Approximately 300 delegates registered for the convention, the largest number of members to at tend a session of this kind in the state. The two-day meeting closed to night with a banquet and dance for delegates and auxiliary mem bers. Dr. Walter T. McFail. Asheville dentist, was speaker at the banquet. Others on the pro gram include Mrs. George Wil liams of Raleigh, national vice president of the auxiliary; John M. Torka of Washington. D. C., assistant secretary-treasurer of the national federation, and Oscar L. Whitesell, of Greensboro, na tional vice president (SEN. HUMPHREY SAYS TAFT-HARTLEY ACT HAS BRED CHAOS IN INDUSTRY WASHINGTON—A charge that the Taft-Hartley law has bred “chaos” in industrial „ relations was made by Senator Humphrey (D-Minn.) today as the Senate ! lebated the question of repealing the act. Humphrey said the act has failed to prevent national emergencies, and also has brought “direct and detailed” government intervention in collective bargain '«*• . . ., J, Roger Bab8on says we will have the depression, but not this year. In one of his articles on the financial pages of the bigr dailies, of recent date he led oft with the following: ,■ “Back in the early thirties I heard Will Rogers say that the United States was the only nation that ever drove to the poorhouse in an automobile! We will have another major depression some day, but not this year. Moreover when it does come 'we will not drive to it—at 70 miles per hour —like we did in 1929. We will walk into it gradually, step by step, over the next two or three years, unless we have war. Po litically. I believe that it might bo good policy on the part of the Republicans to let the Democrats win the national election in 1942 and inherit an era of depression like Mr. Hoover did in 1928. The Republicans missed the chance of a lifetime in that presidential election by not letting A1 Smith win—the depression.” Now. Mr. Bahson is a very cautious commentator, and does not always agree with others in his profession. You can see his Republican leaning by telling the Big Boys to let the Democrats win the national election in 1962 and inherit it—the Depression. He goes on to say: “The pouring out of billions of dollars to keep communism in its own back yard will ultimately reach a day of reckoning when our books must bs balanced.” Mr. Babaon is fair enough, in closing his article, to say: ^ "On the other side of the ledger in and spite of all the abov% our present fundamental economic structure is fc*ad There is SKt abundance of money and credit facilities. Our banking institu tions are stable and satisfactory. The government will spend around $42 billion in the year beginning July 1. The farmers still have fair price supports. The chances are that taxes will not be in creased this year. The admin istration and Congress are fully aware that business must not be hindered, but encouraged this year if they want to hold their jobs. Propped-up prosperity will pre vail for the rest of this year amids readjustments. There will be no major depression in 1949.” Labor leaders, and the workers in general, would And it enlight ening to pay more attention to the financial pages of their big dailies, than to the Sport pages. They will find the stock quota tions not dry reading, and the dividends declared by the Big Boys—that are “going broke”— of much interest. Many of tho financial commentators see the gradual downward trend. When you read Lewis M. Schneider’s Trade Winds in The Observer, same issue, you will find a tread running thusly: "i ne crumoung process wui nw continue every day. There will always be technical rallies. But the trend arrow points down. “Lower prices increase dividend yields. But will present dividend rates be maintained? The action of ‘blue chip’ shares show doubt on the part of wealthy investors. “Brokers admit that most in* formed investors currently prefer a liquid position. But nobody ex* pects a 1929-32 depression to re peat. There’s no need to fuss and wonder why prices age going down. Disturbing economic fac* tors warrant the slump—as al ready reported here. ) “The postwar deflation is def initely under way. Durable goods sales — autos, steel, farm equip* ment, etcs.—have joined the de cline started late last year 1a radios, textiles, shoes, tires, etc.” And in the meantime Wall Street and its stock markets see stock staking new low tumbles, some going back to a pre-war basis, but coming back again, to a degree, all of which lenda to a feeling of uncertainty aad uneasi ness—but, they say, we are going to pull through all right. So we will just sit still in the boat, and try to ride the storm out.
The Charlotte Labor Journal and Dixie Farm News (Charlotte, N.C.)
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June 30, 1949, edition 1
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