Green Calls For
Aid In Polio Drive
William Greta, president of
the American Federation of La
bor today urged the organiza
tion’s multi-million members to
support the 1951 March of Dimes
in January and declared that “the
American public cannot afford to
relax its vigil against the dread
ful toll of this disease.”
In a message to Basil O’Con
nor, president of the National
Foundation for Infantile Paraly
sis, Mr. Green asserted that the
membership of the APT. is keen
ly aware of the havoc wrought
by the r950 polio epidemic, sec
ond worst in the nation’s history.
"We appreciate the excellent
services of the Labor Service Di
vision and the local 'ffhapters of
the National Foundation,” he
wrote. "Our members and their
families stricken with polio are
the chief beneficiaries of your
program.”
In his appeal to AFL com
ponents, Mr. Green .referred to
the recent announcement by Mr
O’Connor that the 1951 March of
DxJhes must raise at least $50,
000,000 to meet the current stag
gering costs of polio patient care
—the result of three consecutive
years of record-breaking polio
eepidemics.
During these three years, Mr.
Green recalled, more than 100,000
(Continued On Page 4)
NEW ANTI-COMMUNIST
LAW IS ANALYZED
(Continued from Page 1)
that ah organization was Com
the FBI would inevitably have to
niohist or Communist-controlled,
disclose some of the sources of
its information, with detriment
to its counter-espionage work.
Mr. Truman's basic objection
to the whole registration pro
gram however, was that it moved
in the direction of suppressing
freedom of speech and criticism.
As he very rightly pointed out,
the importance of freedom of
speech.
... is not, as many suppose,
that it protects the few unor
thodox from . suppression by
the majority. To permit free
dom of expression is primarily
for the benefit of the majority,
because ait protects criticism,
and criticism leads to progress.
Under this law, said Mr. Tru
man, people would tend to avoid
statements and attitudes that
might be construed unfavorably |
as pro-Communist, or not “safe."
And since no one could be
sure in advance what views
were safe to express, the in
evitable tendency would be to
express no views on controver
sial subjects.
The l-esult could only be to
reduce the vigor and strength
of our political life ... . j
Taking such a veiw of these
provisions of the McCarran bill
—and it is a view that as we
have seen above has very re
spectable sponsorhip— the Presi
dent • could have no option but
to veto it.
State of North Carolina,
County of Mecklenburg.
IN THE SUPERIOR COURT
Beatrice Peele Cornell, Plaintiff
vs. Charles Harvey Cornell,
Defendant.
NOTICE
The Defendant, Charles Harvey
Cornell, will take notice that an
action entitled as above has been
commenced in the Superior Court
of Mecklenburg County, N. C., to
obtain an absolute divorce from
the Defendant, Charles Harvey
Cornell, on the grounds, of two
yearn continuous separation prior
to the institution of this action,
as by law made and provided,
and the said defendant, Charles
Harvey Cornell, will further take
notice that he is required to ap
pear at the office of the Clerk
of the Superior Court of Meck
lenburg County, N. C., in the
Courthouse at Charlotte, N., C.
on the 4th day of January, A.
D., 1961. or within twenty days
thereafter, and answer or demur
to the Complaint in said action,
or the Plaintiff, Beatrice Peele
Cornell, will apply to the Court
for the relief demanded in the
Complaint.
This the 6th day of December,
A. D.. 1960.
WM. MOORE,
Asst Clerk of the Superior Court,
Mecklenburg County, N. C.
<12—7, 14, 21, 28—p) ■
■ 111 iXjtHjn
fuiiijIlM'lt
- Immigration and I
Naturalization
Mr. Truman furthermore ob
ected to the sections of the bill
lealinsc with immigration and
naturalization. These he touched ]
on in the third fourth and sixth
of his seven points.
3. “It would deprive us of the
treat assistance of many aliens j
n intelligence matters ”~
4. “It would antagonize friend
ly governments.”
5. “It would make it easier for '
subversive aliens to become nat
uralized as United States ’ citi
zens.”
Sections 22-30 contain modifi
i cations of the existing laws on j
immigration and naturalization.
These modifications the President '
thought would hinder rather than I
promote the purpose of our Immi
gration and naturalization laws,
Existing law already banned
from the United States aliens
who advocate anarchy, assassina
tion, violence, sabotage. To theie I
the McCarran bill added aliens
who at any time have been mem
bers of the Communist party or
of any foreign totalitarian party,
and those who advocate commun
ism or any other form of totali- ■
tarianism.
The President pointed out that
these provisions would exclude
students, travelers and- busirtUSs
men from, for example, Spain, if
they believed in or advocated the
regime there. They would pre
vent the entry of Communists
who. had abandoned communism
and were seeking refuge here, as
a goodly number nave done m
recent years. Such people, said
Mr. Truman, can be of use to the
united Mates in its struggle witn
Communist imperialism The new
restrictions would also make It
harder to maintain friendly re
lations with countries like Yugo
slavia, which we might hope to
detach from the Communist orb
it. It is true that the Attorney
General can, in his discretion ad
mit certain classes of these aliens
on a temporary basis; but the
fact is that admission has been
made harder for them. Mr. Tru
man also drew attention to the
fact that the new provisions al
lowed Communist-fronters to be
come eligible for citizenship al
most immediately after abandon
ing their front activities.
. Move fundamentally dangerous,
however, said the President, was
the state of mind that prompted
these restrictions.
But far more significant —
and far more dangerous is
their apparent underlying pur
pose.
Instead of trying to encour
age the free movement of peo
ples subject only to the real
requirements of national secur
ity, these provisions attempt
to bar movement to anyone
who is, or once was, associated
with ideas we dislike, and in
the process they succeed in
barring many people whom It
would be to our advantage to
admit.
Such action would be a seri
ous blow to our work for
world peace.
One suspects that the rresiaem
was hitting here at the mentality
that made some Congressmen so
reluctant and so niggardly in ad
mitting displaced persons.
The Internment Program
Sections 100-117 of the McCar
ran hill are unique in American
law. They write into our stat
utes the power that was exer
cised by the military authorities
in World War II (over the vigor
ous objections of a minority of
the Spreme Court) when they in
terned about 100,000 persons of,
Japanese birth or descent,
of them native-born citisens. not
because they had committed any
acts against the security of the
nation, but because they might
do so. *
These sections frovide for a
state of “internal security emer
gency,” which can be declared by
the President in the event of 1)
an invasion of the United States
or its territories or possessions;
2) a declaration of war by Con
gress; 3) an insurrection within
the United States in aid of a
foreign enemy. The President
has the power to declare the
emergency; it can be ended by
either the President or the Con
gress.
* During the emergency the At
torney General has power to ar
rest and detain any person “as
to whom there is reasonable
ground to believe that such per
son probably will engage in, or
probably will conspire with oth
ers to engage in, acts of espion
age or sabotage.”
The law contains provisions for
the speedy hearing of such per
sons before a Board of Detention
Review. The Board’s derisions
are subject to review of the Fed
eral Courts. It is also explicitly
stated in the law, section ' 103(b)
(4), that a detained person shall
be released upon a writ of habeas
corpus.
The provisions for the writ of
habeas corpus constituted Mr.
Truman's chief objection to the
detention program. He conceded
that there might well be need for
such drastic legislation in the
times we are going through. But
he did not see how the detention
law could be effective so long as
the writ of habeas corpus was
not suspended. (We may note in
passing that under Article 1.
section 9 of the Constitution .the,
writ of habeas corpus may not
be suspended save in case of re
-,-—
bell ion or invasion.) So Ion; as
the writ runs, it is very difficult,
in our constitutional system, to
detain a person not charged with
an actual crime. “This whole
problem, therefore,” said Mr,.
Truman, “should clearly be stud
ied more thoroughly before fur
ther legislation action along these
lines is considered.”
It was pretty evident during
the closing days of the 81st Con
gress that the legislators wanted
to get some kind of anti-Com
munist law passed before they
adjourned It was not so evident
that they were taking sufficient
time to consider the proper draft
ing of a law so extensive in scope
and so new in concept as that
Proposed by Senator McCarran.
The political popularity of an
;inti-Communist bill goes far to
explain the large votes for over- *
riding the veto, especially in the
House, all of whose members were
up for re-election.
With the permission of ‘'News
week” we .reproduce the following
piquant and revealing story from
that magazine’s "Periscope" .col
umns for September 25:
The liberal
The liberal Senator Humphrey |
had trouble sleeping the night
after he cast his reluctant vote
for the drastic Communist-con
trol-bill—which he had earlier
lambasted on civil rights
grotmds. Well after midnight
he phoned his Fair Deal col
league Senator Paul Douglas,
who made the same unexpected
switch. Douglas was awake
too—for the same reason. The \
pair commiserated on the cruel
realities of politics well into
the small hours.
(The vote referred to is that
of September 20, when the Me*
Carran bill first passed the Sen
ate and was sent to the House.
On the final vote September 2-1,
Senators Douglas end Humphrey
abstained).
It took a good deal of political
courage for President Truman to
veto the McCanan bill. N’o Pres
ident enjoys issuing a veto that
is certain to be overruled. And
Mr. Truman knew that he was
handing his political opponents
a weapon against his party in
the November elections. “He ve
toed the anti-Communist law” is
the short snappy, oversimplified
kind of slogan that politician*
'«* to have.
Sir. Tn»—"’s ~e‘o message
ay be ope . t j Queiiiwl on *
lumber of the points he raise*
What is not open to question i*»
♦he spirit that prompted the veto.
The President was stressing'
omething that it is all too easy
to forget in the confusion of
thought that the turns and twist
ngs of the, cold war can en
gender. He was stressing *
firm confidence in our free insti
tutions, in their power to draw
upon their own internal resource*
to meet and defeat totalitarian
ism without yielding to the total
itarian seduction. If free nkna
cannot win the cold war and re
main free, then freedom is al
ready in dire danger.
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