HIE CHARLOTTE LABOR JOURNAL
AND DIXIE FARM NEWS
Published at Charlotte, North Carolina
OLDEST LABOR PUBLICATION IN THE TWO CAROLINA!}
H. A. Stalls. Editor and Publisher W. M. Witter, Associate Editor
Ente-H as second-class mail matter September 11, 1981, at the
Post C"’ee at Charlotte, N. C., under the Act of Congress of
lh, . A_
’ Charlotte Typographical Union, Number S3S, An At
Er-t ’•lotte Central Labor Union and the North Carolina Fed
erst utAr.
Tin journal will not be responsible for the opinions of cor
respr lurtiu, but any erroneous reflection upon the character, stand
ing or nutation of any person, firm or corporation which may ap
pear in the columns of The Labor Journal will be corrected when
called to the attention of the publisher. Correspondence and Open
Forum opinions solicited, but The Journal reserves the right to reject
objectionable reading matter and advertising at all times.
SHIPPING MAIL BY TRUCKS
Members of Teamsters Unions throughout the nation
will soon take on the added responsibility of delivering
short haul mail on trucks which ply the regular highway
runs, according to The Washington Teamster.
The Post Office Department order, long overdue in the
eyes of both Teamster and trucking industry leaders, will
mean approximately 100 billion dollars saving annually.
After a careful survey of the situation, the Postal authori
ties finally recognized the importance of getting short haul
mail to its destination faster; and at a huge saving to the
taxpayer. After all. the stamps you purchase to send a
letter doesn’t mean that the entire cost of mailing has been
covered.
t Just to show you the difference between truck and rail
mailing, it cost $3.25 a mile to ship mail by rail for 25
miles. A truck carries the mail over the same distance
for about 25 cents a mile. Rail rates vary in accordance
with distance. For example: It costs 52 cents a mile to
move mail 1,000 miles; 80 cents a mile for 200 miles; and
$1.85 a mile for 50 miles.
Seattle was included in a group of eight cities which need
truck mailing immediately. Routes have already been
mapped out for Boston and St. Louis, and here’s one ex
ample of what truck mailing will mean for the men in the
service.
Scott Field is near Belleville, 111., and a heavy soldier
mail arrives each midnight at St. Louis. However there’s
no train to Belleville until 8 a. m. the next aay. Trucks
hauling that mail, along with their regular freight on the
run to Belleville, will have the stuff delivered before the
trains leave the St. Louis depot in the morning.
The same is quite true about Fort Lewis right here in
our own backyard. Mail arrives from the East, South and
North throughout the day and night, and the short 50-mile
haul can be made within an hour and a half following ar
rival at the Seattle terminal.
It has taken the Post Office people a long time to make
this important short haul mailing decision. The trucking
industry could have made millions out of this service. More
Teamsters would have been employed; and look at what
the taxpayers would have saved by comparison of rate
Structures.
The decision was finally made because the railroads are
closing out most of their short lines. A-borning all these
years, it is better late than never. Most owners and drivers
agree that the swjtdfc to trucks is the greatest single
achievement the.PD peoplenave made since Air Mail.
--- ---- - - ■ . - . . - .
Reddy, there in your nearest Reddy Box,
faithfully awaiting your command, repre
sents scores of good citizens in your own
community, the employees of your power
company.
These men and women ore hometown people,
including perhaps your next door neighbor.
They consider their job important to their
community and perform it loyally.
They take real pride in helping Reddy serve
you efficiently and economically, twenty
four hours a day.
DUKE POWER COMPANY
"tih f%eJmonfc Cato/istOA
UAL REPORTER
(Continued From Pag* 1)
in the State, both as an aid in
collecting taxes and in helping to
flght wine bootleggers.
An amendment which would
have made use of the stamp meth
od discretionary with the revenue
commissioner was defeated by the
Joint Finance Coramitee after an
appearance by Wine Lobbyist
John Caffey of California sup
porting the change. In all fair
ness, it must be pointed out that
Revenue Commissioner Eugene
Shaw also favored the amend
ment, stating that it might be
J hard to get the stamp program
launched and that some other
method of collecting the tax
might have to be used.
But one legislator put it this
way: “The wine people don’t
want the stamp put on, and when
their representative favors this
amendment you can be sure they
must have figured some way to
get around it They’re smart
enough to have pulled the wool
over even Gene Shaw’s eyes.**
| Well, despite the fact that his
own Finance Committee had
Kiilea me wjne-jonoy sponsored
amendment—and the fact that a
commitee chairman practically
always supports the stand of his
committee—Bost presented almost
an identical one on the floor when
the stamp bill came up for ac«
tion. (The only similar situation
that comes to mind is in the 1949
session when Frank Taylor, then
i Appropriations Committee chair*
man, reserved the right to fight
the appropriations bill on the
floor.
Asked if this wasn’t the same
amendment, Bost at first flatly
denied that it was. He later said
that he did not know, that he
was not in commitee when * the
bill and amendment was consid
ered. Still later he said the word
ing of this amendment was
slightly different from the one
killed in commitee (it was, mak
ing it even more doubtful that
the stamp on wine bottles would
ever be seen in North Carolina).
And still later Bost said he had
been in committee when the bill
was considered but not while they
voted on 0m amendment.
It is pretty unusual, however,
for a committee chairman not to
acquaint himself with action tak
en by his committee, even if he
is absent when the deed is done.
Despite all this song-and-dance,
the House let this amendment—
“approved” by the wine lobbyist
—pass without noticable opposi
tion to the ramrodding of Mr.
Bost.
After that exhibition, how can
he call the teacher lobby power
ful?
Add to alMhat this box score:
Liquor Lobbyist Frank Sims
didn’t want any more taxes on
hooch.' The finance committee
(House) obligingly killed the bill
proposing added taxes, then—al
most in a body — turned their
smiling faces to Mr. Sims to get
his gracious nod of approval.
Three beer lobbyists—Shelly
Caveness, Willie Lee Lumpkin and
Bill Johnson—had House Propo
sitions and Grievances Chairman
John Regan asked them if it was
“all riarht to resort” a heor.vote
bill, got anaffirmative report
from the lobbyists, and it was so
ordered.
And the biff bad banker of Cap
itol Hill had his personally-in
structed deleffate—pr, in this
case, senator—toss in a bill for
the personal benefit of his own
bank.
So nobody pays any attention
to the lobbyist, huh?
The Senate followed the lead of
the conaaVative-led House and
passed the giant appropriations
bill without giving the teachers a
raise or adding to the $15-a
month state employee pay boost
There were six attempts by six
different amendments — to force
through more money for the
teachers and employees. B^t the
“hold-the-line” senators out-voted
those wanting to give raises. Even
contingency raises died for lack
of votes.
But what had the senators talk
ing to themaeivea as they walked
away after the session was the
fact that their votes on all six
amendments had been put on the
record for the folks back home
to see.
However* not one backed down
or changed his vote because to
the public record, as far as it
could be determined.
The six amendments were:
1. State employes pay raise
4
retroactive to Janaary 1, 1951—
lost, 35-13.
2. Include school janitors, me
chanics and clerical help in a $15
per month cost-of-living raise
lost 35-13. -
3. Contingent pay raise for all
state employes and school teach
ers—lost 29-19.
4. Contingent pay raise for
state employes only—lost 33-14.
5. Ten per cent increase up to
$360 a year for teachers and
school employes—lost 35-13.
6. Contingent 3135-a-year raise
for school teachers—-lost 85-18.
Here is how your Senator
voted:
Senator Morris of Mecklenburg
voted for amendment No. 3, but
against all of the rest.
There was the distinct impres
sion that all of the Senators were
voting their convictions. Not one
budged an inch because of the
roll call. Many of them resent
ed the record vote, however, be
cause they know that it will be
used to fight them and to attempt
to label them as being against
teachers and against raises for
State employes.
This was not the way they felt.
With a budget 143,000,000 more
than originally estimated, the
Senators’ attitude was that this
General Assembly has done all it
can—that to raise the budget
higher would be disastrous. They
may well be wrong, but that was
the way they saw it.
The Senators on that voting,
knowing it could hurt two years
hence, showed themselves to be
men—rather than politicians, in
the accepted sense of the word.
Their action may hurt at the
polls, but they voted their convic
tions. Things like that separata
the men from the boys.
Whether North Carolinians gen
erally agree with the actions of
their Senators last Saturday or
not, they certainly can be proud
of their integrity when the chips
were down.
To be perfectly honest, it was
the first time this serfion that
this corner was sure of the sin
cerity of every member of, the
Senate.
The Legislature hits slapped
down every attempt to get across
a motor vehicle Inspection pro
gram. So, you would think the
lawmakers gleefully would pass a
; bill to do away with the old 1949
inspection equipment.
Such was not the case, but not
, because anyone on the committee
j killing the bill thought another
j motor vehicle inspection would be
passed.
It was just a matter of plain
common sense. They investigated
and discovered that the equip
ment could be used for routine
inspection work on State vehicles.
It just didn’t make sense to get
rid of it when it could be used.
A bill seeking to refund sales
tax paid from the Presbyterian
encampment at Montreat fell by
the wayside.
The bill—introduced by Sena
tors J. Hawley Poole of Moore,
Ralph Scott of Alamance, and
Zeb Weaver, Jr., of Buncombe
authorised the revenue commis
sioner to repay sales taxes, illeg
ally collected from charitable or
educational institutions bet wee .1
July 1, 1936, and December 31,
1946. Seems the Montreat en
campment had been collecting the
sales tax when it was not sup
posed to and turning it over to
the State. The bill would have
refunded this tax money to the
Presbyterians.
The bill was sailing along fine.
Then someone came up with the
sound argument that, in order for
the repayment to be legal, the
Presbyterians would have to re
pay everyone from whom they had
collected the tax originally.
Naturally, with sales tax, that
would be impossible. There died
the bill.
The House Finance Committee,
with a majority of its members
veterans of either World War I or
II, quickly put the axe to Rep.
George Long’s veterans bonus
bill, bringing applause from this
veteran, at least.
The motion to kill came from
ex-paratrooper Marion Parrott of
Lenoir and the vote was practic
ally unanimous.
That bill hardly had the breath
out of it before Senator Tom
Sawyer of Durham sent in an
other vet bonus bill. This one
called for a referendum on pay
ing of the boys, leaving the ways
and means of finding the uioney
*
to the 195? General Assembly, in
ease North Carolinians voted for
the bonus payment
Sawyer’s bill Is expected to get
the same quick death of the Long
measure. It went to the Senate
Propositions and Grievances
Committee, which will hold a
public hearing on the monstrosity
this week. (Tuesday at 3:30 p.
m.)
Ironically, even if by some wild
happenstance the bill should get
a favorable report there isn’t
enough time to get it through the
Legislature. The General Assem
bly has its adjournment sights set
on Saturday. Since the Sawyer
bill calls for a State-wide vote,
there wouldn’t be enough time
left to get it through both houses
on the six separate readings—and
six separate days—it would take. |
Governor Scott says he’s ready!
for bids on his “two cow suit”—
the striped pants and swallow tail
coat he had to buy for his inau
guration ceremonies.
He told a press conference the
other day that he’d “had one in
quiry” about buying the suit.
Sensing a left-handed remark
about someone with potential am
bitions to run for Governor, Hie
reporters asked if the suit would
fit the bidder.
The Governor grinned, then,
lowed as how “it might have to
be let out a bit.”
Governor Scott seriously told
reporters he thought the General
Assembly ought to have given the
school folks “a little more money.”
He added that he did not see
how it could be done without
more taxes—unless the war econ- j
omy brings in revenues all tout of
reason to expect.
The loan sharks had their un
healthy little high-premium health
and accident insurance racket the
surgeon’s scalped under a bill ap
proved by a Senate committee the
other day.
It wasn’t the loan sharks’ idea,
however, but they’ll be the ones
to feel the cut.
Seems the sharks make their
prospective debtors take out
health-and-accident insurance pol
icies made out to the sharks to
assure payment in case something
happens to the “client.”
Seems also that the rate of the
policy, or premium, in many cases
winds op costing the borrower
more than the loan he received^
But the new bill—fathered by
Senator A. B. Stoney of Burke—
will put these little policies under
the regulation of the commission
er of insurance.
If it passes, and it has a good
chance, then the loan sharks will
have to look somewhere else for
a way to beat the usury interest
rate law.
RRICES, RENTS, TAXES
ALARM U. S. CITIZEN
(Continued From Pag* 1)
with satisfying business. Not a
word of complaint has been ut
tered against the price order t>y
the National Association of Man
ufacturers, the Chamber of Com
merce or the various trade as
sociations. Not a single critical
statement has been voiced by
such inveterate enemies of real
price control as Senators Taft,
Capehart, Byrd and Wherry. Their
silence is an eloquent testimonial
to the fact that the public is
getting price control in name
only.
If any leader* of oar govern
ment are really in doubt a* to
why American labor is disturbed
about the conduct of the defense
stabilisation program, here is the
first and most important answer
—high prices.
Uncontrolled Rents .
The second answer is the lac*
of an effective rent control law.
The one on the books now is not
strong enough. It is due to ex
pire soon. The government is
not manifesting strong leadership
in the effort to prevail upon Con*
gress to adopt an effective new
rent control law.
Frozen Wage and Income
The third answer is wage in
come. Wages are frozen by gov
ernment order. Nothing else in
the economy has been frozen.
Futhermore wages ' were frozen
not at this year’s levels but at
10 per cent above level in effect
on January 15 last year. No
provision has been made for the
adjustment of hardships or in
equities or the settlement of dis,
putes. There is no flexibility in
the order, except for a subse
quent amendment sanctioning
wage escalator clauses in con
tracts negotiated before January
25. That covers fewer than two
million industrial workers. What
about the 58 million other wage
earners who are not protected by
escalators ?
Unfair Taxes
The fourth answer is taxes.
The plain people of this country
are willing to pay their fair
share of the cost of national de
fense through taxes. They are
being asked to, pay taxes just as
high as the wartime peak, but
the taxds on business are still
far below that level. Even the
excess profits tax passed by Con
gress is shot through with loop
holes. The public is entitled „to
an equitable tax program; it is
entitled to equality of sacrifice in
the defense program, but it is not
getting it.
Manpower Regimentation
The fifth answer is civilian
manpower. Regulation of civilian
manpower should be left in the
Department of Labor under the
guidance of a labor-management
advisory committee. That com
mittee had been functioning in
complete harmony, until control
Was arbitrarily taken over by the
Office of Defense Mobilization.
During the last war free Ameri
can labor proved beyond any
doubt that it can out-produce
conscripted labor. There is no
justification now for dangerous
experiments with labor conscrip
tion, yet that is exactly where
the Office of Defense Mobilization
is heading.
Lack Of Representation
The final answer deals with
representation on defense agen
cies. We need teamwork in
America to meet the national
emergency. Such teamwork must
be built upon public confidence.
Labor can have no confidence in
defense agencies which are com
pletely dominated by big business
representatives who see only the
big business point of view.
The representation hitherto
accorded to labor was entirely
inadequate „ and inconsequential.
It constituted memy window
dressing. Not a single decision
made by the defense stabilisation
agencies has reflected the views
of labor. Every decision bears
the indelible stamp of big busi
ness. *
Those are the reasons why la
bor is disturbed about the de
fense program. Those are the
reasons why labor representatives
have Withdrawn from their win
dow-dressing posts in the pro
gram. We think any intelligent
persons can understand these
reasons and we believe that all
reasonable Americans will be
convinced that they add up to a
serious situation.
We hope that our government
will promptly respond to public
demand and re-establish the de
fense mobilisation program on a
firm and democratic basis of
equality of sacrifice for all Amer
ican** _ A,
Tune in to Frank Edwards, ra
dio commentator sponsored by the
AFL, on MBS.
Declare your independence by
buying Independence Bonds. .
p
i WukliTzer
ianos
m
$525.00
Parkar-SariHr Go.
Mms MM
us w.
CAKES
CANDY
A GOOD PLACE TO
REST AND REFRESH
We want you for oar
customer
MAYFAIR HOTa
NEWSSTAND
Charlotte, N. C.
Soft Drinks — Ice Cream
Rocky Mount Mills
ESTAtLISHtb 1(1*
ROCKY MOUNT, N. C.
COTTON YARNS
GREETINGS
CHINA AMERICAN
TOBACCO CO.
LEAF TOBACCO
ROCKY MOUNT, N. C.